Masters Degrees (Political Science)
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- ItemThe rise of nativist populism in South Africa: an examination of populist supply and demand from the Economic Freedom Fighters and its support base(Stellenbosch University, 2024-12) Henkeman, Carlynn Tiffany; Schulz-Herzenberg, Collette; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.The rise of populism is widely documented and understood to be anti-establishment, authoritarian and nativist. The success of populism is understood in terms of supply and demand. The supply of populism comes from party strategies and the demand side stems from the opinions and attitudes of the electorate. The Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) fits into the increasing global pattern of populism found in electoral politics. They supply populism to South African electorates through their actions, speeches and manifestos, which empirically match populist indicators. However, despite the supply side of populism from the EFF being thoroughly explored, the demand side in terms of South African voters is yet to be empirically examined. The populist party is supplying populism and populist rhetoric to South Africans but whether there is a demand for it from the side of the electorate is yet to be known. The quick rise of the EFF suggests that the party gains its support by appealing to pre-existing populist attitudes within the electorate. The EFF voters have populist attitudes, but sometimes the success of populism is driven more by nativist sentiments than by populist ones. The success of populism in certain contexts is determined by its ability to mobilise nativist sentiments. Nativist attitudes then might be better at explaining the rise of and the driving force behind radical populist parties such as the EFF. Populism, at times, uses nativism as a crutch to become a full ideology. The ideology of nativism might be more predominant among the EFF’s support base and may account for the party’s growth. If so, the party could potentially push the country further into political radicalisation and xenophobic violence as South Africa is already prone to violent instances. A combination of pre-existing anti-immigration and xenophobic sentiments found in certain parts of South Africa – with a new demand for nativist populism (conceptualised as bringing together people who feel betrayed, neglected, and exploited by a self-interested elite and who are being threatened by a dangerous other) via political parties could potentially lead to even more violence. Accordingly, the thesis investigates nativist populism in South Africa by exploring to what extent populist or nativist attitudes drove electoral support for the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) in South Africa’s 2019 elections. This is done by looking at the extent to which the party supplies a form of nativist populism and to what extent supporters of the EFF hold nativist or populist attitudes. To address this research problem, this study employs a mixed-method approach. A qualitative case study is used to empirically examine whether the EFF matches the populist indicators of anti-establishment, authoritarianism, and nativism. Secondary quantitative cross-sectional survey data (from the Comparative National Project (CNEP) 2019 South African election) is used to examine the electorate’s demand for nativist populism.
- ItemAn ecofeminist analysis of environmental justice in South Africa: Mpumalanga Highveld and Cape Town region(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2024-03) Mamoepa, Bohlale Mashaa; Gouws, Amanda; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Political Sciences.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Environmental justice developed from a concept that only focused on environmental issues to one that includes social justice. Environmental justice is a movement addressing the social, economic and environmental injustices that marginalized groups in society experience. Increasing climate variabilities including droughts, floods, irregular weather patterns and varying planting and harvesting seasons has significantly affected not only human survival but also planetary systems. Rapid industrialization, urbanization, modernization and capitalism, rooted in Western patriarchal culture, has affected different populations disproportionately. Within the global South, vulnerable groups experience the burden of climate change, specifically women, the disabled and children. However, women disproportionately bear the brunt of ecological damage. South Africa has experienced the consequences of ecological degradation in significant way and. therefore has established ecological and environmental policies to move towards a low carbon sustainable future. The study seeks to explore whether the South African government promotes environmental justice and the effectiveness of its policies. This employs an Ecofeminist perspective to engage with how the same system that unjustifiably abuses, exploits, oppresses and dominates nature, also treats women and vulnerable communities the same way. The study uses a qualitative research methodology, applying an exploratory approach to provide a detailed understanding of people’s experiences with environmental injustices. A case study research design is employed looking at the Mpumalanga Highveld and Cape Town region. The study made use of semi-structured interviews, with participants drawn from three environmental justice organisations namely: Vukani Environmental Justice in Action, the Environmental Monitoring Group and Green Connection. The findings of this study indicate the lack of policy implementation in the respective case studies. The theoretical framework provides an analysis of the results, translating it through an Ecofeminist lens. The recommendations made for future research considers expanding the sample size for the findings that can be generalised. . Future research can further gain insight in including individuals at community level, for first hand data from those most vulnerable.
- ItemEnvironmental justice and activism in protecting coastal environments in South Africa(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2023-12) Scholtz, Anrine; Gouws, Amanda; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Climate change and environmental degradation is a problem globally. Climate change is at a point of no return. Environmental justice movements and environmental activists work to protect the environment. Gas and oil development is a large economic sector and there is pressure on South Africa to explore and extract offshore gas and oil which comes at a cost to coastal communities and environment. This study was conducted to determine the methods and efficacy of environmental activist organisations. A qualitative methodology with a case study design was used in this study, interviews with members of activist organisations and desktop research were used to collect data. From this data, a thematic analysis was done resulting in findings which indicated that the main methods used to protect coastal environments were protest, litigation and empowerment, and capacity building. Coastal communities are marginalised and excluded from decision-making processes. The work done by activists is necessary and should continue but is limited in some ways and new strategies should be designed for the long term successful protection of coastal environment and communities.
- ItemThe politics of sex work: risk mitigation strategies employed by sex workers(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2024-03 ) Masondo, Nonduduzo; Gouws, Amanda; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Sex workers are one of the most stigmatised and discriminated individuals. Due to the criminalisation of sex work, sex workers experience extreme victimisation, violence, abuse, harassment, discrimination, and stigmatisation. Sex workers must protect themselves mentally, physically, and emotionally because of the limited protection resources available. The criminalisation of sex work increases the risks for sex work. Risks play a substantial role in sex workers’ lives as their professional and personal lives intertwine. Previous literature on risk mitigation strategies focuses inter alia on Australia and the United Kingdom. Literature on risk mitigation strategies in South Africa centres on health, physical violence, and police abuse risks but not on emotional risks. Emotional risks need to be analysed because they impact sex workers’ well-being on a personal and professional level. This study analyses and explores the different risk mitigation strategies that sex workers employ to deal with health risks, emotional risks, police abuse, and physical violence from a feminist standpoint methodology. To analyse and explore the risk mitigation strategies sex workers employ, exploratory semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted with ten research participants. The research participants were working in and around Cape Town, South Africa. Sex workers are a tight-knit community, and it is difficult to access this community. Therefore, this study needed a gatekeeper, the Sex Worker Education and Advocacy Task Force (SWEAT), which facilitated access. An in-depth analysis of interview transcripts was conducted to generate thematic codes for understanding how sex workers perceive and manage emotional risks, health risks, police abuse risks, and physical violence risks daily. Findings show that sex workers are aware of the risks of being a sex worker. They are most concerned and stressed about physical violence risks and police abuse because police behaviour is unpredictable, and police can put them out of business. The relationship between police and sex workers is complex. Some sex workers form protective relationships with police officers to get protection in exchange for information on criminal activity or sexual favours. A quid pro quo relationship between sex workers and the police is established. The research participants were not concerned about health risks because they could receive healthcare support from SWEAT. Sex workers are the most concerned about client and police violence risks and the least concerned about emotional risks. To mitigate emotional risks, the research participants relied on alcohol, ubstances, and therapy. To alleviate the challenges that these risks pose, sex workers are heavily dependent on SWEAT and other NGOs and NPOs. All the sex workers rejected the criminalisation of sex work. It had brought hardship to their lives, and they favour the decriminalisation of sex work because it would allow them to work freely. This study makes a case for the decriminalisation of sex work.
- ItemEmerging middle powers in development cooperation: the case of Brazil In Mozambique(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2024-03) Da Silva, Gabrielle; Van der Westhuizen, Janis; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Donor behaviour has been centred on traditional donors from the Global North. Emerging middle powers, however, do not conform to traditional development cooperation agendas. Moreover, emerging powers, tend to follow different structures, capacity, as well as forms and areas of development cooperation. From project scope, institutional arrangements and domestic support, there is less research on why emerging donors participate in development cooperation compared to traditional aid providers. Moreover, traditional IR theories do not properly consider why emerging middle powers transition from being net recipients of development aid to partners in development cooperation. Emerging middle powers are usually states who were beneficiaries of development aid but have gradually started acting as catalysts of development cooperation. These nations, although plagued with domestic issues (such as deep-rooted inequality and poverty) have opted to use funds to pursue foreign policy agendas. Outside of the domestic realm, these countries do not have much material capability. Brazil, for example, has used development cooperation (under the first Lula administration, 2003-2010) as a foreign policy tool to further the domestic, regional, and international agenda. This thesis used qualitative research methodology to unpack the reason behind Brazil’s participation in the international development cooperation agenda. The definition of emerging middle power provided by van der Westhuizen and Milani (2019) was used to provide context to the concept of Emerging middle power. Secondly, this thesis uses key analytical concepts, used in understanding the graduation dilemma by van der Westhuizen and Milani (2019). These key points are used to unpack the interplay between domestic, regional, and international actors and factors which influenced Brazil’s participation in development cooperation. Under the first Lula administration (2003-2010), development cooperation was an important foreign policy tool. Although the country faced domestic problems, development models were used to extend Brazil’s position both regionally as well as internationally. Domestically, international development cooperation was used to create economic opportunities and cement domestic public policy. Although not all development cooperation projects were supported by domestic and international civil society, these projects have been a catalyst for the Brazilian position both internationally and regionally.