Masters Degrees (Political Science)

Permanent URI for this collection

https://scholar.sun.ac.za/handle/10019.1/659

Browse

Now showing 1 - 20 of 400

The 2003 Cricket World Cup : implications for identity formation and democratization prospects for Zimbabwe
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004-03) Van der Merwe, Justin Daniel Sean; Van der Westhuizen, Janis; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: There can be little doubt about the ability of major international sporting events to capture the aspirations and hopes of nations. These events have an uncanny ability of seemingly effortlessly doing what a hundred speeches and mass rallies by politicians could only hope to achieve. Therefore, it is no surprise that they are commonly understood to be able to bring nations and people together and provide a focus for national identity and unity. The 1995 Rugby World Cup in South Africa is an obvious proponent of such a claim, whereby South Africa was emerging from a long and arduous political transition and needed something more than going to the polling booths to unite the nation. Major international sporting events are also said to be able to provide a catalyst or incentive for democratization and human rights enhancement in authoritarian or semi-authoritarian regimes. The 1988 Olympics in South Korea is a landmark of such claims whereby the South Korean government was said to bow to the democratizing pressures exerted on it due to its hosting of the event. Many have argued that China’s hosting of the Olympics in 2008 will have a similar effect. However, equally potent, major international sporting events can have various unintended consequences in terms of identity formation, democratization prospects and human rights for the host nations. An analysis of South Africa and Zimbabwe’s co-hosting of the 2003 Cricket World Cup demonstrates this point. The outcomes of the study suggest that whilst it is normally the intention for the host nations to use the games to bring nations and people together, the Cricket World Cup opened up a rift between races, both within the race contours of the cricket playing Commonwealth world and within South Africa's domestic politics. It was also established that much like the 1995 Rugby World Cup had sought to reconcile blacks and whites domestically under the “Rainbow Nation” during Mandela's presidency, the 2003 Cricket World Cup, with its more regional focus and under Mbeki’s presidency, presented an excellent opportunity for transnational reconciliation between Africa and the Anglo-Saxon world. However, the 2003 Cricket World Cup, as a project in racial reconciliation, was essentially a failure. This was predominantly due to the choice by South Africa of Zimbabwe as co-host and due to the shift of South Africa's national identity from that of the “Rainbow Nation” under Mandela, to that of “Africanism” under Mbeki. President Mbeki’s drive towards “Africanism” proved divisive both transnationally and domestically. Symbolically, the Cricket World Cup, when compared with the 1995 Rugby World Cup, had served to highlight the decline of the “Rainbow Nation”. Zimbabwe's co-hosting of the event had served to further entrench the authoritarian regime. Instead of the regime opening up due to its co-hosting of the event, a broad clampdown on civil and political liberties was experienced. The Zimbabwean government felt the need to tighten its grip during the lead up to the event and throughout the tournament itself. The aim was to project a sanitized view of Zimbabwe to the rest of the world. Thus, the event presented an opportunity for the government to shore up its credibility and produce political propaganda. South Africa’s stance of “quiet diplomacy” also indirectly helped to further entrench the regime through the World Cup. Zimbabwe's co-hosting also impacted negatively on the opposition, the MDC. In addition to this, the various pressures which major events are said to exert on a host nation to reform politically and which result from boycott campaigns, pressure from the media, stimulation of civil society and protests, were not very effective in enhancing democratization prospects and human rights in Zimbabwe. This study reaches the overall conclusion that the claims that major events bring nations and people together and provide a catalyst or incentive for democratization and human rights enhancement in authoritarian regimes, need further revision. South Africa and Zimbabwe's co-hosting of the event did indeed have unintended consequences. Policy implications are also assessed. Future areas for research are also identified.
Achieving sustainable peace in post conflict societies : an evaluation of South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission
(Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010-12) Rage, Anne-Britt; De Jager, Nicola; University of Stellenbosch. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores whether sustainable peace can be achieved in post-conflict societies using the transitional justice approach. In particular, the truth commission is investigated as a mechanism of transitional justice. The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was selected as a case study to investigate the relationship between sustainable peace and transitional justice. This thesis analyses whether the TRC Commission followed its mandate, and whether there are any specific definitions, conclusions or recommendations that the TRC through its Final Report undertakes in order to fulfill a specific part of the mandate, namely “to ensure that there would be no repetition of the past” (TRC vol. 5, chap. 8, paragraph 14). This is done through a textual analysis of the Final Report of the South African TRC, where inherent weaknesses of the Final Report in its aim of achieving sustainable peace are read critically and deconstructively. It is further analysed through linking the issue of sustainable peace to the field of transitional justice and the study of political development on how future TRCs can deal with the issue of sustainable peace. This thesis comes to the conclusion that the South African TRC failed to contribute to a significant analysis of how to prevent the repetition of the past. It is argued that this is based on a lack of a coherent theoretical framework, as the Final Report mixes two different truth finding mechanisms: micro-truth finding and macro-truth finding, together with the just war theory. By analysing the TRC’s theoretical framework through textual analysis, it becomes clear that micro- and macro-truth finding is difficult to combine in one report, and that in the South African case the micro-truth finding part is prioritised. However, the macro-truth finding mechanism would have provided a more in depth analysis towards sustainable peace – which in this thesis is read as Galtung’s positive peace and Lederach’s structural peace – and is a necessary prerequisite in order to achieve sustainable peace. Also the use of a traditional reading of the just war theoryThis thesis explores whether sustainable peace can be achieved in post-conflict societies using the transitional justice approach. In particular, the truth commission is investigated as a mechanism of transitional justice. The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was selected as a case study to investigate the relationship between sustainable peace and transitional justice. This thesis analyses whether the TRC Commission followed its mandate, and whether there are any specific definitions, conclusions or recommendations that the TRC through its Final Report undertakes in order to fulfill a specific part of the mandate, namely “to ensure that there would be no repetition of the past” (TRC vol. 5, chap. 8, paragraph 14). This is done through a textual analysis of the Final Report of the South African TRC, where inherent weaknesses of the Final Report in its aim of achieving sustainable peace are read critically and deconstructively. It is further analysed through linking the issue of sustainable peace to the field of transitional justice and the study of political development on how future TRCs can deal with the issue of sustainable peace. This thesis comes to the conclusion that the South African TRC failed to contribute to a significant analysis of how to prevent the repetition of the past. It is argued that this is based on a lack of a coherent theoretical framework, as the Final Report mixes two different truth finding mechanisms: micro-truth finding and macro-truth finding, together with the just war theory. By analysing the TRC’s theoretical framework through textual analysis, it becomes clear that micro- and macro-truth finding is difficult to combine in one report, and that in the South African case the micro-truth finding part is prioritised. However, the macro-truth finding mechanism would have provided a more in depth analysis towards sustainable peace – which in this thesis is read as Galtung’s positive peace and Lederach’s structural peace – and is a necessary prerequisite in order to achieve sustainable peace. Also the use of a traditional reading of the just war theoryThis thesis explores whether sustainable peace can be achieved in post-conflict societies using the transitional justice approach. In particular, the truth commission is investigated as a mechanism of transitional justice. The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was selected as a case study to investigate the relationship between sustainable peace and transitional justice. This thesis analyses whether the TRC Commission followed its mandate, and whether there are any specific definitions, conclusions or recommendations that the TRC through its Final Report undertakes in order to fulfill a specific part of the mandate, namely “to ensure that there would be no repetition of the past” (TRC vol. 5, chap. 8, paragraph 14). This is done through a textual analysis of the Final Report of the South African TRC, where inherent weaknesses of the Final Report in its aim of achieving sustainable peace are read critically and deconstructively. It is further analysed through linking the issue of sustainable peace to the field of transitional justice and the study of political development on how future TRCs can deal with the issue of sustainable peace. This thesis comes to the conclusion that the South African TRC failed to contribute to a significant analysis of how to prevent the repetition of the past. It is argued that this is based on a lack of a coherent theoretical framework, as the Final Report mixes two different truth finding mechanisms: micro-truth finding and macro-truth finding, together with the just war theory. By analysing the TRC’s theoretical framework through textual analysis, it becomes clear that micro- and macro-truth finding is difficult to combine in one report, and that in the South African case the micro-truth finding part is prioritised. However, the macro-truth finding mechanism would have provided a more in depth analysis towards sustainable peace – which in this thesis is read as Galtung’s positive peace and Lederach’s structural peace – and is a necessary prerequisite in order to achieve sustainable peace. Also the use of a traditional reading of the just war theory contributes to an individualisation of the truth finding process and does not sufficiently support the macro-truths. Finally, by deconstructing the term never again it is shown that this approach should not be used in the TRCs or in the wider field of transitional justice v
An activist or a toothless Parliament? South African Parliament’s National Assembly Portfolio Committee on International Relations and Cooperation
(2019-12) Monnakgotla, Roseline Mpho; Cornelissen, Scarlett; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa grants strong powers to Parliament’s Portfolio Committee on International Relations and Cooperation. This enables the Committee to play a fundamental role in overseeing the Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO), including its implementation of South Africa’s foreign policy. This study applied groupthink as a theoretical framework to examine the role of the Portfolio Committee in overseeing the implementation of South Africa’s foreign policy by DIRCO. In particular, based on the individual experiences of Portfolio Committee members, the study provided a definition of the nature of parliamentary oversight, identified the different oversight mechanisms used by members as well as highlighting the challenges that undermine Parliament’s oversight role. The findings revealed that holding the executive accountable, ensuring that the executive fulfils its mandate, making sure that funds allocated by Parliament are used responsibly by the executive, and serving the country’s best interests are all aspects of parliamentary oversight. The findings further suggest that Portfolio Committee members use several oversight mechanisms, including inviting the Department to make a presentation on a particular matter, putting questions to the Minister, making statements in the House, as well as making budget speeches to oversee DIRCO. The findings further revealed that Portfolio Committee members submitted 191 written questions to DIRCO Minister for the 2011 – 2012 period on foreign policy matters. Of the 191 questions, findings show that there were four associated written questions on the two identified case studies. Further examination of these questions showed that the majority sought clarity on peace and security, particularly South Africa’s role and support to in Zimbabwe and BRICS and its influence on South Africa’s foreign policy decisions, particularly at the UN Security Council. The findings also revealed factors that have hindered the Portfolio Committee from effectively carrying out its oversight role. These factors included the absence of the Minister in the Committee and the House proceedings to take oral questions and the inability of DIRCO senior officials to speak with absolute authority and clarity on given issues. Lastly, the presence of groupthink symptoms was detected in the Committee, namely, cohesiveness and insulation of the group from external expertise. Based on these findings, the study recommended areas of improvement to reinforce the Portfolio Committee’s oversight over the implementation of South Africa’s foreign policy.
Africa's place in the international football system : why South Africa received the 2010 FIFA World Cup
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2007-03) Muller, Mark-Marcel; Van der Westhuizen, Janis; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: For millions of people around the globe, football is an important part of every-day life. Similarly, many African governments have found in international football competitions one of the few opportunities to be internationally represented. Furthermore, through successful participation of their respective national football sides, they internally seek to foster nationhood. In fact, football is an integral part of African self-esteem with regards to being recognised by the rest of the world. However, to succeed in international sports means to succeed in a politico-economic structure far from equality and general solidarity. This thesis goes about the question why South Africa received the FIFA 2010 World Cup. Thereby it will distinguish the position of the African continent within the international football system. This mega sport event which takes place every four years receives global attention. For a nation to be chosen by the world football body FIFA to host this event elevates a nation to an equal participant in the international community. Particularly because hosting this event is widely demanded by governments, it was of immense significance that Africa, a continent with the stigma of being backward and 'underdeveloped', was named as a FIFA World Cup host for 2010. Thus, what this thesis needs to answer is how Africa overcame the stigma of backwardness. This regards the system of international football which is itself embedded within the general system of international social interaction. Thus, this thesis is to make clear the variables of the international football system in association with the overarching social system. A historical analysis will clarify the processes and actors as well as the driving motivations which led to the FIFA World Cup host decision in favour of the African continent. The outcome of this study suggests that social interaction is driven by the interplay of two variables: normative principles and economic practices. The historical development of modem social behaviour from the 161 h century until today's global capitalism surely reflects the interplay of these two traits. At the hand of the historical development of the international football system this thesis is going to outline this interplay as a European form of behaviour that came to encapsulate all social relations on the globe particularly by the spread of the cultural practice of football. This study reaches the overall conclusion that the decision to let an African nation host the FIFA World Cup meant that economic practice and normative principles were brought into perceived congruence. At the specific moment in time the decision was made, FIFA diplomacy came to recapture its character of a body that acts 'fair' and 'for the good of the game'. However, this outcome came about by mediation between clashing self-interests, with South Africa being able to finally succeed. Importantly, this appeasement was a success by the African continent as a whole only in symbolic terms. In economic terms, it was a South African achievement and, thus, the expression of South Africa's self-interest. Obviously, football is an important element in the submission and general acceptance of the dialectic value-system from which social orders and hierarchies are derived and by which they are maintained in our capitalist (and global) world-economy.
African leadership and the role of the presidency in African conflicts : a case study of Uganda's president Yoweri Museveni
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012-03) Botha, Maryke; Swart, G.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As a wave of political uprisings swept across North Africa since January 2011, ridding the region of longstanding autocratic leaders, presidents in Sub-Saharan Africa were still imprisoning opposition leaders, deploying military and police to clamp down on protest, and promising their citizens change - all this in a bid to avoid being ousted by their own people. Leadership has long been the main constraint on political and economic progress in Africa. This study analyses African leadership and especially the role of the presidency as a cause of conflict and instability in Africa. The modern-day African president might no longer be the absolute autocrat from yesteryear, but he still rules with awesome power and vast state resources at his disposal. African leaders have assumed an imperial character; many regard themselves as largely above the law; accountable to no one and entitled to remain in power or to pass the sceptre to their offspring. Due to this rather imperial character, conflict has been inevitable in Africa. As a theoretical basis the study proposes a framework for analysing leaders’ behavioural patterns that contribute to conflict and instability domestically as well as regionally. Six relevant behavioural patterns are identified: political deprivation, patronage and clientelism, personalisation of power, use of the military, staying to office, underdevelopment and conflict. Additionally, and as a case study, this framework is applied to Uganda’s president Yoweri Museveni. Each of the six behavioural patterns are analysed and evaluated in relation to Museveni’s rule of the past 25 years. Applying the framework demonstrates how Museveni contributed to conflict across the region in Somalia, Sudan, Kenya and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Museveni is found to be a power point man in the region and his imperial nature is likely to contribute to future instability and conflict in Uganda and the Great Lakes region. The study also addresses the genesis of the imperial African leader and investigates why, despite waves of democratisation and the expulsion of a few autocratic rulers in Africa in the late 1990s, the imperial character still persist today. Constitutional limitations are found to be one of the major reasons why absolute powers end up being vested in the hands of the president. Lack of proper separation of powers, and a culture conducive to suppressing the legislature and parliamentary role, provides additional reasons for this phenomenon. Furthermore, both internationally and locally, the leadership deficit in Africa is drawing continuing attention and even funding. However, in order for Africa to make progress in eradicating poor and unaccountable leadership, local initiatives should be further encouraged. The African Union Peer Review Mechanism and the African Charter on Elections, Democracy and Governance are discussed as two African initiatives; also the Mo Ibrahim Index and Prize are evaluated. Although all three these initiatives are admirable in theory, they have failed to deliver because real commitment to action is lacking in most African countries. A speedy and conclusive solution to the problem seems unlikely because of the complex nature of humans and their environment. Thus, the aim of this study is to make a contribution to the scholarly body of work regarding the causes of African conflict, focusing on the African presidency as one cause of such conflict in Africa.
African pirates in the 21st century : a comparative analysis of maritime piracy in Somalia and Nigeria
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012-03) Prinsloo, Cyril; Swart, Gerrie; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study concerned the piratical attacks occurring along the East and West coasts of Africa. Although maritime piracy along the coasts of Africa is not a new phenomenon, recent upsurges in piratical attacks have attracted a great deal of attention. Despite Nigeria being long considered as the hotspot for piratical activity in Africa, the greatest upsurge of piratical activity has been seen in the areas surrounding Somalia, including the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean. The primary objective of this study is to identify the main causes of maritime piracy in Somalia and Nigeria. Also the correlation between state capacity (failed or weak) and the motivations for piracy (greed or grievance) is investigated. The secondary objectives of this study are to investigate the direct manifestations of piracy, as well as the current counter piracy initiatives. This is done in order to evaluate the successes and failures of current counter-piracy approaches in order to create more viable and successful counter measures. It is found that historical factors, as well as political, economic, social and environmental factors contribute greatly to the rise of maritime piracy in both Somalia and Nigeria. Furthermore, it has been found that there are numerous direct causes of piracy in these two countries. These differences and similarities have been investigated using a comparative analysis framework.
The African Renaissance and gender: finding the feminist voice
(Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2006-03) Mihindou, Piekielele Eugenia Tankiso; Gouws, A.; University of Stellenbosch. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
The African Renaissance, which has its origins in the 1960s during the de-colonization period of Africa, is about transformation, an African continent reinvention that pleads for renewed autonomy and Africa’s own effort to take its intellectual destiny. Africa is beset with a massive amount of problems, and the African Renaissance in general is trying to address these issues and find a solution to all these problems. It has been seen as a call for the people of Africa to work towards the resurgence of Africa, economically, sociologically, politically and spiritually. President Mbeki of South Africa sets the tone for the African Renaissance project and its implementation, but the vision is for the rest of Africa that must equally own the concept and actively fuel its realization. The African Renaissance has limitations in that not all African countries have embraced it, or are passionate as other countries are. Still, most people in the continent do not understand the concept the African Renaissance as it has found them in conditions that are still disadvantageous to them and are grappling with other issues of life. Most importantly, it is not inclusive of women despite the fact that they constitute a clear numerical majority on the African continent. There is no significant cultural renaissance that can take place while sectors of the population under transformation are victims of silencing. Looking at the position of women in Africa and their development, it is important to understand what the implication of gender is in this discourse. Also, why has the African Renaissance not included women and lastly, that can it hold as a discourse of renewal without the voice of women? The African Renaissance has come to epitomize the democratization of the African continent, therefore, the voice of women and the role that gender must play, should be of great importance.
Afrikaner nationalist politics and anti-communism, 1937-1945
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 1991) Van Deventer, Andre; Kapp, P. H.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Department of Social Sciences.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study is an analysis of the origins and early evolution of the conception of a communist menace in South African politics. While anti-communist sentiments in the South African political arena does not know any racial or ethnic bounds, it was in the context of white and, more specifically, Afrikaner nationalist politics that the conception of a communist menace, during the latter half of the 1930's, developed a stature and character which placed it on a level distinctively different from earlier references to this perceived menace. Chapter One discusses some of the functions of remarks on communism before 1937. Of importance in this analysis is not simply anti-communism as a political sentiment or an indication of political preference, but rather the origins of a specific kind of anti-communism which developed into an organic part of the larger ideology of Afrikaner nationalism. In this regard attention is focussed on the content, place and role of anti-communism in the main political embodiments of Afrikaner nationalism between 1937 and May 1945, viz. the Gesuiwerde/Herenigde Nasionale Party, the Ossewa-Brandwag, New Order and the Greyshirt-movement. Relating to the content, place and role of anti-communism in the aforementioned organisations, the evolution thereof was affected by a multiplicity of factors which, included, inter alia, the following: World War II, a variety of ideological elements relating to communism as well as other ideologies, differences between Afrikaner nationalist oppositional groupings, campaigns against Smuts and the ruling United Party and specific campaigns e.g. the colour question. Chapters Two, Three and Four discusses some of these elements. Chapters Five and Six discusses the three main component parts of the campaign against communism, namely the Colour Question, 2 Jewish Immigration and the promotion of Christian-nationalist trade unionism as alternative to the perceived communist approach. While the campaign against alleged Jewish compassion for communism had already reached a climax prior to the outbreak of war in 1939, the struggle for the "soul" of the Afrikaner working class and the integration of the 'red menace' (communism) and the 'black peril' (the colour question) progressively grew in stature. Particularly the integration of overt anti-communism and the colour question serves to illustrative the earlier referred to character of anticommunism as an organic part of the ideology of Afrikaner nationalism. In conclusion, some remarks are presented on the functional role of anti-communism in Afrikaner nationalist as well as South African society between 1937 and 1948. Given the fact that this dissertation is a study of conceptions and does not aim to evaluate the factual content or even fairness of remarks attributed to communism, these comments, by nature, will have to be of a tentative nature.
The age of hyperconflict and the globalization-terrorism nexus : a comparative study of Al Shabaab in Somalia and Boko Haram in Nigeria
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015-12) Botma, Vasti; Swart, Gerrie; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Globalization has radically changed the world we live in; it has enabled the easy movement of people, goods and money across borders, and has facilitated improved communication. In a sense it has made our lives easier, however the same facets that have improved the lives of citizens across the globe now threatens them. Terrorist organizations now make use of these same facets of globalization in order to facilitate terrorist activity. This thesis set out to examine the extent to which globalization has contributed to the creation of a permissive environment in which terrorism has flourished in Somalia and northern Nigeria respectively, and how it has done so. In order to determine this Mittelman’s theory of hyperconflict and Zimmermann’s heuristic causal model of linkages between globalization and international terrorism were applied to the case studies of Al Shabaab in Somalia and Boko Haram in Nigeria. The main finding of this thesis is that globalization has contributed to the creation of a permissive environment in which terrorism has flourished in Somalia and northern Nigeria, albeit to different extents. In Somalia, globalization has facilitated the terrorist activities of Al Shabaab by means of technology (especially information communications technology (ICT)), migration channels, and channels of business and commerce. Additionally, the threat of corrupt culture, as spread by globalization, has served as an incentive when selecting targets. Moreover, it was found that globalization played a part in radicalizing Al Shabaab as well as ordinary Somalis. Similarly, globalization has facilitated terrorism perpetrated by Boko Haram in northern Nigeria; it has done so by means of technology, migration channels to a lesser extent, and politico-criminal network as well as support by external states and groups. The threat of a corrupt foreign culture has played a particular role in driving Boko Haram’s campaign of terror. Additionally, it was found that globalization played some part, albeit a small part, in Boko Haram’s rise to prominence. This thesis proved that in certain states and under specific conditions globalization has led to the creation of a permissive environment in which national/international terrorism can flourish.
Analysing the evolution of private military companies in Africa since the 1990s
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2023-12) Enos, Nina Nana-Ama Adorable; Lamb, Guy; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Security challenges have been a longstanding challenge in many African countries. These challenges can be borne out of ethnical differences, religious extremism, political competition and grievances over governance. It is the state’s responsibility to contain insecurity in its territory. However, many African states fall short of this vital task. A government’s inability to address security challenges in their territory may lead to a crisis of internal and externa ldisplacement of their civilians, which could have ripple effects on neighbouring states and, most importantly, loss of human life. Many African countries experience political instability and violent conflict, which are features of fragile states. Traditionally, when conflicts are triggered, and African states cannot contain them alone, organisations such as the United Nations(UN) assist those nations. However, there has been a shift in how certain African governments respond to security challenges in their countries by hiring Private Military Companies (PMCs). PMCs are businesses that provide military-oriented services to clients. Clients of PMCs range from companies, mines, non-profit organisations, and governments. PMCs such as Dyck Advisory Group (DAG) and the Wagner Group are found across the African continent, operating in Libya, Mali, Mozambique and the Central African Republic (CAR). Even nations such as Nigeria, traditionally regarded as having solid militaries, have employed PMCs. PMCs are often criticised by a wide range of civil society and some governments due to the nature of their work. PMCs are an ever-evolving security apparatus in African conflicts. The two inter-connectedquestions this thesis will address to understand their evolution are ‘Why have certain African governments employed PMCs?’ and ‘How has the involvement of PMCs in African conflicts affectedconflict outcomes? To answer these questions, this study utilises a comparative case study design focusing on four countries that have made use of PMCs. These countries are Sierra Leone, Nigeria, Mozambique and the CAR. The primary PMCs discussed in this thesis are Executive Outcomes (EO), Specialised, Task, Training, Equipment and Protection International (STTEP), DAG and the Wagner Group. The study is qualitative desktop research that utilises secondary data. Fragile state theory is used to illustrate how the fragile statehood of certain African states leads to increased engagement with PMCs. Although PMCs are an unconventional and controversial security tool, African governments continue associating themselves with them. This is despite the political implications which may befall them. These companies, much like any other multinational corporation operating in Africa, have their positive and negative contributions where they are active.
An analysis of right-wing extremism in post-apartheid South Africa
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2022-12) Kucera, Robert Antonin; Lamb, Guy; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Western democracies have seen a surge in right-wing extremism (RWE) over the last decade. With notable examples being the United States, Australia, and large parts of Europe, this is an ideology growing in recruitment ability, legislative influence, and capacity for violence. South Africa (SA), with its oppressive Apartheid history, is not immune to this global development. Thus, conceptions and monitoring of RWE in SA primarily centre around Afrikaner nationalist groups. However, post-Apartheid SA has seen the emergence of additional forms of RWE outside the realm of Afrikaner nationalism. In particular, the operationalization of anti-foreigner groups within various waves of xenophobic violence since 2008, in addition to the July unrest of 2021, have demonstrated RWE elements. Therefore, with its growing influence in Western democracies and clear capacity for social change and harm, it is imperative to understand which forms of RWE are manifesting in post-Apartheid SA and what is driving their recruitment. By employing a qualitative case-study research design, and using secondary desktop research and thematic analysis, this study addresses the question: why has RWE occurred in post-Apartheid SA and what can explain the various manifestations? Using the dense existing literature on RWE, an ideologically comprehensive, but theoretically flexible, framework was designed to identify and analyse right-wing extremist groupings, activity, characteristics, and determinants. The employment of this framework in terms of the pre-1994 period in SA showed three main forms of RWE: Afrikaner extremism, Zulu nationalism, and political vigilantism. Post-Apartheid SA displays a different range of groups, however, still existing within the three main forms seen pre-1994. Afrikaner extremism is still alive through a persistent subculture of Afrikaner nationalism built upon decades of history, culture and religious prophecy. Zulu nationalism has been adopted by some political groups, such as the Radical Economic Transformation faction within the African National Congress (ANC), which seeks to acquire control of the party through the mobilization capacity of the Zulu identity. Political vigilantism has evolved into a violent xenophobic subculture and formalized into anti-foreigner groups such as Operation Dudula, which seek to forcefully expel foreigners from SA. This study finds the primary determinant of these various manifestations to be social change. White extremists long for Apartheid-era social structuring, and black extremists demand the post-Apartheid social and economic rewards they were promised with the inception of democracy in SA. This demand for social change is driven by the frustrations of economic hardship and political resentment caused by lackluster post- 1994 macroeconomic policy, a militarized police force, lagging land reform, ineffective affirmative action and institutionalized corruption. Therefore, these groups have found success in recruiting support based on one or a combination of the discursive opportunities of social inequality, ethnic tensions, land, crime, and immigration. The use of these issues by right-wing extremist groups were found to share the same mainstream nature as other international forms of RWE, along with their focus on youth recruitment and online activity.
An analysis of the continuation and expansion of transnational organized crime : the case of human trafficking in Mozambique
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013-12) Devor, Camilla Pahle; Lambrechts, Derica; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In 1992, warring factions in Mozambique put an end to 15 years of violence and instability. By signing the General Peace Accord in Rome, the civil war was officially over, and postconflict reconstruction could begin. The post-conflict state has been struggling with high poverty, weak infrastructure and the burden of returning refugees as well as internally displaced people (IDP’s) in the aftermath of the war. Moreover, in recent years, increasing domestic activity on the part of transnational criminal syndicates has become a major national and regional security dilemma. In this study, Mozambique, as a post-conflict state has been examined to identify the most important factors that lead to the increase and continuation in transnational crime in terms of human trafficking. Using prevailing state theories and post-conflict theories within the field of Political Science and analyzing Mozambique from the conceptual theoretical lenses of Max Weber, Charles Tilly, Shmuel N. Eistenstadt, and several other scholars, it is argued that there are numerous elements present within the state that have led to an increase in crime. These are first and foremost the (neo) patrimonial features of the state, corrupt state-officials, the state’s pluralist legal-system and a general lack of public trust in the legitimacy of the government. Incomplete post-conflict reconstruction efforts, resulting in lack of public goods, such as health-care, schooling and jobs along with a culture of exploitation and objectification of women and deep-rooted gender-inequality in Mozambique is argued to provide criminal syndicates with an opportunity to capitalize on organized crimes such as trafficking of humans. In recent years, positive developments manifest themselves through the international recognition of human trafficking and domestic ratifications of international laws and protocols to combat human trafficking. While Mozambique has ratified “The Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children” this study reveals state factors that make the elimination of the crime of human trafficking in Mozambique difficult. The findings of the study are symbolic of a globalized problem. Combating transnational crime does not depend solely on international, regional and domestic cooperation through laws and regulations; it also necessitates increased national efforts in dealing with the root-causes of trafficking and to increase the political and public awareness in the country towards this human rights violation.
“The ANC will rule until Jesus comes”: The determinants of loyalty, switching and exiting for the African National Congress in the 2019 elections
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2023-03) Jacobs, Edward Keenan; Schulz-Herzenberg, Collette; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Journalism.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Electoral volatility is considered a vital component in the optimal functioning of a multi-party democracy. The fact that parties can win or lose votes is what gives democracy meaning, as it is this threat of a loss of power that is essential in ensuring accountability and warding off complacency on the part of the incumbent. However, electoral change is only possible if there is a genuine likelihood that a portion of the electorate will switch their vote between parties. While South African electoral politics does exhibit some signs of vote switching, the growth in abstentions far outstrips the rise in switching. Indeed, voters are increasingly retreating to the exiting category, instead of moving their support to an alternative party. This process of ‘dealignment without realignment’ is ominous for South Africa’s process of democratic consolidation, as it not only depresses turnout, but also stifles electoral competition and volatility. Accordingly, this thesis investigates the motivations for both vote switching and exiting among the supporters of the African National Congress (ANC). This is done in order to understand the underlying mechanisms as to why some ANC voters are able to switch their vote, while other previously active ANC voters exit the party system and abstain when they become disillusioned with their traditional political home. In order to address this research problem, this study employed a cross-sectional research design with a quantitative methodology and makes use of public opinion data sourced from the Comparative National Election Project (CNEP) 2019 post-election survey. The analysis began with exploring the bivariate relationships between a variety of theoretically relevant factors and a 2014 ANC voter’s decision to switch their vote or exit in the 2019 election. The bivariate findings show that the decision to either switch parties or exit largely pivots around trust in opposition parties. 2014 ANC voters with high levels of trust in the opposition are likely to switch parties in 2019, while distrust in opposition parties induces exiting. This thesis also conducted a multinomial logistic regression, which controlled for other significant predictors of switching or exiting. The model showed that exiters are motivated by variables that typically drive turnout, such as age, partisanship, gender and campaign attention; while switchers are dissatisfied with, and distrustful of the ANC, perceive the Democratic Alliance (DA) as inclusive, and are overwhelmingly urban. However, the results show that the more a voter trusts the opposition, the more likely they are to switch rather than to exit. The main thrust of this analysis is therefore that the transition to opposition parties is, in part, marred by an inability to identify a trustworthy and racially inclusive political alternative to the ANC. As such, to arrest the current ‘dealignment without realignment’ trend and stimulate electoral volatility, levels of trust and inclusivity relating to opposition parties ought to be augmented. Opposition parties thus need to work towards presenting themselves as trustworthy, legitimate and inclusive options to the majority of the electorate.
Are South Africa's youth 'good' engaged citizens? An application of Russel Dalton's 'good citizen' thesis
(2022-04) Hermanus, Ute Inge; Schulz-Herzenberg, Colette; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Post 1994 South Africa has witnessed a decline in voter turnout, predominately among the youth. This decline in political participation matches the global trend of stagnating youth engagement in the political process across liberal democracies. The transition to a democratic regime in 1994 was accompanied by an expectation that the ‘born-free’ generation (those who came of age around 1994) would embody democratic values and be engaged in the political process, especially through periodic voting. This has not been the case. Young people vote at far lower rates than older people. This has raised concerns among South African scholars and political actors because young people are the numerically dominant age group in the electorate. Voting is traditionally perceived to be synonymous with political participation. This is accompanied with sentiments of obligation or duty to vote in terms of the dutiful good citizen. Thus, waning political participation, specifically among the young, undermines the legitimacy of a democracy. However, a growing revisionist explanation has been posed by scholars in recent years. It suggests that young people are engaged and active in forms of participation that are not traditional indicators of citizenship. One of these scholars includes American political scientist, Russell Dalton, who argues, based on the ‘good citizen’ thesis, that political participation is undergoing a transformation. Therefore, youth are not disengaging from the political participation. Instead, they have become ‘good’ and engaged citizens who prefer direct individualized forms of political action as opposed to electoral forms of political participation. This change, the thesis argues, is due to an alteration in citizenship norms. These studies have been conducted mainly in established democracies. With the assistance of the South African 2019 round of Comparative National Elections Project (CNEP) post-election survey dataset, this study seeks to fill this gap. Using a quantitative, cross-sectional approach, this study replicates Dalton’s (2016) ‘good citizen’ thesis and Martin’s (2012) Civic Voluntarism Model to examine firstly, patterns of political participation among young citizens, and secondly, reasons for their low electoral participation. suggest that the youth display low levels of participation rates. While electoral participation is still the preferred method compared to non-electoral/unconventional forms of political participation, youth are also engaging in other forms of unconventional forms of political participation in contrast to older people. The purpose of this research is to contribute towards the understanding of youth’s political participation and draw awareness to the need to expand the definition of political participation and good citizenship.
Are women making a difference in peacekeeping operations? Considering the voices of South African women peacekeepers
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015-04) Alchin, Angela Nicole; Gouws, Amanda; Heinecken, L.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although there has been a shift from state security to human security, feminist scholars pointed out the missing gender dynamic of a human security approach. The inclusion of a gendered lens has allowed for peacekeeping to come under scrutiny on how it affects the human security of the host society. Due to increased allegations of sexual exploitation of locals by male peacekeepers, the UN and scholars alike have advocated the increasing recruitment of women in peacekeeping operations, claiming that they have a number of unique contributions which improve the operational effectiveness of a peacekeeping unit and the human security of vulnerable populations. Broadly, the unique contributions women make to peacekeeping is: 1. They have a calming effect on men which decreases violence by peacekeepers; 2. Women are more inclined to interact with locals; 3. They are better respondents to victims of sexual violence; and 4. Women are inspirational to local women. However, women have faced a number of challenges which inhibit them from fulfilling these unique contributions. This project contributes to this line of inquiry and, by conducting focus group discussions with women soldiers in the 9 South Africa Infantry (9 SAI) base, this study provides further understanding on the challenges women peacekeepers face in realizing their value to peacekeeping missions. The evidence presented in this article suggests that even though women can have a positive impact on the operational effectiveness of a unit, the broadly advocated unique contributions of women peacekeepers presents a false holism of women in the military. In the South African case, patriarchal beliefs define gender perceptions and create a self-perception amongst women which inhibit them from realizing their contributions to peacekeeping missions beyond patriarchal lines. Furthermore, the South African National Defence Force’s (SANDF) liberal feminist approach to recruiting women in the military is based on gender equality, which has come at the expense of valuing gender difference. Considering the South African case, and more broadly, the hegemonic masculine culture of military institutions allows for the creation of a soldier identity which only features masculine qualities. Therefore, both men and women do not value feminine qualities which are useful and needed in peacekeeping operations. In the end, women dilute their femininity to fit into this male domain, defeating the point of adding more women to peacekeeping operations for their feminine qualities. This study shows that, ultimately, the correlation between recruiting more women and improving the human security of vulnerable citizens is hazy. Depending on the context in which peacekeepers are deployed, women peacekeepers may exacerbate the insecurity of the locals, the unit, and themselves. To overcome these challenges, this paper advocates the creation of a new soldier identity which should be championed by the SANDF. Furthermore, gender training should be done on a regular basis. In addition, recruitment processes should especially target women and emphasize the value they may add to the military and peacekeeping operations. Finally, ongoing challenges difficult to overcome are the deeply entrenched patriarchal beliefs in the South African society, and the hegemonic masculine culture of the SANDF.
Arms control and disarmament in Southern Africa: An assessment of civil society and state responses in Mozambique 1995 – 2003
(Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010-03) Henda, Mongi Stanley; Swart, G. S.; University of Stellenbosch. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis aims to ascertain the level of success which civil society and state actors have had in dealing with issues of arms control and disarmament in the SADC region during the post- Cold War era. The main research question shall be divided into two key questions, the first being: How successful have states been in managing arms control and disarmament in the SADC region? The second question being: How successful has civil society been in managing arms control and disarmament in the SADC region? The study is therefore an evaluative study and shall be focused on the case study of Mozambique. Two arms control processes shall be evaluated in this regard. First is the “Transforming weapons into Ploughshares” or TAE project which is a civil society campaign aimed at minimizing the harsh impacts that Small Arms and Light Weapons have on Mozambican society. The demarcated time period for this project shall be 1995-2003. Second is state driven operation between South African and Mozambican police aimed at locating and destroying arms caches responsible for fuelling the illicit trade in light arms between the two countries. This project was known as Operation Rachel and shall be evaluated from the period of 1995-2001. Through evaluating these two projects, the study shall seek to make the point that in terms of arms control in post-conflict developing states, there is a role for both state and civil societies. The role of civil society organizations can be seen as one of identifying security threats, raising public awareness and democratizing security issues such as arms control so that society at large becomes active in negating the problem. The role of the state on the other hand is to live up to its duties as the chief provider of security for the designated population within the state’s territorial boundary. Arms control in Mozambique and in the SADC region in general has been mediocre at best since as shall be demonstrated, states are far too weak to offer any meaningful protection to citizens and secondly civil society organizations which have taken it upon themselves to offer this kind of protection are just not well resourced enough to undertake state responsibilities. Thus the key recommendation of this study is that Southern African states invariably need to build up their capacities. Light weapons have spread uncontrollably throughout the region because weak and fractured states could not contain the problem and continue struggling to manage a multitude of security threats. It is therefore up to civil society organizations to build strong societies which can demand stronger state action.
Aspekte van die openbare beleidproses in Suid-Afrika met spesiale verwysing na die waterbeleid (1994-1999)
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000-03) Van Wyk, Jo-Ansie Karina; Kotze, H.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation presents aspects of the public policy process in South Africa with specific reference to water policy between 1994 and 1999. For the purposes of this research, the definition of water policy coincides with the government's definition as contained in the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), the Growth, Employment and Redistribution Programme (GEAR), white papers, bills and legislation. Water policy is a broad subject and is approached from a social sciences focus in this study, in that it uses the fulfilment of human needs as a point of departure. Water policy that applied before 1994 was based on water legislation of 1956, as well as some eighty different Acts that were fragmented between a number of institutions. The focus was on water rights, linked to property rights from which the majority of South Africans were excluded. In the implementation of policy attention was mainly paid to engineering achievements. The acknowledgement that water resources are limited in South Africa, as well as in the rest of the world, and the increasing demands on these sources, focused the attention anew on responsible water policy. Since South Africa's transition to an inclusive political democracy in 1994, a variety of far-reaching changes took place with regard to political decision-making and the public policy process. Not only did the policy-making process change, but policy goals, actors, structures and organisations also changed. It is clear that the policy agenda differs significantly from that of the period preceding 1994. In this study, the context within which policy renewal took place in South Africa since 1994, has been presented, and the policy process that new water legislation was subjected to, is described. The role of policy actors and communities - in line with the principles of the Constitution of 1996 that encourage public participation in the democracy - is considered. The implementation of the new water policy could unfortunately not be evaluated as it has only been promulgated a year ago. This study serves as an introduction to a research area which has received little attention thus far and that has potential for further research.
Assessing industrialisation in South Africa with special reference to textile and clothing trends during the 1990s
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002-03) Qobo, Simon Z. T.; Leysens, A. J.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As the wave of globalisation sweeps across the countries of the world, the economies of these countries are increasingly opening. The industrial and trade strategy approach is shifting to greater openness due to the pressures of international competitiveness. This means that domestic economic activity alone cannot sustain the national economy. One of the features of this openness is trade liberalisation. Trade between various countries is becoming more important as a way of earning foreign currency to address balance of payment problems and as well as to boost the domestic economy. This has great potential, in the long run, to generate employment opportunities. Immediately after South Africa ushered in a democratic dispensation in 1994 it had to contend with global pressure to liberalise its trade and put in place economic fundamentals that synchronize with the global economic order. The political economy of global trade structure is characterized by bargaining power inequalities amongst the developed countries (North) and the developing countries (South). Trade relations between the developed and developing countries has ~ element of power-play that advantage developed countries and the terms of trade are still skewed in favour of developed countries due to the power that developed countries wield in the global economic system. This study uses the structuralist development theoretical perspective (dependency theory) and the combination of qualitative and quantitative paradigms in understanding the trade relations between the developed countries. The study, through this theoretical paradigm, seeks to examine the degree of success or failure of the Uruguay Round of trade negotiations in particular with regard to tariff reduction commitments, and opportunities or constraints created thereof. A case study oftextile and clothing industry will be used, and this will highlight some of the negative implications of the Uruguay Round commitments.
Assessing key political risk indicators for authoritarian states : the case of Libya and the petroleum industry
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012-03) Bjelland, Roger A.; Lambrechts, Derica; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: For multinational oil corporations (MNOCs), increasing worldwide demand for energy combined with greater competition in the international petroleum market necessitate continuous search for new areas rich in hydrocarbons – and the greatest oil reserves have in many instances been located in authoritarian states with challenging investment environments that often imply great uncertainty with regard to return of investment (ROI). In such cases, proper political risk analysis is an invaluable decision-making tool in determining whether the risk of a negative ROI is too large to make an investment. The Libyan market appeared highly promising for MNOCs from the mid- 2000s, and oil companies decided to return to Libya despite a large degree of uncertainty around regulatory, contractual and political stability issues. Once the Arab uprising surfaced in 2011, eventually turning into a brutal civil war between the Quadhafi regime and the opposition to his rule, the levels of political risk in the Libyan market increased dramatically. A model of political risk analysis can only be as good its components, and the start of 2011 once again manifested the importance of proper political risk analyses in order to minimise potential losses resulting from unexpected events. Thus, in the context of the Arab Spring revolution, the main purpose of this research is to assess the forecasting ability of key political risk factors and indicators. The central question asked is whether political risk analysis as a discipline can be successfully applied as a tool to forecast a political situation within authoritarian states. Specifically, and by analysing the case of Libya, the aim of this study is to determine whether the political events of 2011 and the concurrent extremely high levels of political risk could have been anticipated by competent political risk analysis. This study builds on the 1999 work of Professor Albert Venter and his vindication of key political risk indicators for authoritarian states. Additionally, the study seeks to contribute to existing research by adapting the indicators to an industry-specific political risk context, namely the petroleum sector. The research study concludes that a forecast for Libya, conducted with information available in 2009, would have given the market a medium high level of political risk, with several points of great concern for MNOCs. The research study argues that competent political risk analysis, as far as it is possible to predict such an event as the Libyan uprising, identified several signs of an imminent revolution. The analysis could not forecast when, or even if it would happen, but the fact that several indicators pointed in the direction of increasing levels of political risk signifies that it could have been too early for MNOCs to return to the country in the mid-2000s.
Assessing the political and investment risk climate of the PRC : a SAB-Miller case study
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004-03) Lanhove, Tom; Brink, Charlotte; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research assignment has investigated the overall nature of the investment climate in the People's Republic of China (PRC).The investment climate was analysed using a Political Risk Analysis (PRA) framework, whereby the PRC was scrutinised closely for its most defining socioeconomic features and, especially, for its most salient political risk factors. Based on this, the assignment evaluated this climate with specific relevance to the investment plans of the South African company SAB-Miller. Since its accession to the World Trade Organisation (WTO)in 2001, the PRC has intensified its economic restructuring process, a necessary and inevitable process, in order to comply with the terms of the WTOframework. This period of adjustment has heightened the anxiety over the strength of the Chinese economy, and the repercussions and/or opportunities for the multinational SAB-Miller.To remedy this uncertainty, this assignment has drawn up an in-depth qualitative scenario, in order to forecast the major trends of the PRC's short-term socio-political future. The main findings of the assignment indicate that a 'high-road' scenario is the most likely to occur in the PRC in the short-term. Clearly, this favourable forecast 1S dependent on the continuation of the current economic and socio-political restructuring process in the PRC. With regards to the main macro-political risks factors, the assignment draws attention to several critical areas of concern. Firstly, the lack of legitimatisation from the 'bottom-up' is a worrying feature, especially in light of the growing economic disparities between citizens and between provinces. Secondly, the financial and governmental sectors need a thorough restructuring, according to WTO criteria. Thirdly, the fragmentation of the market inside the PRe undermines the potential of the PRC government to diffuse the benefits of economic growth and to absorb the downsides of globalisation. Micro-specific risk factors for the company SAB-Miller are focussed predominantly on the speed and the depth of the implementation of the guidelines of the WTO. Especially with regards to the lowering of intra-provincial trade barriers and the efficacy of the distribution networks. Lastly, SAB-Miller should eliminate any risk factors, which may originate from inside the company's behaviour, such as the effects of its adopted labour policies. Lastly, it should maintain a clear level of transparency in their associations with governmental institutions. Throughout the assignment, these risk factors will be investigated and related to the overall political risk climate and utilised to draw conclusions concerning the potential of the investment plans of SAB-Miller.

Browse

Browsing Masters Degrees (Political Science) by Title

Results Per Page

Sort Options