Masters Degrees (Political Science)

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The changing nature of conflict in Africa : challenges for the United Nations
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2006-04) Weldon, Catherine Leigh; Breytenbach, W. J.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The nature of conflict in Africa has changed from the Cold War to the post-cold War era. This is evident in the internal and external factors and actors involved within the conflict dynamics. During the Cold War era politics and the quest for control of the state formed the basis for conflicts in Africa, from anti-colonial wars of independence and liberation struggles to secessionist attempts. In the post-Cold War era with the loss of external superpower support, this has changed with the growing significance of identity politics, and conflicts based on the differences of ethnicity, religion and the quest for the control of resources and land, characterised by extreme violence and the rise of actors other than the state, within failed and collapsed states. These conflicts have thus presented challenges to the United Nations (UN) in relation to its traditional means of maintaining international peace and security, and the internal dynamics of the decision-making processes, political will and accompanying resources and financial factors within the organisation. The challenges faced by the UN in Africa therefore lie not only within the nature of conflict and the nature of the African state but also within the internal constraints inherent within the organisation itself. The conflicts in Mozambique and Rwanda respectively represent how the nature of conflict has changed in Africa from the Cold War to the post-Cold War era and both illustrate the challenges the UN has faced in light of the changing nature of African conflict. While Mozambique offers an example of a typical Cold War conflict, based on the quest for control of the state and exacerbated by superpower support, Rwanda represents an example of a typical post-Cold War internal conflict based on identity politics and extreme violence manifest as genocide. By comparing and contrasting these two conflicts, and the subsequent involvement of UN peace maintenance operations in these conflicts, this thesis offers a comparative study of "old" and "new" wars in Africa in order that a better understanding of the nature of conflict in Africa can be reached and to illustrate the challenges faced by the UN in light of this changing nature of conflict.
A close eye on SCOPA : A South African case study on parliamentary oversight and scrutiny
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2006-12) De Wet, Natasja; Breytenbach, W. J.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Parliamentary scrutiny and oversight can be seen as the most important tool to hold the executive, and therefore government, to account. It enforces an effective system of checks and balances in order to ensure that taxpayers are receiving value for their money, and that their needs are being catered for. This thesis will analyze the oversight framework in South Africa by examining the structures and functions of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts (SCOPA) in contrast to other strong oversight frameworks such as exist in the US Congress and Scandinavia. Dominant factors that affect the manner in which the executive is held to account, such as the role of the Chapter Nine Independent Institutions (the Auditor General and the Public Protector) and their respective Constitutional mandates (versus the committee system which has not been included as a section in the Constitution), will be brought into the spotlight. Also, the effect that a dominant party system (ensuring an ANC majority) has on parliamentary oversight will be compared with the Westminster system, which fails to effectively separate governing party interests from the respective mandates of the three spheres of government (the judiciary, legislature and the executive). This can degenerate into feckless pluralism. An examination of these actors and factors will help determine the extent to which SCOPA has been successful in enforcing the accountability of organs of the state. By determining the strengths and weaknesses of SCOPA, this thesis will determine whether the committee can be seen as the potent watchdog of parliament, or the friendly 'Goofy-dog' of government. Important findings rest on the assumption that COPA is not isolated from party politics, and an interdependent and complementary relationship between Parliament, Parliamentary Committees and the Chapter Nine Independent Institutions have not been consolidated.
A Comparative Assessment of the Land Reform Programme in South Africa and Namibia
(Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009-03) Vermeulen, Sanet Elenor; Breytenbach, W. J.; University of Stellenbosch. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
This study first discusses, and ultimately compares, the land reform policies of both South Africa and Namibia, with special reference to the respective histories of land ownership. An overview of the two countries’ histories of colonial and segregationist policies are presented to provide the reader with insight into the racially unequal social, economic and political relations within the case studies concerned. The particular focus of this study falls on the legal frameworks and the policy developments of land restitution and the land redistribution policy programmes from the time of the transition to democracy. South Africa’s and Namibia’s policies are compared, highlighting the similarities and differences between the two. South Africa developed a wider land reform policy, which stands on three legs: land restitution, land redistribution and land tenure reform. The first, land restitution, has been prioritised by government and has thus far contributed the most to the progress of land reform. It may also be seen as the beginning of redistribution. Land tenure does not receive much attention in this study, but the land redistribution programme does. Progress to date has overall been slower than expected and other stumbling blocks such as ineffective extension services, bureaucratic ineptitude and ensuring the productive use of land are not focused on. Government recently indicated that it intends, and has also taken some steps, to speed up the lagging process of land reform through an increased use of expropriation. Great criticism against this was voiced by the commercial sector. South Africa is a constitutional democracy and attempts to redress the injustices of the past within a legal framework. Namibia seems to be progressing faster than South Africa in terms of its redistribution policy. One reason for this could be that the targets are more realistically set. It was decided that the restitution of ancestral land will not be followed (therefore, redistribution was not claims-based), but that all previously disadvantaged people will benefit from land redistribution. A land conference was held immediately after independence in 1991. Lately, however, momentum on the pursuit of its land reform policy seems to have subsided. The conclusion of this study indicates that although there are differences in the respective countries’ land reform policies, there are significant similarities. The debate between ‘equity’ and ‘production’ becomes even more important in the midst of world food price increases, a global financial crisis and the ever growing gap between the poor and the rich. More than a decade after the transition to democracy (amidst the chaotic land reform process in Zimbabwe), land and ownership remain a contentious issue in both countries.
Comparative democracy : issues of consolidation in South Africa and Zimbabwe
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002-12) Nelufule, Maanda David; Breytenbach, W. J.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Science. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Democracy is understood by many to be a government for the people by the people. As far as academic or scholarly traditions are concerned however, this is a rather populist depiction of the concept. According to the intellectual tradition, democracy is such when a system of governance meets several conditions. For the purpose of this study, the institutionalist tradition or theory of democracy which sees democracy as being dependent on institutions of contestation (elections) and participation (parliament) as well as others, is an important variable. However, the very same theory on democracy is not limited to institutions as the sole requirements for democracy. For the economic determinists, the point is that whilst institutions are important for democracy, they are not sufficient. In order for there to be such, favourable socio-economic conditions are important as well and these include affluence amongst other issues. The scientific orientation of this study being comparative, it seeks to take both the institutionalist variable of elections and the economic determinist variable of affluence as operational measures of the state of democracy in South Africa and Zimbabwe. As an additional operationalisation, the issue of civil and political liberties as per Freedom House classifications is also investigated in a similar comparative manner. The outcomes of the study show that at an electoral level, South Africa's model of proportional representation in the seat allocation system gives minorities a voice as opposed to Zimbabwe's fast past the post system based on the winner takes all principle. It was also established that the electoral machinery in Zimbabwe is more chaotically arranged and thus susceptible to abuse than in South Africa. At a socio-economic level, conditions have also been found to be a lot more favourable to the consolidation of democracy in South Africa than in Zimbabwe because of a wide array of issues, the most serious one being the declining income patterns for the average Zimbabwean as compared to the South African. Though the issue of high income inequality in South Africa should be highlighted as a threat, it should also be noted that in Zimbabwe, the apparent disrespect of the rule of law has an added negative implication for Zimbabwe as Freedom House has highlighted the declining of the country from partly free of 3.4 in 1980 to a partly free of 6.5 in 2000. The overall analysis comes to the conclusion that given the findings above, it seems South Africa's democracy can still hold stronger given an accelerated equitable distribution of wealth whilst for Zimbabwe, the revitalisation of democracy needs to start from the re-engineering of institutions to the regeneration of the concept of respect for the rule of law. Thus the comparison seems to show a democracy better suited for consolidation than the other.
Corporate warriors : scourge or solution in African conflict resolution
(Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010-12) Johnson, Jade Nichole; Breytenbach, W. J.; University of Stellenbosch. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs) are fast becoming a permanent structure in international security. PMSCs are made up of two groups, namely Private Military Companies (PMCs) and Private Security Companies (PSCs). Antagonism towards their existence and involvement in African civil wars is the result of some damaging effects of PMSCs- more specifically PMCs- including misconceptions. Both PMCs and PSCs are compared to mercenaries and definitional issues plague the private security industry. Private Military and Security Companies however are legal entities, different to mercenaries. This is why PMCs are sometimes referred to as "corporate warriors". As private companies PMCs often fill the security gaps left by international responses to African civil wars. Their contracts with legitimate governments offer a cheap and effective end to the violence of civil war. In recent years the use of PMSCs has increased among both weak and strong states. Antipathy however remains the prominent attitude in the international community, thus challenging the use of PMSCs. From this point of view, they are a ¡°scourge¡± because PMCs are not only likened to mercenaries of old who fight for private gain, but the arguments are also that they undermine the sovereignty of weak states, that they are unaccountable to the citizens of these states, that they violate human rights, that they don't solve root causes and that they contribute to militarization. The increase of civil conflicts in Africa and the surplus of military professionals after the Second World War meant that mercenaries became involved in African liberation struggles. By the end of the Cold War however- in an era that favours liberal economic practices and privatisation- professional legal Private Military and Security Companies were established to supplement the security gap left at the end of the Cold War. As mentioned, these are legal companies that don.t breach international conventions; are accountable to some home state legislation's and brought peace to Angola and Sierra Leone. International responses to security concerns- especially those in Africa- are burdened by the plethora of complex civil conflicts that simultaneously demand attention from the United Nations. PMCs may be equipped to execute Chapter VII mandates of the UN Charter, as these deal with robust enforcement functions at a time when the West is reluctant to intervene. What is perhaps required is more accountability (also to host state legislation) and oversight. The services of PMCs are beneficial to a number of stakeholders. These include the states in which they are registered, the states in which they operate, the citizenry that they protect, and they are profitable to the shareholders of the PMCs and diamond and oil companies they are contracted to. It is thus the conclusion of this thesis that Private Military Companies provide a faster and more cost- effective option for peacemaking in Africa. As private companies they are not bound by protocols and conventions but they must satisfy the company and its shareholders. And although the use of Private Military Companies is not dependent on the regulation of the industry, the PMSC industry would benefit from more self- regulation in the market place. Thus with relevant and more effective regulation, PMCs could become Africa's solution to her civil conflicts. Unlike in the Ballesteros report, the UN has to recognise this role.
Democratic consolidation : a comparative study of Botswana and South Africa : which is the most consolidated and why?
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004-12) Mukhara, Clive Sello; Breytenbach, W. J.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Before a country can have democracy a consolidated democracy, democracy is a prerequisite. The term democracy can be traced back to ancient Greece and the studies of the consolidation of democracy dates since the transition of the seventies. The notion of democratic consolidation has been defined by authors as a process of making new democracies secure, deepening institutions and liberties and making them immune against the threat of authoritarian regression. But authors have also found that there are socioeconomic conditions favourable to consolidation such as sufficient affluence. This study compares Botswana and South Africa's democracy, the reason being to find out which is the most consolidated and why? To compare these two countries' democracies, the study focuses on the following; affluence, institutions suitable for democracy, free and fair elections and electoral systems. There are similarities and differences between these countries. They share British parliamentary traditions. Both practice multiparty elections but neither experienced turnovers, for example; Botswana started practicing from 1965 until now, while South Africa started in 1994. The major institutional difference is the electoral system. Their ratings in the human development indexes are declining, but South Africa scores better. The other major difference is in their Freedom House ratings, where South Africa's rating is better than Botswana's. The issue of HIV/AIDS infections remains a big problem for these countries. To what extent this would impact on democracy is uncertain as little research of this kind has been done. In concluding this study, it is explicitly stated that these countries are free electoral democracies but not consolidated yet, because they have not passed Huntington's "two turnover test", and their socio-economic conditions are also problematic. At this stage, however South Africa is slightly better off for the reasons cited above.
Demokratiese konsolidasie in Afrika : 'n vergelykende studie tussen Botswana en Mauritius
(Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2006-12) Slabbert, Nica-Elize; Breytenbach, W. J.; University of Stellenbosch. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Botswana and Mauritius have been operating as stable, multi-party democracies since their independence, in 1966 and 1968 respectively. It is unclear, however, which country is the most consolidated democracy. Therefore, this study compares Botswana and Mauritius, using specific criteria as developed by writers such as Huntington (1991), Linz and Stepan (1996), Przeworski (1996) and Schedler (1998 and 2001) to determine which country is the most consolidated democracy. The criteria used to determine the most consolidated democracy, can broadly be subdivided as follows. Firstly, institutions impacting on democratic consolidation, and the presence of these institutions in Botswana and Mauritius will be studied, such as the rule of law; whether the respective countries are characterised by a system of Presidentialism or Parliamentarianism; the electoral system used; whether elections are competitive, free and fair, and whether these elections resulted in a peaceful change in political power; the presence of a usable state bureaucracy; and lastly, the rankings by Freedom House will be used to determine to what extent citizen political and civil rights are protected and guaranteed. Secondly, the socio-economic factors impacting on the erosion or deepening of democratic consolidation will be studied, with the focus on trends since independence. These factors include the existence of an economic society; per capita income; economic growth and inflation; as well as inequality reduction within the respective countries. Lastly, the social conditions influencing democratic consolidation will also be studied, such as ethnic homogeneity or heterogeneity; the prevalence and size of the middle class as influenced by urbanization and adult literacy; and lastly, the prevalence and role of civil society. Botswana and Mauritius were compared using the above criteria. This study comes to the conclusion that Mauritius is the most consolidated democracy. The following findings support the conclusion that Mauritius is the most consolidated democracy. Mauritius is a rechtsstaat, whilst Botswana is not. In Mauritius, there is a distinction between the position of Head of State and Head of Government, in contrast to the extensive power given to the President in Botswana. There is no single dominant party in Mauritius, whilst the political sphere in Botswana is characterised by the dominance of the BDP since independence. The FPTP electoral system in Mauritius is supplemented by the BLS, in an effort to ensure sufficient representation to minority groups in the National Assembly, whilst Botswana only uses the FPTP electoral system. Elections in Mauritius are considered to be competitive, free and fair, whilst the fairness of Botswana’s elections, given the electoral system, have been questioned. Mauritius also passes Huntington’s Two Turnover test, as there have been three changes in political power, whilst the BDP in Botswana have won every election since independence. Mauritius’ position on the HDI is much better than the position of Botswana, and the consociational compromises agreed upon in Mauritius resulted in a social environment which assists democratic consolidation. Lastly, Mauritius is also characterised by a lively civil society, whilst civil society in Botswana is considered to be a-political and weak.
Foreign direct investment through privatisation of state-owned enterprises : a comparative analysis of South Africa and Zambia
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000-12) Masindi, Ntungufhadzeni Austin; Breytenbach, W. J.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This assignment seeks to explore the role of privatisation in attracting foreign direct investment (FDI) to South Africa and Zambia. In doing this, literature review method based on primary and secondary documentary sources have been utilised. In order to attract FDI, the study revealed that it is necessary to get the policy environment right. Creating an investor-friendly environment which promises good return on investment in line with the international "regulatory" framework - the World Bank's International Finance Corporation (IFC) and Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA) and the World Association of Investment Promotion Agencies (WAIPA) requirements - is therefore significantly important. The World Bank regards Zambia's privatisation programme as the model for Africa. South Africa finds itself in a contradictory position. On the one hand it is the leading economic power in Africa, while on the other hand it still lags behind in terms of restructuring its parastatals. Privatisation programme in South Africa has been very slow. However, the government and other stakeholders, particularly in 1997, have been trying to get privatisation off the ground. The conclusion is that both South Africa and Zambia succeeded in attracting FDI through their processes of privatisation. In both countries major FDI inflows have been an outcome of privatisation. FDI is important for creating employment, debt reduction, empowerment, transfer of technology and managerial skills. However, these countries follow different approaches to privatisation. Due to the slow privatisation pace in South Africa, it is recommended that South Africa learn from Zambia's approach and experience. This would enable South Africa to fully explore some of the benefits of privatisation.
The impact of HIV and AIDS on democratic consolidation : a comparative assessment of Botswana and South Africa
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2011-12) Meintjes, Cara Hugo; Breytenbach, W. J.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The purpose of this thesis is to assess the impact of HIV and AIDS on democratic consolidation in two democracies in Southern Africa: Botswana and South Africa. Mattes (2003), Barnett and Whiteside (2006) and others warned that in states with high HIV infection levels, the negative impact of the pandemic - especially in terms of socio-economic conditions, budgetary pressures and a loss of human capital in the state and the economy - was potentially so great that it may affect democracy detrimentally. In contrast, some scholars, particularly Anthony Butler (2005a) and Alex de Waal (2006), contended that although the pandemic had negative effects, democracies might survive it and that in some specific ways, democratic consolidation might even benefit from the its consequences. For instance, they argued that in South Africa, the civil society response to the government’s controversial HIV and AIDS policy deepened the institutional framework of democracy. The methodology for the above comparative analysis is based on the application of a minimalist multivariate model which, following the thinking of Bratton and Van de Walle (1997) consists of both institutional and socio-economic factors. Factors are selected for their relevance to democratic consolidation, as argued by scholars such as Linz and Stepan (1996), Przeworski, Alvarez, Cheibub and Limongi (1996), Bratton and Van de Walle (1997) and Leftwich (2000). The chosen factors are the system of government (the relationship between the branches of government); the electoral system; political rights and civil liberties; economic indicators (affluence, economic growth and the reduction of inequality); human development (as measured by the United Nations Development Program) and civil society. This is a descriptive, qualitative, desktop study, using secondary literature in books, as well as articles. There is no empirical component, such as fieldwork, surveys or questionnaires. As stated below, such methodology may be used for further elaboration and refining of the findings of this desktop-based comparative analysis. The main finding is that currently, despite the cost and human implications of the disease, there are no indications that it is directly threatening to destroy the democracies of Botswana or South Africa. This finding differs from the more negative expectations of the scholars mentioned above. It is suggested that the increasing provision and effectiveness of antiretroviral treatment (ART) enables these democracies and their economies to avoid some of the ravages of the disease that seemed inevitable a few years ago. Furthermore, it is suggested that the comparative affluence of the two states in question shields them from some negative effects of HIV and AIDS and that this may be different in poorer Southern African states. This is an issue for further research. Such research should go beyond desktop research to include fieldwork and questionnaires.
Land reform in Southern Africa : a comparative study between South Africa and Zimbabwe
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004-03) Mason, Kirsten Zara; Breytenbach, W. J.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Land has been a revolutionary metaphor for wealth and power in the world. Ideally, land reform in Africa should contribute to social and economic progress and ultimately result in social equity, as well as increased agricultural productivity. This study is devoted to the history of the land ownership in Southern Africa, as well as the meaning and explanation of land reform programmes after the transition to democracy. Moreover, it is dedicated to familiarising the reader with the various meanings and issues concerning land reform, particularly in South Africa and Zimbabwe. The outcome of the study is to promote further discussion on the need and about the revival of land reform programmes in the region of Southern Africa. In this study, South Africa and Zimbabwe are discussed comparatively with regards to three main areas of land reform: restitution, redistribution and tenure reform. The goal of this study is to gauge the possibility of South Africa following in the footsteps of Zimbabwe in terms of land invasions supported by the government. Zimbabwe faces the painful reality that its political revolutions have only brought them halfway to true independence. The objective for Zimbabwe is to establish a functional socialist economy where decision-making would be under political control so as to bring about the drastic redistribution of wealth from whites to blacks. The fulfilment of the rule of law must become the first priority of the Zimbabwean government. If the government continues to belittle the rule of law, corrupt decisions benefiting only those in support of the government, will continually be made. The importance of land in Zimbabwe did not so much arise from the social and economic inequalities, but rather the inability to access land, accompanied by a growing overpopulation, landlessness, land deterioration and escalating poverty in the black areas. This was further paralleled with severe under-utilisation of land in the white farming areas. South Africa, on the other hand, did make space at an earlier stage of transition in their constitution, for organised and methodical land reform to occur. Unfortunately, this process has taken much slower than first predicted, which has led to unrest among the landless, and those who have made claims for the land. South Africa very recently made some decisions to speed up the land reform process through expropriation if negotiations fail. With the Zimbabwean situation, the issue may not so much be about land in itself, but may reflect the need for employment, especially regarding infrastructure and investment in industrialisation within the rural areas. This study concludes that South Africa, although showing many similar signs of a downward spiral, will not follow the route which Zimbabwe has taken. It would appear that the government of South Africa would not allow land invasions by the landless, organised under the banner the 'Landless Peoples Movement (LPM), as was seen in Zimbabwe with the war veterans. The reason for this is that the South African government has made continuous statements that land invasions will not be tolerated in South Africa, and that they will abide by the legislation set out, when it comes to land reform and restitution. The government has the power to enforce the rule of law if land invasions do start to occur. Although the LPM have a similar manifesto and goal as to the war veterans in Zimbabwe, they seem a lot less militant and ready to work with the government and the people to ensure the best for South Africa's land reform process. This study thus looks at land reform issues that face South Africa and Zimbabwe, and fleshes out ideas as to creating a regional procedure for the best method of land reform for implementation by the South African Development Community.
Land restitution : the experiences in Kenya and Zimbabwe compared : lessons for South Africa
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002-12) Wales, Liezl Jo-Ann; Breytenbach, W. J.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Land has been the revolutionary metaphor for wealth and power in the world and even more so in Africa. Ideally, land reform in Africa should therefore, contribute to social and economic progress and ultimately result in social equity as well as increased agricultural productivity. This study was devoted to the history of colonialism and the meaning and birth of land reform policies after colonialism. Moreover, to familiarise the reader with the various meanings and issues concerning land reform particularly in Kenya and Zimbabwe. The outcome of the study was to provoke further discussion on the need for land reform in other developing countries, especially South Africa, as well as to investigate whether colonialism created certain land ownership patterns that had harmful effects on the political and economic climate after independence in Kenya and Zimbabwe. Kenya has been unable to establish a sustainable land reform programme since independence. Ethnic clashes in the early 1990's were seen as a continuation of a battle to recognise the existence of property rights. The contributing factor to the conflict was the fact that the political leadership in Kenya was the direct beneficiary of land reform policies. Furthermore, the uncontrolled privatisation of public land only resulted in economic and agricultural decay. The Kenyan experience provides no evidence of increase in agricultural production, but inevitably resulted in social and economic inequalities and the emergence of significant landlessness, which was a result of the inadequacy of government, to provide credit as was initially proposed. Zimbabwe faces the painful reality that its political revolutions have only brought them halfway to true independence. The objective for Zimbabwe was to establish a functional socialist economy where decision making would be under political control in order to bring about the drastic redistribution of wealth from whites to blacks and to become independent form capitalists. The importance of land in Zimbabwe did not so much lie in the social and economic inequalities, but rather the inability to access land, accompanied by a growing overpopulation, landlessness, land deterioration and escalating poverty in the black areas parallel with severe under-utilisation of land in the white farming areas. This study concludes that African governmental land reform programmes have had mixed success. The complex nature of the liberation struggles in Africa, created diverse post-independence governmental systems. However, some former colonies illustrate certain common underlying issues such as the fact that years after independence, land remains one of the key unresolved issues in both Kenya and Zimbabwe, as well as in South Africa.
Liberation movements in Southern Africa : the ANC (South Africa) and ZANU (Zimbabwe) compared
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008-12) Skagen, Kristin; Breytenbach, W. J.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
Liberation movements came into being across the entire African continent as a political response to colonisation. However, Africa has in this field, as in so many others, been largely understudied, in comparison to revolutionary movements in South America and South East Asia. While many case studies on specific liberation movements exist, very few are comparative in nature. This study will do precisely that using the framework of Thomas H. Greene. The resistance movements in South Africa and Zimbabwe, then Rhodesia, consisted of several organisations, but the ones that emerged as the most powerful and significant in the two countries were the ANC and ZANU respectively. Although their situations were similar in many ways, there were other factors that necessarily led to two very different liberation struggles. This study looks closer at these factors, why they were so, and what this meant for the two movements. It focuses on the different characteristics of the movements, dividing these into leadership, support base, ideology, organisation, strategies and external support. All revolutionary movements rely on these factors to varying degrees, depending on the conditions they are operating under. The ANC and ZANU both had to fight under very difficult and different circumstances, with oppressive minority regimes severely restricting their actions. This meant that the non-violent protests that initially were a great influence for the leadership of both movements – especially with the successes of Mahatma Gandhi in South Africa and India, inevitably had to give way to the more effective strategies of sabotage and armed struggle. Like other African resistance movements, nationalism was used as the main mobilising tool within the populations. In South Africa the struggle against apartheid was more complex and multidimensional than in Zimbabwe. Ultimately successful in their efforts, the ANC and ZANU both became the political parties that assumed power after liberation. This study does not extend to post-liberation problems.
Namibian democracy: consolidated?
(Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2006-03) Kangas, Lari; Breytenbach, W. J.; University of Stellenbosch. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
Namibian independence was much delayed: it took place during the last years of decolonisation in Africa, at the end of the Cold War, and during the final phases of the third wave of democracy. SWAPO prevailed in the first hotly contested elections. We all thought that the institutions of democracy were in place and that Namibia was going to lead the way for the new wave of consolidated democracies in Africa. Inclusiveness, using the classic terminology from Robert Dahl, was there to a significant degree, a “one-man-one-vote” –system was finally achieved.
Nation-building in South Africa : Mandela and Mbeki compared
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003-04) Mokhesi, Sebetlela Petrus.; Breytenbach, W. J.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis deals with nation-building in South Africa since 1994 with a view to finding out the direction taken by nation-building since then. This issue has been and it still is a controversial issue in South Africa. The new dispensation in South Africa occasioned a need for the creation of new national institutions, leaders and policies for the nation. Hence, an inclusive/liberal nation-building programme was put in place. Since 1994 this programme has been carried out by two presidents, namely former president Mandela (1994-1999) and President Mbeki (1999-2002+) respectively. Nevertheless, these two leaders do not only subscribe to different philosophies but also have two divergent approaches to nation-building. Although they are both individualists, Mandela is Charterist whereas Mbeki is an Africanist. Moreover, Mandela promoted nation-building through reconciliation and corporatism. Mbeki's approach to nation-building, on the contrary, emphasises transformation and empowerment through the market. These approaches seem contradictory and thus mutually exclusive. This does not augur weU for fragile democracy of South Africa. Therefore, an attempt will be made to find out whether this is true and thus finding out the direction taken by nationbuilding. This will be done by comparing the Mandela and Mbeki approaches to nation-building.
Perspectives on "New wars" in Africa: the case of Sierra Leone
(Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2008-12) Krige, Greta; Breytenbach, W. J.; University of Stellenbosch. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
The primary goal of this thesis is to explore, analyse and apply the New War theory to the West African case of Sierra Leone. The motivation for conducting a study of this nature was that much literature exists on the assumption that the Sierra Leonean conflict equates to a resource war. This research project attempts to bridge the gap between the New War schools of thought and those who maintain a resource war approach. Although Kaldor’s (2006) work on New Wars is significant, she does not place much emphasis on Africa. In order to supplement this, William Reno (2001) and Paul Collier (2000) have also been studied. Both write about Africa. The RUF virtually razed the Sierra Leonean society to the ground. The overtly violent methods employed were dissimilar to the interstate and intrastate wars of the past. Blatant exploitation of the country’s mineral wealth aggravated the situation. In attempting to reach a relevant finding, this study is divided into distinctive sections. Chapter two documents the theoretical background. The writings of Kaldor (2006), Reno (2001) and Collier (2000) are explored and applied. The third chapter investigates the factors in the conflict. Issues such as the resource factor (diamonds) and poverty are discussed; the failed state in Sierra Leone; criminal networks; social conditions; arms; and the role of youth and children. The general finding of this chapter indicates that Sierra Leone fits this model. Chapter four describes and analyses the actors. Identity was not an issue in the Sierra Leone war; thus a large part of Kaldor’s theory becomes redundant. In the final assessment the study establishes what Sierra Leone’s position is: New War or merely resource war? The bulk of the applied theory proved to be applicable to this case; but the study also acknowledges the mistaken views regarding Kaldor’s identity theories. Collier and Reno’s works prove to be significantly more relevant. This study was able to determine that Sierra Leone was indeed an example of New Wars, albeit considerably affected and influenced by greed.
The pirates of Somalia : maritime bandits or warlords of the high seas
(Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010-03) Cronje, Dian; Breytenbach, W. J.; University of Stellenbosch. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Inflicting a financial loss of over $US16 billion to international shipping, the occurrence of maritime piracy in areas such as the Strait of Malacca and the west coast of Africa, has significantly affected the long-term stability of global maritime trade. Since the collapse of the Somali state in the early 1990’s, international watch groups have expressed their concern as to the rise of piracy off the Somali coast and the waterways of the Gulf of Aden. However, 2008 marked an unprecedented increase in pirate attacks in Somali waters. These attacks did not only increase in number but also became more sophisticated. As more than 85% of world trade relies on maritime transport, the world was forced to take notice of the magnitude of Somali piracy. Considering the relative novel nature of Somali piracy, this field presents a vast potential for further and in-depth academic inquiry. This descriptive and explanatory study set out to explore the evasive nature of the what and why (and who) of Somali piracy and relied on inductive reasoning in order (a) to explore and define the contributing causes to the Somali conflict; (b) to indicate how the conflict and the resulting consequences in particularly the Puntland region contributed to the rise of maritime piracy; (c) to determine whether the pirate groups are fishermen protecting their resources by acting like vigilantes and self-defence units, or if they were bandits, warlords, Islamists or a combination of aforementioned; and to (d) establish the role which resource scarcity and state collapse played in rendering Somalia vulnerable to maritime piracy. In pursuing the above mentioned goals, this study relied on an analysis of authoritative and contemporary sources. Media reporting was used for updating the fast moving information. This study attributed the Somali conflict to historic and ethnic clan rivalries and the legacy of colonial rule that led to the arbitrary partitioning of Somalia by colonial superpowers. Military rule, oppression, wars with neighbours (Ethiopia), superpower intervention, famine and the rise of warlords made for state failure in Somalia. In Puntland, such factors were further aggravated by severe environmental hardship and natural disasters. Food became one of the scarcest resources in Somalia. People migrated to cities and to the coast where foreign fishing vessels also exploited the absence of coast guards in plundering fish. Some Somali fishermen reacted and in retrieving fish, apprehended ships, resulting in armed robbery at sea. But many went further, hijacking merchant vessels, and demanding huge ransoms. Initially prompted by grievance towards the exploitation of the Somali coastal resources, the vast financial rewards of piracy rapidly transformed this impetus to personal gain and greed. In doing so, these groups assumed characteristic similar to criminal bandits and warlords. Or were they Islamists fundraising for al-Qaeda? But unlike warlords, pirates normally never kill. The links with either Islamists or terrorism have also not been established either. The alleged link with criminal networks is much more plausible.
Private military companies : peace or profit? : A comparative analysis of private military involvement in Africa and the Middle East
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2006-12) Steenekamp, Cindy Lee; Breytenbach, W. J.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Private Military Company (PMC) is a key phenomenon of the post-Cold War era, in which the erosion of state authority, the trend towards privatisation, the downsizing of the world's armed forces, and the insecurities created by a world economy not only in crisis, but also characterized by the commodity boom, all come together. The privatisation of security and even military functions has now become part of market-driven economics through outsourcing those functions to civilians as well as through contracting those functions to foreign companies. As a result, private military companies are mushrooming in weak states that are rich in natural resources, predominantly in Africa and the Middle East. This global growth of private military companies, however, creates a dilemma for those who wish to ban them. Under international" law, such as those prescribed by the United Nations and the African Union, the use of mercenaries is expressly prohibited, but without visible effect. National legislation focused on the regulation of these companies does exist within the countries from which most private military companies stem, namely South Africa, Great Britain and the United States, however, most legal restrictions are largely confined to breaking arms-export laws, whilst the issue of extra-territoriality .continues to plague policy-makers. The issue centres itself upon proper regulation. In truth, private military companies today, which are only accountable to their shareholders as opposed to electorates, are convenient mechanisms utilised to serve the objectives of the post-9/11 Bush/Blair alliance and remain illegal internationally as they have no rights or obligations and find themselves outside the Geneva Conventions and the International Criminal Court. In a critical examination of the general privatisation of public security, it is useful to focus particularly on cases in Africa (Sierra Leone) and the Middle East (Iraq) as they best illustrate the post-Cold War debate regarding the strategic impact of private military companies in intrastate conflicts. The primary focus of this study is therefore a comparative analysis of private military involvement in Africa and the Middle East in order to determine whether these new warring entities, which include terrorists, mercenaries, guerrillas, warlords, non-state militias and, most importantly, private military companies, may or may not represent a serious threat to international security, as one particular issue centres upon whether they represent more efficient and cheaper models for peacemaking. This is required in order to understand the current contextual trends that seemingly allow private military involvement in Iraq, as legitimate role players of the Coalition of the Willing, to be more palatable than that of their counterparts in Africa, who since 1992, claim only to act once contracted legally by an elected government in their fight against rebel forces and insurgents. As the issue is one of valuable resources, their services can be afforded.
Private Military Companies as "new peacemakers" in Africa : is regulation sufficient?
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2007-03) Van Jaarsveld, Aldri; Breytenbach, W. J.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science. Centre for International and Comparative Politics.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis evaluates and explores the function of Private Military Companies (PMCs) on the African continent. The phenomenon of PMCs evolved after the end of the Cold War. This study focuses on the relevant international and national legislation regulating PMCs that conduct active military assistance operations. These PMC operations have a strategic impact on the political, social, economical and security environments of the areas in which they are contracted to operate. The purpose of the thesis is to assess whether PMCs are efficient and cost effective, can be held accountable and to whom, and if current legislation (national and international) regulating PMCs is sufficient. This thesis is a literature survey that seeks descriptive and comparative information relevant to the purpose of this study. It deals with that information qualitatively. No empirical research has been conducted. It is therefore not an opinion survey as no questionnaires have been completed, although interviews with knowledgeable people have been conducted. The thesis focuses on the operations conducted by the now defunct Executive Outcomes (of the Republic of South Africa), a combat type PMC in Angola and Sierra Leone and Military Professional Resources Incorporated (of the United States of America), a non-combat type PMC in Equatorial Guinea. The study concludes that PMC operations through legitimate government contracts at international level are indeed legitimate. The regulations (international and national, if they exist) regarding PMCs are not sufficient, and allow for many grey areas. PMCs that operate in this sphere of grey areas are unacceptable for the international community in the current milieu. PMCs are, however, operating in a vacuum of accountability and regulation (international and national). With sufficient legislation, PMCs could be the new peacemakers.
Promoting provincial interests : the role of the NCOP in the national legislature
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2005-03) Boskati, Nzwana Eric; Breytenbach, W. J.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The study's investigation focuses on the role played by the NCOP in the national legislature as the second chamber of parliament. It looks in particular at how the NCOP has managed in its deliberations, and as mandated by the Constitution to represent provinces. Subsection 42 (4) of the Constitution stipulates that; " The NCOP represent the provinces to ensure that provincial interests are taken into account in the national sphere of government" (RSA Act 108, 1996). The question that the study seeks to answer IS: does the National Council of Provinces in its deliberations work to represent the interests of provinces in the national legislature rather than those of the party in control of the province? In answering the research question the study's approach is qualitative in nature. In other words, data collection methods were confined to documents and other important sources such as NCOP Publications namely, the NCOP News and the NCOP Review. Looking at the literature on second chambers, the study found that for second chambers to play an effective role in the legislature, the Constitution must equip them with adequate legislative powers. This means that the Constitution must give second chambers a veto on all Bills affecting their jurisdictions. Where a veto is non existent, irrespective of what legislative powers a second chamber may posses, if not elected directly by the electorate, it will suffer the accusations of rubber stamping Bills passed by the first house. The NCOP falls in the same category of second houses with no veto over Bills affecting provinces. Its legislative powers on these Bills are blunted by the NA's twothirds majority in the legislature and as a result remain a subordinate of the first house and that of the ruling party. Furthermore, administrative and communication problems experienced by the institution hinder it in its role of representing provinces. Equally so, the dominance of the ruling ANC in the provinces makes it difficult to determine whether mandates delivered by provincial legislatures carry the interests of provinces or those of the party in power.
The regulation of mercenary and private security-related activities under South African law compared to other legislations and conventions
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008-12) Neple, Pernille; Breytenbach, W. J.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs) have become increasingly important actors since the end of the Cold War. They provide a wide range of services and are therefore difficult to classify. Many view them as new front companies for mercenaries, which this thesis argues is not the case. Few states have put in place legislation to deal with the problems caused by these companies, and they are therefore generally not accountable to states. This is problematic because their services are within an area where states have traditionally had monopoly. This thesis studies the new South African legislation, the Prohibition of Mercenary Activities and Regulation of Certain Activities in Country of Armed Conflict Act of 2006, which was put in place in order to ban mercenaries and regulate the services offered by the private military and security companies based in the country. By comparing it to the older South African legislation, the thesis evaluates the extent to which the new legislation has been able to close loopholes inherent in the old legislation. The new South African legislation is also compared to the international conventions which bans mercenaries. By banning these actors, South Africa is very much in line with the international community when it designed the conventions. However, PNSCs are not mercenaries. The thesis then compares the new South African legislation to the domestic regulation in place in the United States of America. It finds that despite having many of the same weaknesses as the South African legislation, it is more likely that the American regulation will be abided by than the South African. This is due to the positive relationship between the US government and American PMSCs, and the fact that the government is a major client of the companies. South Africa does not enjoy the same positive relationship with its companies. Finally, the new South African legislation is compared to the UK Green Paper of 2002, which presented options of how to deal with the companies. The ban on mercenaries put in place by the new South African legislation was discouraged in the Green Paper. The licensing regime (as in the USA) that was proposed by the Green Paper, however, is similar to the authorisation scheme established in South Africa.

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Browsing Masters Degrees (Political Science) by browse.metadata.advisor "Breytenbach, W. J."

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