Masters Degrees (Strategic Studies)

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Browsing Masters Degrees (Strategic Studies) by Subject "Dissertations -- Military science"

Now showing 1 - 6 of 6
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    Instrument to evaluate to which extent the operational support information system (OSIS) adds value to the South African Air Force (SAAF)
    (Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2005-12) Hattingh, Maria Jacoba; Botha, D. F.; Renken, J. C.; University of Stellenbosch. Faculty of Military Sciences.
    Since the 1940s, the evaluation of information systems has been the topic of many authors’ research. When taking into account the amount of resources invested in an organisation’s information systems, especially in the present fiscal conditions, then the evaluation of an information system’s success is imperative. Traditionally, monetarybased evaluation measures were used to evaluate the success of an information system, however, these types of measures were found to be inadequate in their attempt to measure the complexity of information systems successfully. Surrogate measures, such as the user’s satisfaction with the information system, were developed to replace monetary-based evaluation measures. These forms of measures are often perceptual by nature and usually encompass the different stakeholders involved in the information system.
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    Military Intervention in Africa after the Cold War
    (Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010-03) Ramuhala, Mashudu Godfrey; Vrey, Francois; Liebenberg, Ian; University of Stellenbosch. Faculty of Military Science. School for Security and Africa Studies. Dept. of Military Strategy.
    ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Military intervention remains controversial when it happens, as well as when it fails to. Since the end of the Cold War, military intervention has attracted much scholarly interest, and it was demonstrated that several instances of the use of force or the threat to use force without Security Council endorsement were acceptable and necessary. Matters of national sovereignty are the fundamental principle on which the international order was founded since the Treaty of Westphalia. Territorial integrity of states and non-interference in their domestic affairs, remain the foundation of international law, codified by the United Nations Charter, and one of the international community’s decisive factors in choosing between action and non-intervention. Nonetheless, since the end of the Cold War matters of sovereignty and non-interference have been challenged by the emergent human rights discourse amidst genocide and war crimes. The aim of this study is to explain the extent to which military intervention in Africa has evolved since the end of the Cold War, in terms of theory, practice and how it unfolded upon the African continent. This will be achieved, by focusing on both successful and unsuccessful cases of military intervention in Africa. The unsuccessful cases being Somalia in 1992, Rwanda in 1994, and Darfur in 2003; and the successful cases being Sierra Leone in 2000 and the Comoros in 2008. The objective of this study is fourfold: firstly it seeks to examine the theoretical developments underpinning military intervention after the end of the Cold War; secondly, to describe the evolution of military intervention from a unilateral realist to a more multilateral idealist profile; thirdly, to demarcate the involvement in military intervention in Africa by states as well as organisations such as the AU and the UN and finally, discerning the contributions and the dilemmas presented by interventions in African conflicts and how Africa can emerge and benefit from military interventions. The intervention in Somalia produced a litmus test for post-Cold War interventions and the departure point for their ensuing evolution. Rwanda ensued after Somalia, illustrating the disinclination to intervene that featured during this episode. Darfur marked the keenness of the AU to intervene in contrast with the ensuing debates at the Security Council over naming the crime whether or not “genocide” was unfolding in Darfur. Positively though, the intervention by Britain in Sierra Leone and the AU intervention in the Comoros are clear illustrations of how those intervening, were articulate in what they intend to do and their subsequent success.
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    Multi-detector registration system for the study of multi-body decay of heavy body nuclei
    (Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012-12) Malaza, Vusi David; Jacobs, N. M.; Pyatkov, Yu V.; Kamanin, D. V.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Military Sciences. School of Science and Technology. Dept. of Physics.
    Nuclear ssion is commonly known as a process where a heavy nucleus such as Uranium or Thorium decays into two fragments of roughly equal mass. On occasion however, instead of decay into two parts a process known as binary ssion, the nucleus can decay into three fragments. In this decay channel known as ternary ssion, the nucleus splits into three fragments with the third particle being too light compared to the main ssion fragments. There are also instances where heavy nuclei split into three fragments of comparable masses, the so called \true ternary ssion" as was predicted by the theoretical calculations of Strutinsky [Str63]. While theoretical predictions hold promises for this decay mode, experimental attempts had little success in proving the existence of true ternary ssion in low energy ssion. The challenges and di culties faced by experimentalist in con rming the existence of true ternary ssion also proved that this ssion mode is a very rare phenomenon. This thesis is devoted to the investigation of ternary ssion know as collinear cluster tripartition (CCT) in spontaneous ssion of 252Cf, and the design and development of two time-of- ight spectrometers aimed at identifying all collinear multi-body decay partners directly. Prior to this study the only technique that was used at identifying decay partners in CCT was the \missing mass" approach. In this approach only two partners are identi ed directly with the third partner being identi ed by subtracting the two observed partners from the initial mass of the nucleus. The experimental results from the two spectrometer setups showed that it was possible to identify all three partners of the CCT channel. The results also con rmed the existence of the so called \Sn lost" CCT mode which was already observed in earlier experiments.
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    Pursuing human security in Africa through developmental peace missions : ambitious construct or feasible ideal?
    (Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008-12) Olivier, Laetitia; Neethling, T. G.; Mokoena, B. P. O.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Military Sciences. School for Security and Africa Studies.
    ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the feasibility of the concept Developmental Peace Missions (DPMs). It seeks to answer the question whether DPMs is an ambitious construct or a feasible ideal and whether DPMs could be effectively applied during peace missions. The study takes the form of a descriptive analysis of the theoretical underpinnings of the concept of DPMs, and includes the analysis of various relevant case studies in terms of the application of the concept of DPMs. The study further explores the evolution that has taken place in terms of United Nations peace missions, in that most modern peace missions include both peacekeeping and peacebuilding initiatives. The study also illustrates the modern approach to peace missions, based on an integrated systems-thinking approach by means of which the activities of all relevant role-players are integrated and fused towards a common end state: that of sustained security and development. In order to analyse the concept of DPMs, the theoretical underpinnings of the concept human security, the security-development nexus and peacebuilding were researched in depth. These concepts were then coupled to the concept of DPMs in terms of their utility during current complex peace missions, both internationally and on the African continent. The concept of DPMs was studied in the context of contemporary peacekeeping in terms of three case studies, namely the peace missions in Kosovo, Sierra Leone and the DRC. The DPMs concept was applied to these case studies and analysed in terms of the extent to which the peace interventions in these countries were conducted in accordance with the philosophical and theoretical underpinnings of DPMs. The study concludes that DPMs, in terms of its theoretical basis, is indeed a feasible ideal for peace missions, as it is based on and in line with the approved current UN- and AU-integrated planning processes. However, in terms of its practical utility in Africa, it currently remains an ambitious construct, given the limited capacity and resources of the AU and regional organisations. Therefore, DPMs should not be viewed as a short-term solution to, or panacea for, all intra-state wars. The study proposes that the UN, the AU, as well as relevant regional organisations will have to adjust and make changes in terms of their institutions, structures, funding and the provision of resources in order to operationalise the concept of DPMs successfully. This is especially true as far as the AU is concerned, as the AU currently experiences severe limitations in both material and human resources. However, the fact that both the UN and the AU have adopted the Integrated Mission Planning Process concept as planning tool for their respective missions is an indication that progress is being made towards the achievement of establishing a more holistic and integrated approach to finding sustainable solutions to global conflict. Ultimately, the success of DPMs will be determined by the will and commitment of all the relevant role-players involved in finding a lasting solution to intra-state conflicts. The concept itself cannot provide sustainable peace and development.
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    South African defence policy and capability : the case of the South African National Defence Force
    (Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013-12) Louw, Gerhard Martin; Esterhuyse, Abel; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Military Sciences. School for Defence Organisation and Resource Management.
    ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Armed forces the world over have three primary functions — force development, force deployment and force employment. Defence policy plays a guiding role in all of these, but is especially important in establishing the rationale for the creation of those military capabilities that force development brings about. The end of the Cold War, which coincided with a new political dispensation in South Africa, also gave rise to a new security paradigm: a theory implying both a reduction in the utility of military force, and an adjustment in the use of military forces. This phenomenon changed the context within which states generate modern defence policy, but did not affect the causal relationship between policy publications and the outcomes of a military’s force development activities. Usually, a defence policy presupposes the development of armed forces that are effective and efficient at executing their mandate — a condition that is measurable in terms of the organisation’s levels integration, skill, quality and responsiveness. The thesis uses this concept, both as a point of departure and as a structural organising device, to describe the variance between defence policy and military capabilities. A general analysis of South Africa’s defence policy publications indicates that, indeed, the policymakers had thoroughly considered the armed forces’ effectiveness when they wrote the White Paper (1996) and the Defence Review (1998). By 2006, the South African Army has interpreted national defence policy and formulated a future strategy of its own, very much in alignment with the ‘modern system’ approach of the original policy publications. However, further analysis of the actual capabilities of the South African National Defence Force indicates a major variance between the relevant defence policy publications, the military’s force development outcomes, and the present demands of the South African security environment. There appears to be quite serious deficiencies in the attribute of integration, which arise primarily from political influences; furthermore, the military’s quality is under strain, mainly because of the defence force’s seeming inability to formulate a strategy that is not only acceptable, but also suitable and feasible. While the armed forces appear to be skilful enough to execute their present (peacetime) missions, success in the type of operations that policy demands is unlikely. In summary, the study suggests that the principal reason for the large variance between defence policy, military capabilities, and real operational demands stems from defence’s lack of responsiveness to its resource constraints and operational realities. The thesis therefore concludes that the defence force has been largely unsuccessful in complying with the demands of defence policy, irrespective of the fact that the policy by itself may be obsolete and/or inappropriate for the South African context; furthermore, that military effectiveness in meeting current operational demands is also doubtful. Finally, the defence force’s schizophrenic organisational culture may be the primary cause of it moving ever closer to reneging on its constitutional mandate.
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    South African defence since 1994 : a study of policy-making
    (Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2005-04) Jordaan, Evert; Seegers, A.; Esterhuyse, A. J.; University of Stellenbosch. Faculty of Military Sciences. Dept. of School for Security and Africa Studies. Military Strategy.
    ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As South Africa entered the transitional period towards establishing a multi-party democracy, its defence policy changed fundamentally. The African National Congress (ANC) as the upcoming governing party established the Military Research Group (MRG), to help formulate its defence policy positions, which subsequently largely determined South African defence policy. Through this think-tank the ANC leadership became interested in and supported the idea of non-offensive defence (NOD). NOD is a European idea of the Cold War era, which was aimed at preventing the security dilemma, arms races and accidental war between states. The aim of this study is to describe the nature of defence policy-making in South Africa since 1994, by describing how NOD became prominent. Non-offensive defence ideas influenced South African defence policy significantly and appeared in all legislation and policies pertaining to defence. NOD complemented the ANC’s domestic policy goals with the new security paradigm, which like NOD, originate from the Peace Research school of thought. As a defensive idea, NOD emphasised South Africa’s intention to improve relations with Southern African states, as well as its strategic defensiveness, which determined the military doctrine of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF). The ANC used NOD to transform the SANDF, especially to scale down its power projection capabilities. Two arguments are made in this study to describe the nature of defence policy-making in South Africa when the prominence of NOD is considered. Firstly, that South African defence policy-makers are open to ideas and models from industrialised states, despite the limited applicability and shortcomings of such models. Secondly, models can be used in various ways by interest groups to influence policy. NOD was used as a theoretical tool by the MRG and the military to influence defence policy according to their interests. Several characteristics of South African defence policy-making were also identified. Firstly, that the Constitution does not prioritise state or individual security as more important. This makes conflicting world-views of realism and idealism about defence possible. Defence policy therefore often has to involve a compromise between these views. Secondly, although the Constitution makes provision for public participation in defence policy-making, there is no equal distribution of power for interest groups to influence policy. In this regard the legislature and parliamentary defence committees are also weak compared to the executive authority. Thirdly, the use of non-governmental organisations in defence policy-making has created a form of direct and unrestricted lobbying, as well as the privatisation of policy-making.