Browsing by Author "Tukic, Nusa"
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- ItemThe illicit arms trade in states in transition : a comparative study of South Africa and Croatia(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2011-12) Tukic, Nusa; Lambrechts, Derica; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research study aims to analyze the illicit arms trade in states in transition. While both the study of the illicit arms trade and the study of states in transition per se, are characterized by a variety of concepts and debates within academia, this study attempts to establish a coherent and concise connection between the two. Therefore, the main research question is: How do the capacity gaps of social control, social welfare, border control and legitimacy contribute to the proliferation of the illicit arms trade in states in transition? For the purpose of this study, the researcher uses the theoretical framework based on capacity gaps and functional holes as outlined by Phil Williams (2002). Williams (2002) states that organized crime and transnational organized crime (TOC), which the illicit arms trade is a part of, flourish in states that are weakened by capacity gaps and where the accompanying functional holes open up the way for organized crime and TOC to work with impunity. The seven capacity gaps that Williams (2002) outlines are: social control, social welfare, business regulation, oversight and accountability, border control, legitimacy and electoral norms and patterns. However, this thesis does not focus on all seven capacity gaps; instead, only the capacity gaps of social control, social welfare, border control and legitimacy are analysed. This decision has been based on the literature by Williams (2002), Migdal (1988), Beck and Laeven (2006), who suggest that a state in transition cannot complete its transitional period and become a consolidated democracy if high levels of social control, social welfare, respect for the rule of law and legitimacy are not obtained. Moreover, this research study conducts a comparative analysis of two states in transition, South Africa and Croatia, which have both been experiencing difficulties with TOC and the illicit arms trade, and where both states still have not completed their transitional period, and are thus not consolidated democracies. This research does not imply that the findings of this study are applicable to all states in transition; the focus is rather on how the four capacity gaps and functional holes that this research focused on contribute to the proliferation of the illicit arms trade in South Africa and Croatia. The findings indicate that due to high levels of corruption within the judicial system and police, the citizens of South Africa and Croatia lack trust in the states’ capacity to impose social control, which in turn opens the way for organized criminal groups to work with impunity. Furthermore, the social welfare capacity gap contributes to the rise in levels of organized crime and the illicit arms trade due to the fact that levels of inequality and unemployment force the citizens of South Africa and Croatia to look for alternative survival strategies, usually those that organized criminal groups can provide them with. Moreover, the lack of resources and corruption among custom officials and police staff, serve as opportunities for organized criminal groups to traffic illicit goods over South Africa and Croatia’s borders; thus indicating a functional hole in the states interdictory capacity and an overall gap in the states capacity to control its borders. Lastly, due to the South African and Croatian citizens’ lack of trust in the institutions and the state apparatus in general, the capacity gap of legitimacy is visible. This in turn opens the way for organized criminal groups to use patron-client relationships with the citizens of South Africa and Croatia, in order to build and sustain a level of popular legitimacy that the state is lacking.
- ItemPaving the road ahead – China-Africa co-operation in the infrastructure sector(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015-11) Tukic, Nusa; Kim, Yejoo; Stellenbosch University. Centre for Chinese StudiesChina has launched a number of initiatives regarding infrastructural development globally, with a specific focus on scaling up infrastructure throughout the African continent. The BRICS New Development Bank and Chinese infrastructure initiatives such as the China-led Africa Growing Together Fund (AGTF) are expected to play a significant role ranging from financing to technology transfer. In January 2015, China and the Africa Union (AU) signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) on infrastructural development. China and the AU have agreed to put collective effort into improving Africa’s infrastructure including high speed railways, aviation, and road highways. Against this background, the Second Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) Summit will be a platform accelerating the co-operation between China and African states at multiple levels in the infrastructure sector. Prior to the Summit, we should scrutinise Sino-African co-operation in infrastructure both in the past and present in order to map out the future relationship and determine what opportunities and challenges lie in the future. This policy brief offers an overview of Chinese engagement in Africa, with a specific focus on East Africa. In recent years, the East African region in particular has been one of the most prominent beneficiaries of this development, with mega projects including Kenya’s Port Lamu, the Southern Sudan-Ethiopia Transport (LAPSSET) corridor and the construction of a Standard Gauge Railway in Kenya. The brief examines the transport sector and its potential to connect African countries by reducing the costs of moving people and goods, and integrating markets.
- ItemThe role of MNCs in China and Brazil’s foreign policy towards developing states in Africa(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2018-03) Tukic, Nusa; Grimm, Sven; Van der Westhuizen, Janis; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: While most international political economy (IPE) literature has been concerned with the relations between multinational corporations (MNCs) and the host states in which they operate, this study sought to contribute to general state-MNC relations by looking at the other dimension, namely home state-MNC relations. In addition, while home state-MNC literature mostly focuses on how this relationship plays out in the domestic realm; this study focused on home state-MNC relations in foreign policy. A further limitation was to only look at home state-MNC relations in the developing world by using China and Brazil as the main case studies, and their interaction with MNCs in foreign policy towards developing states from Africa. The research design was comparative, using the most similar system case selections. The cases (China and Brazil) were selected based on several similarity indicators: a history of a strong state apparatus and a history of dirigisme in relation to the economy. This implies the pivotal role of the state not only in domestic but also international relations, particularly regarding MNCs internationalisation. In addition, China and Brazil’s similarities in other respects: emerging power status, internationalisation of MNCs and economic expansion from 1990 onwards (particularly in Africa), move towards capitalist economy and aspects of late industrialisation; provided for interesting contextualisations. Given China and Brazil’s history of state control over all aspect of society, politics and economics, this study wanted to investigate how the home state interacts with its MNCs in foreign policy, based on the assumption that globalisation forces have caused the state’s role to decline as outlined by Stopford and Strange (1991). This was done through the application of the theoretical framework derived from (mainly) the works of Strange (1988, 1996) and Weiss (1998), which stipulates that the locus of power in home state-MNC relations is dependent on the control of four pillars of structural power (credit, security, production, and knowledge). In other words, whoever controls majority of the pillars has the leverage to ask certain favours from the other. This extends to the attribution of specific roles to MNCs by their home state in its foreign policy. In the case of equal control of the pillars, it is argued that the relationship will be one of governed interdependence. Based on China’s political and institutional background of being a communist state, it was expected that the locus of control, despite the forces of globalisation and increasing move towards open market principles, will remain in the hands of the home state. For Brazil, the assumption was that the home state-MNC relationship will be one of interdependence, based on the history of protectionism. However, the findings of this study are counterintuitive, as it was found that in the case of China, the home state-MNC relationship is one of conditioned governed interdependence; and in the case of Brazil, it is one of dependence of MNCs on the home state. In relation to roles attributed to MNCs in the home states foreign policy, it was found that the types of roles in the case of China and Brazil are the same: national champion, wealth creator, market access pioneer, and positive image creator through the performance of South-South Development Cooperation activities. In the case of China, it was found that the home state can attach a certain role to its MNCs which is furthermore dependent on five indicators of MNC importance: time, sector, region, events around region, and MNC ownership structure. However, based on the MNCs control of two of the four pillars of structural power (production and knowledge) they have operational flexibility in deciding if they want to adhere to the attributed role, therefore the home state- MNC relation is one of conditioned governed interdependence. In the case of Brazil, it was found that the role attributed to MNCs by their home state depends on one indicator: the political or economic importance of the region/country of MNCs operation for Brazil’s foreign policy. In addition, based on the dependence of MNCs on their home state, Brazilian MNCs are more likely to adhere to that role than their Chinese counterparts, indicating that they have limited operational flexibility as their relationship towards the home state is one of dependence.