Masters Degrees (Political Science (Mil))

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Analysing human resources acquisition in the South African military health service
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2020-12) Letebele, Pelonomi Clementine; Theletsane, Kula Ishmael; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Military Sciences. School for Defence Organisation and Resource Management.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The SAMHS uses the Military Skills Development System to source candidates to join its ranks, reinforcing the Reserve Force component in contribution to fulfilling the national security mandate, and in fulfilment of its broadened role of socio-economic upliftment. This study focused on the human resource acquisition process in the SAMHS, interrogating the activities and procedures used to identify best talent among potential candidates and assessing its efficacy in aligning acquisition to employment opportunities in the SAMHS. Literature suggests that an effective, efficient and economical human resource plan, drawn within the ambit of relevant policies and guidelines and based on an ideal of professionalising the Force, is essential to facilitate the matching of potential candidates having requisite knowledge, skills, attitude and aptitude, to available organisational opportunities. The study used a convergent parallel mixed method to collect qualitative and quantitative data around the same period, and interpreted the overall results to best understand the situation. A phenomenological research approach was used to interrogate the SAMHS’ human resource acquisition processes. Sampling was done mainly through analysis of various documents to gain insight and enhance understanding of the processes followed by the SAMHS and for comparison with best practice. Qualitative data was further gathered using purposive sampling, by interviewing HR functionaries to supplement data gathered from records and to obtain their perceptions about the acquisition process. The findings portrayed the annual HR acquisition process of the SAMHS as adequate for getting the quantities needed but revealed gaps in processes for soliciting and identifying suitably qualified talents. The SAMHS has further not embraced emerging recruitment and selection trends, such as technologically-based platforms which are cost effective, save time, and have the potential to drastically improve efficiency. In its endeavour to bring about change, the study recommends transformation in the SAMHS’ human resource acquisition process by changing from a predominantly traditional, routine-based process, to evidence-based practice, informed by operational requirements, as well as the SAMHS’ capacity to train and be aligned to the allocated budget. The change would add a dimension of quality to the HR acquisition process, making it a purposeful and intentional process aimed at getting candidates of a specific calibre to benefit the SAMHS in its endeavour to execute its mandate.
Basic educational reform and provision of quality education in South Africa (1994-2018): A tentative exploration of policy in the making
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2022-12) Lawrence, Audrey Rozanne; Liebenberg, J. C. R.; Mkhize, M. C.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Military Science. School for Security and Africa Studies: Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Quality education as a human right and its emphasis in education policy have garnered much attention in education research. Emphasis has also been placed on what children learn in school, as well as the features of a quality education. Research on education in South Africa is well documented. Much of the existing research focuses on inequality in education, especially the lack of provision of quality education for the majority of learners in South African schools. Quality education includes the provision of learning opportunities that are conducive to mastering basic literacy and numeracy skills as enablers of success in subjects across the curriculum. Various international, regional, and localised South African tests indicate that the mastery of these skills is influenced by the availability of relevant resources and socio-economic conditions, which in South Africa vary greatly between provinces, and even within provinces. The aim of this study was to critically discuss and analyse the role and influence of policy changes within South African basic education (1994-2018) in the provision of quality education in public primary schools. The study followed a qualitative research approach and is partly inductive in nature. For purposes of answering the three research questions that drove this research project, a hybrid approach was followed, which was rooted in a multiple case study design. This was divided into three major political administrations during the period 1994 to 2018 to indicate policy changes that occurred with the change in leadership and agendas that had a notable influence on policy implementation and other challenges in the educational context. Data on literacy and numeracy levels (and quality education) were collected from available literature, governmental and other stakeholder literature, and the works of reputable education researchers. These works were analysed using the document-analysis method. The study employed models of public policy analysis to elucidate the challenges associated with the South African policy environment and the influence thereof on quality education provision in public primary schools. The findings indicated that the quality of education and the attainment of literacy and numeracy levels differ between provinces, and correlate with the languages through which learners acquire literacy and numeracy skills. Poverty levels and parental involvement also differ from province to province. Political instability, state corruption, socio-economic inequality, limitations on social mobility, a poorly educated workforce, and socio-economic conditions all deepen challenges in the education system in general, and the achievement of essential levels of literacy and numeracy in particular. Apartheid’s legacy still impedes the provision of equitable quality education. Provision is also confounded by hasty and poor decision making and a lack of collaborative decision making, which are compounded by unprecedented levels of corruption. Various policy inadequacies exist, especially in terms of language policy in schools, as well as the management of schools. This, along with huge educational backlogs and learning deficits that span centuries, have perpetuated the cycles of ineffective learning in the South African educational landscape. The study recommends that quality provision in schools be tackled from various levels in the collaborative climate envisaged by education policies by adopting the Eastonian feedback loop. Participatory spaces that enable critical citizen engagement need to be established with targeted information sessions, especially for the most vulnerable societies (such as those found in rural areas) with high poverty and unemployment levels. Given the crucial role of teachers and other role players in the learning process, the South African Department of Education needs to finalise the policy on teacher and educator accountability, and accountability should be a core part of all spheres of government. For any initiative to work, structures need to be in place for accountability, competence, and consequences for not living up to required skills and knowledge standards, as emphasised in the national government’s framework for democratic public participation.
Challenges of arms transfers facing the emerging supplier states in the new international political economy
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003-12) Khwela, Gcwelumusa, Chrysostomus; Bailey, H. A.; Vrey, F.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Military Science. Dept. of Political Science (Mil).
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The fundamental motivation for emerging arms suppliers to produce arms was the desire to overcome their position of dependence in the system of arms production and transfers. However, their predicament as late entrants into the system castigated them to fail in this endeavour. This failure is based on three criteria, which also assist in the identification of emerging suppliers. Firstly, the weaponry they produce is far below the sophistication characterised by higher levels of technological advancement. Secondly, they can only produce one or two advanced weapon systems. Finally, they rely on the leading suppliers for certain sophisticated components of weapon systems which they cannot produce themselves and as a result, become so dependent that they, with an exception of a few, are unable to go beyond the simple reproduction or retrofitting of existing weapon systems. The capability to produce arms was restrictedly extended to certain states in the post-war era, and even those states that obtained such a capability were confmed to producing small arms and platforms for naval vessels. Those states that went beyond these capabilities did so with the assistance of other states or specialists, the initial intention being to meet domestic requirements, and ultimately to dispose surplus Second World War equipment in the re-transfer market. The emerging supplier states' intention to develop indigenous arms industries was driven by the political urge to reduce their reliance on the leading suppliers and to nationalise the arms production process for import substitution in order to meet domestic security needs. Since the emerging suppliers began the process of defence industrialisation from the importation of complete weapon systems to import substitution, and ultimately to the promotion of exports, they mainly relied on technology imported from the leading suppliers. On the one hand, the leading suppliers attempted to hinder the efforts of emerging suppliers to promote arms exports so as to protect their oligopolistic share of the arms market through tightening the controls and regulations on technological supplies. On the other, the emerging suppliers were impelled to promote their arms exports in order to overcome the saturation of their domestic markets, to utilise effectively their arms production capacities, and to positively affect their balance of payments through the procreation of foreign exchange returns. This study reached the following conclusions and inferences: 1. The arms trade has evolved to be characterised by the transfer of military technology, which did not feature in the arms transactions of the previous periods. 2. The gap between the leading and emerging suppliers is widening with regard to the sophistication of technological capabilities, and accordingly the stratification within the arms production and transfer system is sustainable and reinforced, thus making it hard for the lower tiers to progress beyond their current status. 3. The emerging suppliers' share of and contribution into the arms market is constricted, and as such they specialise in specific (often uncomplicated) weapon systems that constitute niches in the global market. 4. The unfolding arms production and transfer system is characterised by a fiercely competitive atmosphere, and consequently, only those states that can subsidise or integrate their efforts are enabled to sustain an advanced arms production faculty. 5. As the emerging suppliers begin to introduce more and more of their wares into the market, the costs of research and development begin to soar in the same manner as those of the leading suppliers, thus urging them to become more export-oriented. 6. Participants in the system will be compelled to relinquish their comparative technological superiority in order to survive, thus narrowing the gap between the capabilities possessed by both the leading and the emerging suppliers.
Conflict and peace in Burundi : exploring the cause(s) and nature of the conflict and prospects for peace
(Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2006-03) Mokoena, Benjamin P. O.; Breytenbach, W. J.; Neethling, T. G.; University of Stellenbosch. Faculty of Military Sciences. School for Security and Africa Studies.
The purpose of this study is to investigate the cause(s), the nature, and characteristics of the conflict in Burundi, and 10 explore the conditions for sustainable peace and prospects for peace. The study is intended as a descriptive analysis of conflict and peace in a case study of Burundi. Since independence in 1962, intermittent conflict has characterised the state of Burundi. There are various accounts of the conflict, of which a popular, but superficial, relates an 'ethnic' conflict between Hutus and Tutsis. Equally disparate, is the prescription of solutions, the most dominant of which is power sharing based on ethnic quotas. The conflict is played out in the context of a failing state with sharp structural weaknesses. In addition, Burundi is mired in the wider instabilities of the Great Lakes region and the communicable effects thereof. The study breaks away from the tendency to analyse only the current (since 1993) bout of conflict. It is proposed that the various incidences of conflict mark different phases in the life cycle of a single conflict. The study also breaks away from the tendency to view the conflict as only opposing Hutus and Tutsis. These two tendencies in analysis generate serious distortions and omissions and may account for the wrong conclusions regarding the conflict in Burundi. Another contribution of the study resides with the proposal of the necessary and sufficient conditions for peace in Burundi. The contention brought forward by this study is that exclusion would appear to be the strongest theoretical approach to understand and describe the conflict in Burundi. In this regard, one particular contentious issue has remained constant throughout all the incidences of conflict involving different groups. The central issue has been about the political economy of Burundi that has systematically denied social mobility for the 'other'. The Burundian state is a repository of political, economic and social security where the 'other', defined in ethnic, intra-ethnic, clanic, regional, elitist (and historically dynastic) terms, is excluded and subordinated. Exclusion (and the consequent inequalities and injustices) is a source of acute grievance and motivation for collective violence. The resultant conflict has manifested in a struggle for the control of the state. Inter alia, the conflict has been pemicious, genocidal, protracted and intractable. The notion of institutionalised power sharing, based on ethnic quotas, has been put forward by the actors in the peace process as the fundamental principle guiding the search for a solution to the conflict in Burundi. The study concludes that power sharing may be necessary, as a confidence building measure, however, power Sharing in itself is not a sufficient condition for sustainable peace, and may well in fulure prove to be Ihe weakest link in the peace process. Inter alia, the conditions in Burundi are not amenable to institutionalised power sharing as such, e.g. the presence of an overwhelming majority, and deep socio-economic inequality along ethnic lines. Further, the current power sharing structure in Burundi tilts the democratic framework in favour of Tutsi participation and security, awards the Tutsi with a de facto veto power, fixes the ethnic balance of power, and thus perpetuates conflict generating Tutsi domination of the political economy of Burundi. This study proposes the reconstruction of the state (state building) as a necessary precondition for peace. II is concluded that political representation, economic opportunity and social mobility, must transcend social categories in Burundi. The continuing instabilities in the Great Lakes region are also a point of concem. Thus, peace in Burundi is also contingent upon greater efforts to curb the communicable conflicts in this region.
Factors supporting youth recruitment for terrorist organisations in Africa: the case of Al-Shabab in Eastern Africa for the period of 2010-2020
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2023-12) Lutywantsi, P. G.; Bester, Petrus Cornelluis; Van der Merwe, Kristin Catherine; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Military Science. School for Security and Africa Studies. Dept. of Political Science (Mil)
The impact of the United States military aid on Botswana’s defence capability and development
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2023-12) Thaga, Thaga Lucky Steven; Vrey, Francois; Mandrup, Thomas; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Military Science. School for Security and Africa Studies: Political Science (Mil)
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Sub-Saharan Africa’s post-independent nation-building has suffered from various military interventions in politics, arising in part from weak economies, ethnically polarised and unprofessional militaries, and weak institutions of political oversight. Several African states, in partnership with foreign powers, embarked on defence institution-building efforts to develop combat-effective defence forces that are subordinate to civilian authority and support national development while contributing to peace and stability. To avoid the ‘coup pandemic’ prevalent in Africa in the 1960s, Botswana delayed creating a defence force until in 1977. Prior to this, the country relied on a paramilitary force for law enforcement and territorial defence. Botswana’s security was also guaranteed by its colonial linkage with the British particularly the presence of British troops stationed in Francistown to protect the BBC relay station. Using Defence Diplomacy and Historical Institutionalism as working theories, this study assesses the impact of United States military aid on Botswana’s defence capability and development. The study traces the evolution of the state and its defence diplomacy, especially the quest to develop a professional military that supports democracy and development with the assistance of military aid. Grounded in interpretivist and constructivist paradigms and a qualitative design; the study established that whereas the British helped to provide the formative institutional layering and norm-stretching for the Botswana Defence Force (BDF) through equipment, training, and military jurisprudence; the Americans later took over and became decisively involved in supporting Botswana’s core path dependence to professionalise its military, especially from the 1980s. At the diplomatic level, Botswana and the United States share a mutual understanding on the need for defence institution building to support democracy. Both countries accommodate each other on the philosophical framework supporting the operationalisation of military aid through various state institutions. On the defence and security front, United States military aid helped to shape the BDF’s structure and doctrine, therefore, developing Botswana’s military human capital—especially its command and leadership capabilities, combat power, and technical expertise. Furthermore, considerable impact is notable in the airpower domain, where the C-130 Hercules aircrafts have been instrumental in augmenting Botswana’s force projection capabilities for internal operations and multinational missions, offering a decisive capability for defence diplomacy. United States military aid has also bolstered biodiversity and anti-poaching capabilities, and military health infrastructure. At the national level, military aid has not only offered reprieve to the defence budget but has also contributed to the BDF’s indoctrination in the principle of military subordination to political authority, thus strengthening Botswana’s civil-military relations. Executive leadership training for civilian officials was also undertaken to enhance security sector management. In addition, military aid has been instrumental in bolstering Botswana’s civil aviation sector through skills and expertise. These efforts have coalesced to maintain Botswana’s defence institution-building project on its path dependent trajectory, in turn contributing to national development. Despite the evident impact, there are some challenges in the bilateral relationship that need to be addressed. These include inadequate aid programme coordination, bureaucratic red tape undermining efficiency, concerns about lack of political will in the uptake of specific aid programmes, and Botswana’s low participation in peace support missions, which undermine its attractiveness for increased funding. The study established that whereas there has been considerable norm stretching in the BDF (as evident in military subordination); weak parliamentary oversight over defence still exists, suggesting the need for more training and institutional layering in this area. The study suggests that Botswana is an outlier because unlike most countries in the Global South, it created a defence a decade after independence. This allowed for the evolution of other state institutions without competition for hegemony from the military. Cooperation with the United States facilitated the construction of democratic institutions and norms. Botswana’s military was born and socialized into a democratic dispensation. These attributes therefore made military assistance more receptive and successful in the country’s defence institution building efforts. Essentially, military aid has supported Botswana’s core path dependence of democracy and military professionalism. This study demonstrates that developing countries such as Botswana can leverage military assistance from powerful countries such as the United States to support defence institution building and national development.
A matter of survival? An exploratory study of cooperation and benefits for the South African maritime defence industry within the BRICS context
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2021-12) Beukes, Jacobus Petrus; Liebenberg, Ian; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Military Sciences. School for Security and Africa Studies. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The South African defence industry (SADI) was built up and became a strong industry during the 1970s and 1980s, supplying the South African Defence Force with equipment, weapons and logistic support. Between 1989 and 1994 the defence budget shrank by approximately 50%. Acquisition and procurement from the defence force was reduced by roughly 80% and the research and development (R&D) budget was reduced by 70%. As the defence force and the defence industry are closely linked, the budget cuts had a direct impact on the SADI. Many defence companies restructured, diversified into other industrial endeavours or closed down. Manpower also shrank from approximately 131 000 in the 1980s to 15 000 today. Currently the SADI is in dire straits to survive. A dying defence industry is counter-productive to the South African economy, its industries and the country as a whole. It also has a detrimental effect on the defence force’s capabilities. South Africa is a maritime nation with an island economy and is dependent on trade via maritime transport, with 95% of South Africa’s trade being by sea transport. Maritime security is important for South Africa to keep sea lanes safe for merchant travel; and maritime resources underdeveloped. The navy and certain air force elements as part of the broader South African National Defence Force (SANDF) are critical to ensure maritime security. The navy was always treated as the “step-child” of the SANDF purely because threats were always perceived as being landward and not from the sea. As such, the SADI was always more landward focused than maritime. Development and human security are priorities for South Africa. Being the most important priorities, it is unlikely that the defence budget will increase to levels needed to remedy the precarious situation of the defence force and the defence industry. The defence budget cannot ensure the survival and growth of the SADI but it provides seeding funding for R&D and much needed capabilities for the SANDF. Currently, the survival of the SADI is dependent on exports. It is also advantageous to the SADI to market and promote products that are in use in the SANDF, as it gives the products credibility on the international market. The defence review, approved by Parliament in 2015, is a good document which lays out the roles and functions of the SANDF, its needed force structure and force design; and the importance of a vibrant and strong defence industry. Without the budget to implement this, it will however remain a paper exercise. It is also clear that it is unlikely that defence will move up on the government’s list of priorities, which means no increase in funding, which leaves the question, what must the defence force be ready for? That determines what the design and structure must look like. One of the possibilities for survival of the SADI is cooperation with other countries. As part of the BRICS forum, this research explored the possibilities of cooperation with BRICS partners as an option. The research showed that cooperation is only one aspect. The survival of the SADI requires policy changes and implementation, diplomatic efforts, strategic decisions regarding the “ready for what?” of the defence force, focus on R&D funding, and embracing the underdeveloped blue economy for the betterment of South Africa and the regional/international village South Africa finds itself in.
Peace support in Africa : potential contribution and roles of the South African Navy
(Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010-12) Thiart, Theunis Johannes Daniel; Potgieter, T. D.; Vrey, F.; University of Stellenbosch. Faculty of Military Science. Dept. of Security Management. International Conflict Resolution and Peacekeeping.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The South African Navy (SAN) was created after the First World War as an indigenous naval capability for South Africa was deemed necessary. Its roles and responsibilities through the years have depended on both the requirements of the state, and the political realities of the time. Possible future roles in peace support would therefore depend on political requirements as well as the capabilities and composition of the SAN. To date, the SAN has only contributed to peace support by way of the patrols carried out by the SAN Operations Boat Squadron on Lake Tanganyika, and assistance from the Maritime Reaction Squadron in VIP protection duties in Burundi. The seemingly minor nature of this contribution is disconcerting, because the contributions of the SANDF in present (ongoing) peace support are very highly rated by the South African Government. To enhance its visibility, the SAN should preferably play a more visible role in peace support in Africa, and generally in assisting in the maintenance of good order at sea around the African coastline. The potential contributions to or during peace support activities should therefore not only be seen as the direct support which the SAN can give to land forces carrying out peace support in a specific country, but also the support the SAN can give to maintaining good order in the corresponding, and other African, maritime zones. Potential contributions and roles of the SAN in particular therefore need to be interrogated more comprehensively to foster a deeper understanding of this unexplored field of study within the peace support environment, and that of Africa in particular. To determine the possible contributions and roles of the SAN, the traditional roles and the doctrines of navies (specifically those involved in peace support operations) were investigated. It was found that the roles emanating from the traditional roles for navies were assimilated into navies. doctrines, roles and tasks. Possible roles and missions for the SAN are reflected in the SAN Maritime Doctrine. Regional expectations have added more roles and missions like the sharing of training, assets, expertise, information, the requirement of maintaining maritime security and the maintenance of good order at sea. The assets available in the SAN (and the future assets) seem to be adequate to carry out possible peace support activities. However, the potential roles and contributions of the SAN to peace support will be limited by the scope of future budgets and the shortages of skills, equipment and capacity. The foreseen budgets available will not allow participation in activities beyond those being undertaken at present. Unless more funding is received, the potential roles and contributions of the SAN towards peace support activities in Africa will probably not extend beyond some lake patrols and VIP protection.
South African naval diplomacy since 1994
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014-04) Manganyi, Calvin; Potgieter, Thean; Mokoena, Benjamin; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Military Science. School for Security and Africa Studies, Political Science (Mil.).
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since the beginning of naval power, navies have been used by their states as instruments of foreign policy. In South Africa, the political transition since 1994 originated the evolution of the country’s foreign policy. Accordingly, foreign policy has implications for the South African Navy (SAN). Traditionally, navies have three main roles, namely: military, policing and diplomatic, roles. This study only focuses on the diplomatic role of the navy, termed naval diplomacy. In this regard, the SAN is the custodian of South African naval diplomacy. The purpose of this study is to investigate and theoretically appraise the nature and scope of South African naval diplomacy since 1994. The study has two objectives: firstly, it seeks to outline the most salient features of South Africa’s foreign policy, post-1994, as the framework for naval diplomacy; and secondly, it seeks to analyse and describe how the SAN has utilised naval diplomacy, namely: maritime coercion, naval cooperation, international maritime assistance, and international conflict resolution and management, in pursuit of South Africa’s foreign policy objectives. The research methodology is a qualitative descriptive analysis, using a literature study, factual data sources, and interviews, as techniques. Both primary and secondary sources are consulted. This study makes an original contribution to the gap in the literature on South African naval diplomacy. In this regard, with the procurement of the recent ships and submarines, South African naval diplomatic capabilities have improved significantly. It is for this reason that the SAN is currently instrumental in maritime coercion in the region, particularly deterrence against piracy and other maritime insecurity issues. The SAN is also immensely involved in naval cooperation. In terms of international maritime assistance, the SAN does not only assist other countries in search and rescue missions, but also empower them. It also plays a vital and evolving role in international conflict resolution and management. The, however, SAN faces several hindrances including ageing equipment and ships (such as strike craft and hydrographic survey vessel); lack of patrol vessels and sea lift capability; loss of skilled personnel; and other challenges.
Weak states and child soldiering in Africa : contextual factors
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003-12) Van Niekerk, Magdaleen; Breytenbach, W. J.; Nel, Ananda; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Military Science. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Over the last forty years Africa has been one of the most conflict-ridden regions in the world, resulting in untold human suffering. It has been estimated that between 1955 and 1999 some nine to ten million people have died as a result of violent conflict in Africa. However, those suffering the most in these wars are not merely the defenceless victims of conflict, but also its active perpetrators. More than 120 000 children under the age of 18 years have been forced or recruited to participate in armed conflicts across Africa. Although the use of children in armed conflict is not a new phenomenon, it has never been as widespread and as brutal as during the past decade. Governmental organisations, non-governmental organisations, academic institutions, security institutes and the media have conducted extensive research on the phenomenon of child soldiers, specifically focusing on the demobilisation and reintegration of child combatants. Surprisingly, not much research has been conducted on why particular states are more prone to utilise these little soldiers than others. This thesis attempts to fill that gap by analysing the circumstances under which children are utilised as soldiers in Africa. This aim is divided into three subdivisions, namely to describe the type of states in which children are utilised as soldiers, to analyse the conflicts in which child soldiers are utilised, and to describe the socio-economic conditions that urge children to take up arms. An analysis of the child soldier-phenomenon suggests that it transpires in weak states. These states exhibit very distinct characteristics, including serious problems of legitimacy, the absence of one cohesive national identity, the presence of opposing local strongmen, high levels of institutional weakness, economic underdevelopment, and a vulnerability to external international forces. The weakness of these states is created by the fragmentation of social control amongst various social organisations, which is in turn caused by the expansion of the world economy from Europe and also by colonialism. This fragmentation poses immense challenges to state leaders and forces them to adopt very distinct political policies, which put certain limitations on the process of state-making. In response to this, leaders have adopted a number of social, political and economic strategies. These, together with the socio-economic conditions - specifically poverty - within weak states often create civil violence. These strategies include political centralisation, authoritarianism, ethnic politics, the manipulation of democratic processes and mechanisms, patronage politics and the manipulation of state economic structures and policies. However, in order to successfully execute these strategies, rulers need wealth-creating resources, which usually result in the exploitation of scarce natural resources. Warlords and local strongmen also exploit resources to purchase arms to combat both government forces and opposing strongmen. In addition, large international private companies cash in on the financial advantages accrued from conflict. This leads to the formation of entrenched war economies. In the end then, these wars becomean excuse to plunder natural resources for private enrichment. A very distinct characteristic of these conflicts is the widespread use of child soldiers. All the armed groups in Africa's wars, including government armed forces, paramilitary groups and armed opposition groups, are to a greater or lesser extent guilty of recruiting, forcefully conscripting, press-ganging and deploying child soldiers. However, states that utilise child soldiers all exhibit similar socio-economic characteristics. Poverty is endemic. Famine is widespread and magnifies the problems caused by war and poverty even further. The provision of medical and health care is insufficient because of the vast number of war wounded and the destruction of hospitals and clinics. This is also aggravated by the high numbers of HIV/AIDS sufferers. Schools are destroyed, educational systems are often poorly developed and illiteracy is widespread. In addition, due to years of war and civil unrest, millions of people are displaced and forced to become refugees. These socio-economic characteristics create the ideal breeding ground for the recruitment of child soldiers.

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