SELECTED BLACK AFRICAN DRAMATISTS SOUTH OF THE ZAMBEZI Celeste Avril Litkie Dissertation presented for the Degree ofDoctor ofPhilosophy atthe University of Stellenbosch Promoter: Prof. Temple Hauptflelsch Co-Supervisor: Prof. Dennis Schauffer April 2003 DECLARATION I,the undersigned, hereby declare that the work contained inthis dissertation ismy own original work andthat Ihave not previously initsentirety or inpart submitted itat any university for adegree. Signature: IL Date: .).0 - Of - .;200.3 Abstract Late twentieth century theatre studies has been characterised by an expansion of the notion of theatre to encompass an enormous variety of performance-based activities. Arange of pioneering academics and practitioners have moved beyond the old European-American paradigm of the literary theatre, to recognize the unique qualities ofthe performance as atheatrical artefact in its own right. One of the by-products of this paradigm shift has been what some would term the death - or at least diminution - ofthe dramatist or playwright. Another has been the (re-)discovery ofwhat isvaguely referred to as "African theatre". This study had no intention oftaking up the argument about the precise forms and processes that belong under that rubric, nor the many problems associated with such categorizing. It has amuch more mundane aim, namely to look at one form of play creation - formal playwriting -in a specified region ofthe vast African continent, south ofthe Zambezi. The focus is very specifically onpublished or written texts, created and produced in South Africa, Namibia, Botswana, Zimbabwe, Lesotho, Swaziland and Mozambique. For avariety of reasons not allthese countries could be studied, but enough material was found to arrive at some initial conclusions. In this respect, this is apioneering study, since no such comparative survey has yet been done. Based on aprevious pilot study by Dennis Schauffer atthe University ofDurban- Westville, the study utilises aprocess model ofthe theatrical system proposed by Temple Hauptfleisch (1997) as aframe of reference and arange of four basic kinds of data to answer anumber of questions to study the writers and their works. The materials utilized are: 1. Play scripts 2. Biographical data, press cuttings, video recordings, articles. 3. Interviews and interviewer's journal entries. 4. Studies ofthe socio-political milieu Data was gathered on 12writers andtheir works, aswell assome substantial information on community theatre and related forms inthe region. The primary authors discussed in some detail are Gibson Kente, Zakes Mda, Gcina Mhlope, Matsemela Manaka, Fani-Kayode Osazuwa Omoregie, Freddy Philander, Vickson Tablah Hangula, Tsokolo Muso (Tjotela mor'a Moshpela), Sonny Sampson-akpan, Andreas Mavuso, and Sipho Mtetwa. With this data the study seeks to address anumber ofquestions concerning playwriting inthe sub-continent. These include: 1. acomparison ofexisting performance forms and their relationships to oral traditions 2. the influence of socio-political contexts onthe works produced 3. the relationship between plays and the other media, such asfilm and television; 4. aconsideration ofaudiences (ortarget audiences) andtheir impact onthe form and content ofworks, 5. the impact ofthe nature of, access to and availability ofvenues 6. the role played by funding andrelationships to state institutions; 7. language choices and their impact onthe arts; 8. And finally, the interesting question ofcross-cultural encounters andtheir influence onthe forms oftheatre inthe region. This setof questions provide the context for astudy ofthe variety oftheatrical and performance output generated inAfrica, south oftheZambezi, and to identify some common and/or divergent cultural influences inthe works ofthe selected black African dramatists inthe southern sub-continent ofAfrica. As expected, one such common denominator was the oral tradition, the other was the colonial heritage of western, Eurocentric theatre and literary practices. The dynamic between these traditions proved tobe apoint of some interest, but also posed many methodological problems. Two other major factors inmany ofthe countries have proven to bethe lack ofa strong theatrical infrastructure and divergent audience expectations, which have ledto a proliferation of non-formal and applied theatre processes (e.g. in political theatre, popular theatre, community theatre, theatre for development, etc), which in their turn pose their own methodological problems for researchers. In the final analysis, given the restraints under which the candidate had to work, the study could only look at some interesting but selected authors, who in their works seem to illustrate some of the variety and energy of the widely dispersed region. Hopefully in doing this it provided a few broad indications of important trends. More importantly perhaps, the study did identify a number of areas for future research. It would seem that, besides a tremendous need to do considerably more work on the collection and archiving of data on theatre and performance systems, practitioners and practice in Southern Africa, there are at least three additional areas of research that require particular attention: 1. the development of an appropriate theatre research methodology for application in the region 2. a study of the role played by foreign nationals 3. the setting up of a national and continent-wide database on theatre in Africa. Opsomming Teaternavorsing word in die laat twintigste eeu gekenmerk deur 'n uitbreiding van die konsep teater om 'n enorme spektrum tipes aanbiedings-aktiwiteite ("performance activities") te behels. Verskeie leidinggewende akademici en praktisyns het verby die ou Europees-Amerikaanse paradigma van literere teater beweeg om die die unieke kwaliteite van die aanbieding ("performance") as 'n kreatiewe artefak in eie reg. Een van die newe-produkte van hierdie verskuiwing in paradigma is die sogenaamde "dood" - often minste die afskaling van die rol van - dietoneelskrywer of dramaturg. 'n Ander (her)ontdekking was wat ons breedweg na verwys as Afrikateater. Die studie beoog rue om al die ou argumente oor die presiese vorms en prosesse wat onder daardie benaming behoort te behandel nie, of om nogeens te spekuleer oor die menige probleme wat met sodanige kategorisering gepaard gaan nie. Die doelwit isveel eenvoudiger: om na een vorm van teksskepping (formele toneelskryf) te kyk in 'n gespesifiseerde streek van die Afrika-kontinent, suid van dieZambesi. Die fokus is pertinent op gepubliseerde of geskrewe tekste, geskep en opgevoer in Suid-Afrika, Namibia, Botswana, Zimbabwe, Lesotho, Swaziland en Mozambique. Om verskeie redes is nie al die lande uiteindelik deurtastend bestudeer nie, maar genoeg materiaal kon ingewin word om tog by 'n aantal voorlopige gevolgtrekkings uit te kom. In hierdie opsig is die studie uniek, aangesien nog geen ander vergelykende studie van teater in hierdie lande onderneem is nie. Die ondersoek isgebaseer op 'n loodsprojek wat deur Dennis Schauffer by die Universiteit van Durban-Westville onderneem is, en maak gebruik van 'n proses- model van die teatersisteem wat deur Temple Hauptfleisch (1997) ontwikkel is om as 'n raamwerk te dien waarbinne vier stelle bronne ontleed en bespreek word. Die tersake bronne behels: 1. Toneeltekste 2. Biografiese inligting 3. Onderhoude, pers berigte, video-opnames, artikels 4. Studies van die sosio-politieke milieu Inligting is oor twaalf dramaturge en hulle werk ingewin, saam met substansiele inligting oor gemeenskapsteater en aanverwante vorme. Die hoof skrywers wat in besonderhede bespreek word is Gibson Kente, Zakes Mda, Gcina Mhlope, Matsemela Manaka, Fani-Kayode Osazuwa Omoregie, Freddy Philander, Vickson Tablah Hangula, Tsokolo Muso (Tjotela mar' a Moshpela), Sonny Sampson-akpan, Andreas Mavuso, and Sipho Mtetwa. Met hierdie data het die ondersoeker gepoog om 'n aantal vrae oor toneelskryf op die sub-kontinent aan te spreek. Die vrae sluit in: 1. 'n vergelyking tussen bestaande aanbiedingsvorms en hulle verwantskap met orale tradisies 2. die invloed van sosio-politke kontekste op die werke gelwer 3. die verhouding tussen toneelstukke en ander media vorme, soos film en televisie 4. 'n kyk na gehore (ofteiken gehore) en hulle impak op die vorm en inhoud van werke 5. die impak, aard en toeganklikheid van speelruimtes 6. die rol gespeel deur befondsing en die verhouding met staats-instellings 7. taalkeuses en hulle impak op die kunste 8. en laastens: die interressante kwessie van kruis-kulurele kontakte en hulle invloed op die vorme van teater in die streek. Hierdie stel vrae vorm die konteks vir 'n ondersoek na die verskeidenheid van teater- en aanbiedingsuitsette wat suid van die Zambesi gegenereer word, en die identifisering van sommige gemeenskaplike en uiteenlopende kulturele invloede in die werke van swart Afrika-skrywers in die gebied. Soos verwag, was een van die gemeenskaplikhede die orale tradisie, 'n ander die koloniale erfenis van Westerse, Eurosentirese teater en literere gebruike. Die dinamiese interaksie tussen hierdie twee tradities het van besondere belang geblyk te wees, maar impliseer ook an hele aantal metodologiese probleme. Twee ander faktore wat in baie van die bestudeerde lande sleutel rolle speel is die tekort aan 'n sterk teaterinfrastruktuur en uiteenlopende gehoorverwagtinge. - wat lei tot 'n proliferasie van nie-formele en toegepaste teaterprosesse (bv. In politieke teater, popuH:;reteater, gemeenskapsteater, teater vir ontwikkeling, ens.), wat op hulle beurt ook spesifieke metodologiese uitdagings aan die navorser stel. Gegee die beperkinge waaronder die kandidaat moes werk, kon die studie dus slegs na 'n aantal interessante maar geselekteerde outeurs kyk, wie se werke die verskeidenheid en energie van teater in die wydverspreide streek illustreer. Hopelik het die studie op die wyse 'n aantal bree aanduidings kon gee van belangrike tendense. Terselfdertyd is 'n aantal belangrike terreine vir toekomstige navorsing gei'dentifiseer. Dit wil voorkom asof daar, benewens 'n enorme behoefte aan die byeenbring en argivering van data oor teater sisteme, praktisyns en aanbiedings in die streek, drie terreine is waarop dringned gewerk moet word: 1. Die ontwikkelling van 'n toepaslike teatemavorsingsmetodologie 2. 'n studie van die rol gespeel deur buitelandse praktisyns in die ontwikkelling van inheemse vorme 3. die daarstel van 'n omvangryke nasionale en trans-kontinentale databasis oor teater in Mrika Acknowledgements I would like to thank Andreas Hadjidimtriades for his enormous support throughout the research and completion of this project. To Professor Dennis Schauffer, a special word of thanks for his original inspiration, ongoing guidance and continued support, and for letting me have access to his valuable resources in undertaking this study. To the Drama Department at the University of Stellenbosch for the technical and logistical support. TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter One: Introduction. Chapter Two: South Africa. Chapter Three: Botswana. Chapter Four: Namibia Chapter Five: Lesotho. Chapter Six: Swaziland, Zimbabwe and Mozambique. Chapter Seven: Conclusion Bibliography Page 1-50 Page 51-99 Page 100-117 Page 118-140 Page141-154 Page 155-170 Page. 171-183 Page 184-188. Appendices. Page 189-234 Appendix 1 Black African Dramatists: An Interim Report Page 190-193 Appendix 2. Diagram of Theatre as a System of Processes. Page 194-195 Appendix 3. Interview Gina Mhlope. Page 196-205 Appendix 4. Interview with Gibson Kente. Page 206-218 Appendix 5. Interview with Matsemela Manaka. Page 219-234 CHAPTER ONE Introduction One ofthe marvels of late twentieth century theatre studies has been the expansion of the notion oftheatre to encompass an enormous variety of performance-based activities. This has occurred through the pioneering work of arange of academics and practitioners who have moved beyond the old European-American paradigm ofthe literary theatre, to recognize the unique qualities ofthe performance as atheatrical artefact in its own right. Among the by-products ofthis paradigm shift have been what some would term the death -or atleast dimunition ofthe playwright -and the rediscovery of numerous "alternative" performance forms, orforms of "theatre". One ofthese newly re-discovered traditions has been the so-called" Mrican theatre". What that means, what forms and processes allbelong under that rubric, what problems are associated with such categorizing, and soon has been much debated over the years, by most ofthe luminaries ofthe academic and artistic world. Sothis study has no intention oftaking up that argument again, but has amuch more mundane aim, namely to look at one form ofplay creation in a specified region ofthe vast Mrican continent. In our own cultural endeavours as South Africans, we are becoming more and more aware of aneed to recognize and to root ourselves somehow in awider, yet 1 inescapable African context. Yet for so many years we have had no access to it, even within our own country. It has only been in the past two decades that authors and academics have begun to study the work of local, non-Western forms in seriousness. 1.1 Aims of the study Given the situation outlined above this study intends to begin an exploration of theatre practice, and in particular the playwriting activities in a number of countries south of the Zambezi. The focus will be on published or written texts, and the countries originally targeted were South Africa, Namibia, Botswana, Zimbabwe, Lesotho, Swaziland and Mozambique. For reasons to be explained further on, not all these countries could be studied, but enough were done to arrive at enough data to come to some initial conclusions. The study is based on a former study by Dennis Schauffer (see Appendix 1) and, utilizing a process model of the theatrical system proposed by Temple Hauptfleisch (see Appendix 2) as a frame for the study. The candidate then uses a comparative technique - which she has termed "quadulation" (see 1.4 below) - to address a number of issues of some importance in the developing inter-regional exxchange of artistic output. These include: (a) a comparison of existing performance forms and their relationships to oral traditions (b) the influence of socio-political contexts on the works produced 2 (c) the relationship between plays and the other media, such as film and television; (d) a consideration of audiences (or target audiences) and their impact on the form and content of works, (e) the impact of the nature of, access to and availability of venues (f) the role played by funding and relationships to state institutions; (g) language choices and their impact on the arts; (h) And finally, the interesting question of cross-cultural encounters and their influence on the forms of theatre in the region. This set of questions provide a context for some tentative speculation about the extent of a shift to an Mrocentric paradigm. In addition, the study seeks to outline some of the limitations encountered by researchers, and questions of appropriate methodology and assessment criteria. 1.2 Community theatre, popular theatre and theatre for development Perhaps one of the most prominent buzzwords today is that of community theatre (and the reader will find references to it throughout this study). Certainly the concept is widely used in the region we are studying, and in some areas we have been studying the practice of "community theatre" it has proved to form the core of theatre activity. While it has not been the intention of this study to focus on anything except the performance of written scripts (i.e. formal plays), one cannot ignore the impact of what has variously been named community theatre, theatre for development and 3 popular theatre (see Steadman, Kerr, Kruger, et al.) So perhaps a few notes on community theatre may be of use in planning any further research. In this regard an important conference took place at the Victoria Hotel in Maseru, Lesotho, from 19th to the 24th June 2000. This was an event coordinated by the Market Theatre Laboratory and it brought together representatives of community theatre organisations from most of the SADEC countries for the purposes of formalising the loose association of such groups that had been set up in Swaziland the year before. Dennis Schauffer attended this event, having been granted observer status in what effectively was an all Black Mrican group of representatives. He also made full use of the opportunity to record interviews with many of the delegates. In reading his reports on the formation ofSATI (SouthernAfrican Theatre Initiative), it seemed to me that here was an example of a kind of theatre unique to Southern Mrica. The focus upon communal creation of performance using the local languages of the community and drawing upon the traditions, customs, legends, dances, and rituals of the particular society all seemed to accord well with an Mrocentric approach to the creation of theatre. The debate on directly relevant issues raised by the presentations made this form of theatre peculiarly relevant to the target audience, and the fact that the entire exercise is, in financial terms, donor-driven makes the work accessible in a way that no commercially presented piece could ever be. Community theatre is, of course, a term used all over the world but it seemed to me that in the southern sub-continent of Africa it had developed into a unique hybrid form of undeniable importance. Schauffer reports that a website is to be set up by the Market Theatre Laboratory listing over 3000 independent community theatre groups 4 known to exist in the sub-continent. Mpo Molepho who is in charge of this valuable record, and who chaired the meetings in Maseru, estimates that the total number of individuals involved in Community theatre and working under the umbrella of one or more of these groups is of the order of 45 000 with the majority being in their late teens. (Schauffer, Log.) In America the term Community theatre refers to something completely different from the kind of theatre SATI is seeking to coordinate and promote. From the website ofthe American Association of Community Theatre representing the interests of over 1000 Community theatre groups (webmaster@oact.org) comes the information that amateur acting companies existed in America from as early as 1788 (the Thalian Association of Wilmington, North Carolina) which still exists today along with other very long-standing groups such as the Community Theatre (in Salt Lake City (founded in 1853) and The Footlight Club in Boston (founded in 1877). But 'Community Theatre' as a term only came into general use in America at the turn of the last century when with the advent of movies, the small-town professional playhouses closed or were converted into movie-houses - much in the same way as many theatres in South Mrica were converted. Essentially the American Community theatre practitioners do not aspire to professional status, although they may well aspire to professional standards. In South Africa they would simply be "amateurs". By comparison practitioners in Community theatre groups in the African sub-continent do receive money for their participation - which makes them professional in the strictly legal definition of the term. The levels of remuneration are of course pathetically low by comparison with some earnings 5 abroad but in an economically depressed region of the world low earnings are better than no earnings at all. Most participants seem to join community theatre groups after their matric or senior certificate at the end of High School education and one suspects that unlike participants in Community theatre in America or in Amateur Dramatic Associations in England or on the Continent, the Southern Mrican Community theatre participants are driven as much by the desire to earn a meagre living as by the desire to celebrate their creative potential within the art. Schauffer's log makes interesting reading in this regard. In the log entry dated 27/05/2000 he notes: Tebogo quietly asked Nivashni on the way out of Ghetto Artists headquarters in Mabutho Street in the suburb of Dong a in Francistown, for her contact address in South Mrica. The same thing happened at Bricks in Katatura with Christie Warner. In the official recorded interviews all the community theatre workers spoke of their absolute commitment to community development through theatre, despite the lowest subsistence levels of funding for their involvement. Meanwhile I got the clear impression that if we were auditioning any of these young people for the opportunity to act in a well-paid movie, TV series, or commercial 6 theatre piece which was pure entertainment without a hint of "community development" we would have been killed in the rush. (Schauffer - Log.) All of the above notwithstanding, 45 000 underpaid professionals still make community theatre the largest professional grouping in the region, outnumbering mainstream professional practitioners by a handsome margin. In terms of this study however, they are of no direct interest, for such groups normally only create scripts of communal authorship - that is if they are recorded at all. The motive for creating scripts appears not to be for publication nor, in practise, for regular re-use in subsequent productions of the same work, but for inclusion in reports to donors and to donor agencies as part of being accountable for donations received, and as indication to future donors of the nature and quality of the work capable of being generated by the group should they be so fortunate to receive funding in the future. Long influenced by Augusto Boal' s work, this notion of community theatre has obvious relevance here in the sub-continent of Africa and elsewhere in Mrica where a hybrid version of community theatre is practiced, and comes close to the form created by the Colway Theatre Trust (C.T.T.) founded in 1979 by the playwright Ann Jellicoe. It seemed incredible that in Lyme Regis in Colway, in Southern England, an experiment in theatre twenty-two years ago should play itself out so effectively here 7 in Africa today, in a cultural milieu quite divorced from the influence of mainstream Eurocentric culturel. But there are also differences between the British and Southern African practice. The single most important difference is that the British model uses local issues, local talent, and local human resources not only to create theatrical presentations of social relevance, but also to draw this material together in order to create a publishable script. The Southern African approach (very understandably - for the reasons discussed in this thesis) is to de-emphasize the word. Another point of major significance is that many Black African dramatists who have published play scripts also work in community theatre. Zakes Mda for example donates his time to community groups in Dobsonville (Asoka Theatre Profile Series, Zakes Mda, p.8) and he does not produce his own work 'except when we talk about theatre for development where I have produced and directed' (Asoka Theatre Profile Series, Zakes Mda, p.9). Similarly, Matsemela Manaka did community theatre work through Soyikwa (See appendix 4), John Kani has undertaken similar sort of work not only in South Africa but also abroad, and the Market Theatre Laboratory offers outstanding support and encouragement to community theatre groups not only in South Africa but throughout the sub-continent. John Ledwaba may start with a script but even this is a product of workshopping with others . ... I write a lot of stutT, but I leave the group to workshop the situations. (S.A./lL.) This approach evolved out ofLedwaba's association with Sam Mangwane and Maishe Maponya's work with the People's Theatre Association. 8 Thus, whilst there are variations in approach, the Black African dramatists in South Africa seem to contribute to the theatre on three levels. (1) Through publication of their scripts they are contributing to agrowing canon of South African dramatic literature. (2) Through their work in mainstream theatre both within South Africa and abroad they have brought avibrancy to the theatre that owes much to the tradition of using theatre to tell a story in a simple and effective way. Uncluttered by the necessity to present the work within the Western presentational style of Realism, the works can move with ease from scene to scene in a swift panorama of sequential scenes, flashbacks, presentations that collapse the distinction between past and present, natural and super-natural (as inMda's version ofMagic Realism), audience space and performance space (as inMatsemela Manaka's late works), ritual and performance (as in The Asabo Tail by Sonny Samson-akpan). (3) Finally most Black African dramatists seem to maintain strong links with community theatre groups and many involve themselves directly in 'theatre for development' as some would call ie. It could be argued that involvement of dramatists inboth workshopping and scriptwriting - in communal authorship has been the to benefit of both, with the community providing arich range of material for facilitators, directors, or playwrights to use their skills to order and shape into aproduction that isthen scripted or not as the case may be. The full extent ofthe impact of community theatre inthe sub- continent istoo early to assess and as aform oftheatre itwill always be at risk because of its funding base. Shifts inworld economy impact upon the willingness of !.I s....? donor countries to contribute to such initiatives, worthy though they may perceive them to be. Political unrest in the region may also negatively affect sponsorship from abroad. Only time will tell for instance, what the effect of the present Zimbabwean situation or the attack on the World Trade Centre in New York will be on donor aid to the region. Sustainability is thus a matter of major concern. A possible solution for sustaining some groups seems to lie in attaching them to or at least associating them with parastatal institutions in the various countries. In Namibia for example, Bricks Community Theatre receives assistance from NAC (Namibian Arts Council) and NAC also runs its own programme of theatre for development by sending out what amounts to ad hoc community theatre companies, to facilitate social awareness, health awareness and to provide through theatre a problem-solving mechanism through which to address social problems in rural communities. In Botswana community theatre is also supported by the central government, and independent organisations such asReetsanang in Gabarone have built up reserves over the years to be able to sustain some financial cutbacks, at least in the short term, in addition the University ofBotswana has established a unit which uses students in a Community outreach programme. Indirect University funding through the provision of space, transport and subsistence then absorbs the cost of sustaining this small company in large measure. Lecturers who act as facilitators can do so without additional remuneration as this has been incorporated into their academic workload. The advantage of working through a University Department includes the fact that in a academic setting there is a greater likelihood of scripts being developed by these student groups under the guidance of lecturers whose mindset is perhaps closer to the printed page than the mindset of most Community Theatre practitioners. Dr. 10 Omoregie atthe University ofBotswana looks forward to developing such scripts, as does hiscounterpart atthe University ofRomainLesotho, Sonny Sampson-akpan who has already collected together what heregards asexciting student writing which has emerged from the Community Theatre approach. In South Mrica Theatre-in-education groups have existed for many years at Universities, and attraining colleges and Technikons. Whilst this isnot community theatre according to SAT!thinking, one could envisage the possibility ofthese parastatal bodies one day embracing the community theatre methodology intheir training of drama students. Some Universities already have established theatre for development or community theatre exercises aspart ofthe training. Sothe possibility exists that community theatre could survive in some measure bybeing associated with, attached to, or even generated byparastatal bodies. There are no certain solutions however, asisillustrated bythe fact that aprogramme ofcommunity development inthe Umgeni Valley and an outreach programme tothe Westville prison came to anuntimely end with the demise ofthe Drama Department onthe campus ofthe University ofDurban-Westville. We are still far too close tothe situation to assess the impact ofdemocratic rule in South Mrica orto predict with any certainty trends inthe development oftheatre in the region but one thing isfor certain andthat isthat the only constant factor is change. The development ofthe National television services incountries like Namibia, Botswana and Lesotho has come hand inhand with the movements towards the establishment oftheatre unions andthere istalk ofa National Theatre being built inGabarone. Allthis tends to shiftthe emphasis slightly from the ethos of 11 Community Theatre to that of 'professional' theatre inthe western sense ofthe term. In an interview with James Chitakuta, the former National coordinator for Reetsanang Association of Community Drama Groups in Gabarone, Botswana, Schauffer asks: How isprofessional theatre to develop when allthe community theatre work that you do ispresented free of charge to the community? This means that inthe minds ofthe audience, this thing called "theatre" isafree service to the community? How then are professional actors to be paid? (B/JC) Whilst community theatre practitioners are 'professional' inthe strictly legal sense (they get paid something for the practice oftheir art) the methodology of community theatre practice does not put the focus upon individuals asplaywrights, directors, critics, designers, or actors. The emphasis lies on matters such asgroup authorship, workshopping as adevelopmental method and upon collaborative consensus in creation. In this way community theatre stands in some measure in opposition to what isregarded as 'establishment theatre' inthe west. For example, Chitakuta, in reply to Schauffer's question calls for abalance between professional theatre and so- called theatre for development and empowerment, making the point that the practice of 'theatre' isnot foreign to the people of Africa, who have sung songs, danced, recited poetry and preserved an oral tradition for centuries. All ofthis was done to preserve the oral history ofthe tribes, and to teach, mobilise, and to organise society. 12 Withcolonialism came 'thenewtheatre ... whichmarginalized thetheatre, which was already there ... when intellectuals cameintheytried ...toowntheatre andinother words theytriedtoownculture andthat'swhere theproblems began ... Theatre is created bythepeople andwhat weneedtodoistopromote thatnotion. Topromote something that draws energy fromthepeople, something that people canidentify with, something thatpeople cancall"ours"not"mine". "Ours"because theatre is collective.' (B/JC) SoforChitakuta involvement incommunity theatre isnotdrivenbythemotive to earnaliving from itbutisdriven bythedesireto'inform, educate, conscientise, socialise andorganise communities andtopromote development communication.' (B/JC) Hearguesthatwhentheshiftisfromcommunity service toemployment then thereisalsoaneedtoinstitutionalise training inprofessional theatre, toestablish sometraining institutions forthispurpose. Butheisconcerned thatthis should notbe 'attheexpense oftheatre, which ismeanttoempower communities.' (B/JC) Tomakeanysense ofthepresent situation suggested bythisbriefoutline, onewill needtorelyupon follow-up studies andstudies thatwilladdress neglected fields. An urgent needisforastudytobemounted, whichwould enquire intothesituation that exists inthePortuguese speaking countries oftheregion -something thatwas precluded fromconsideration here. Thedeveloping history ofSA TI asamovement needs tobetracked andnewfacesandnewnames inBlack African dramaturgy need tobefound, consulted, andwritten up,whilstthenewdirections inwhich those whose work hasbeen noted aretravelling needtobemonitored andrecorded. Itisamajor taskrequiring thefull-time involvement ofaspecially funded research unit. Itistobe 13 hoped that this can be established before the material that is being developed at this exciting juncture disappears forever. Such is the nature of our art, which is both its glory and its bane. When first proposed this thesis set out to investigate common and divergent cultural influences in the works of selected black Mrican dramatists in the southern sub- continent of Africa. One of the possibilities for a common denominator between dramatists from this vast geographic area and from an equally vast divergence of cultures was the oral tradition, so strong in all Mrican cultures. The writer was not aware of any study that had thus far been mounted to test this or other relevant assumptions within the scope of a sub-continental study. The possible problems raised by the subjective involvement of the researcher were to be confronted and resolved by the adoption of a non-dual approach to the analysis of material. When it came to putting the above proposals into practice however, several revisions had to be made, definitions of terms sought, delimitation's declared, sections expanded, and a more thorough cross-referencing of the content of the play scripts with the interviews was undertaken. A major revision of the methodological approach also became imperative for reasons that shall be outlined below. As to the scope and need for this study, the sub-continental focus renders this work distinct from other studies in the field that have confined themselves to South Mrica alone. See Coplan (1985), Couzens (1985), Hauptfleisch (1997), Steadman's various articles (1980-1990), Kruger (1999), Larlham (1985), Kavanagh (1985) etc. Another distinguishing feature may well prove to be the methodology that has emerged organically from the nature of the material and the needs of the study. The sub- 14 continental scope of the study also involves issues, such as the various forms of colonialism, cultural hegemony, the existing challenges to the integration, and possible resurgence of the Afrocentric paradigm in the performing arts. This being the case the research could contribute substantially to the current debates raised by the so-called 'African Renaissance' movement (President Thabo Mbeki; Njabulo Ndebele; Prof. Pitika Ntuli etc.) In this way, the study could claim relevance beyond pure theatre studies, while the archival records might also be of value to future researchers in this field. In An Introduction to post-colonial theatre, Brian Crow comments: It is easy to see the absurdity of an audience sweating its way through a stilted performance of A Midsummer Night's Dream or An Inspector Calls in an ill equipped colonial hall on a hot tropical night in Africa or India, especially when all around, unknown or unacknowledged, were indigenous theatrical riches the western avant-garde would one day set out on cultural safaris to discover. (Crow, B.: 1996.p.13) Whilst Peter Brooke drew inspiration from encounters with a variety of Northern African sources, the same has been happening in the southern sub-continent. Indeed there are reports from Windhoek, Gabarone, Maseru etc. that scholars from continental and American Universities are already spending their sabbatical leaves, summer vacations, and mid-term breaks on visits to this region conducting interviews, gathering hardcopy material, and filming theatrical activity - as indeed they are in Durban, Cape Town and Johannesburg. This has created its own problems and 15 Botswana has recently introduced apermit requirement for non-Botswanian researchers in order to protect the cultural and intellectual rights ofthe region from perceived exploitation. But resistance to particularly White researchers investigating Black theatre has along history. During the 1970's and early 1980's Peter Larlham undertook the fieldwork, which led to the publication in 1985 ofhis highly informative book Black Theatre, Dance and Ritual in South Mrica. Inthe preface he comments 'As aWhite researching Black performance in South Africa, I found initial contact with organisations and participants was difficult to establish.' (Larlham, P: 1985 p. i) This ishardly surprising when one considers that this period was witness to the rising influence ofthe Black Consciousness (BC) movement. Larlham was not alone in encountering such difficulties. In his inaugural lecture asProfessor ofDrama atthe University ofDurban-Westville, Dennis Schauffer recalls that when he sought an interview with Benji Francis and Saths Cooper. ...in order to gain insight into the development of TECON beyond the movement that Iconsidered myself to have been an early witness to, my request was refused". The reason given was that intheir view" one ofthem" should research this. (Schauffer D.: 1990, p.6) I, myself, received an equally cold welcome from many ofthe members ofthe Indian community when Iresearched and wrote my thesis for my Master's degree. Schauffer's membership ofTECON (Theatre Council ofNatal)l had not been renewed after the first year, asthe organisation had resolved to adopt aB.C. stance. Now this raises anumber of interesting questions; the membership ofTECON, apart from 16 Schauffer's of course, was drawn from the Durban Indian Community. The question then arises: 'Is "Indian" Black?' Schauffer recalls that in 1992 he was approached by avery confused Black African drama student who was finding great difficulty in coming to terms with the concept of 'blackness' as encountered in his movement classes. Suria Govender, a movement lecturer in the Department of Drama at the University of Durban-Westville had claimed that she was an African first and an Indian second. 'That's all very well' said the student, 'but she doesn't look very African to me!' 2 Clearly in the mind of the student the term 'Black person' and 'African person' were synonymous with 'Black African person'. What appears on the surface to be a self-evident term becomes a site for contestation. Loren Kruger reminds us that in interpreting the term Black, 'the PAC had stressed the priority of indigenous Africans, whilst S.A.S.O.'s leaders included South Africans of Indian descent and its founding president, Stephen Biko, had argued for an inclusive interpretation of black consciousness "not as a matter of pigmentation" but rather as a "reflection ofa mental attitude".' (Kruger, L.: 1999. p.129) 3 This mental attitude must be read however as that which is characterised by the defiance of white supremacism. It was therefore in vain that Schauffer appealed to TECON for reinstatement. I wrote what I considered at the time to be reasoned appeal to the organisation to judge membership eligibility on the basis of the member's declared political stance rather than upon the colour of the members skin, a determination which I 17 regarded as inverted racism ... I did not receive a reply but this in itself was a clear message to me:" You're white, so you're out." (Schauffer, D.: 1990, p.6.) Between Larlham's fieldwork in the 1970's and today, many major changes have occurred in the socio-political landscape of the sub-continent. This study delimits itself to a consideration of black African dramatists south of the Zambezi. Prior to 1970 three states in this region had achieved independence: .:. Botswana _30th September 1966 .:. Lesotho - 4th October, 1966 .:. Swaziland - 6th September, 1968. Thereafter the record reads: .:. Mozambique - 25th June 1975 .:. Zimbabwe - 18th April 1980 .:. South Africa - 27 April 1994. Whilst Larlham has emigrated to the United States, Schauffer is still active in local theatre research and has turned his attention more recently to a consideration of black African dramatists south ofthe Zambezi, which is very fortunate for this researcher. The fact of the matter is that neither my health, my job, nor my family commitments, could ever see me travelling the length and breadth of the sub-continent, undertaking fieldwork for this thesis. Schauffer has on the other hand already covered much of the territory in search of material for his Theatre Profile Series 4. Having spent three years of part-time involvement on this research project, he had covered most of the field in South Africa and was about to extend the study to include neighbouring territories, 18 when the University ofDurban-Westville decided, inits wisdom, to shut the departments ofFine Art, Music and Drama together with the departments ofIndian Languages, andEuropean Languages. This cut Schauffer off from his funding base for the research exercise. Having secured private funding through me,together we created asetofquestions we felt would be pertinent to thetopic being covered. We had abasic setofquestions as well as asetof additional questions that could be used ifthe interviewee went off on a tangent. He and his research assistant then completed atour ofthe sub-continent which garnered video and audio interview material, curricula vitae and co-lateral material, together with some valuable unpublished play scripts, covering Namibia, Botswana, Lesotho, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Swaziland, and Tanzania. Although Zambia and Tanzania fall outside the geographic delimitation ofthis study, this record provides some interesting comparative insights. Schauffer did intend ultimately to draw this material together inthe form of apublication but, given the closure ofthe Department ofDrama, his enforced early retirement andthe lack of capacity inconsequence to source research funding, hehas agreed to give me access to copies of allhis video and audio material, co-lateral material, scripts andto his researcher's journal. This alone however will not suffice to answer the key questions that this thesis sets outto investigate. Reference to abroad range ofother source material will be required. The thorny matter ofthe methodology with which to interrogate this material also needs attention and this will be dealt with below. 1.3 Definition of Terms 19 Turning to the title of this thesis, it is obvious that there is hardly aword inthis title that may not be contested. So let us briefly consider afew working definitions for the discussion to follow. Black, White, Coloured and Indian. The terms Black, White, Coloured andIndian resonate with meanings that derive from the use of such terms by the previous apartheid regime and its British and Dutch colonial predecessors in their differentiation of racial groupings in Southern Mrican society. (Other such categorising terms over the course ofthe past century were Native, Bantu, Asian, European, Non-European, 'Brown people', etc., but they are not germane here.) Contrary to our fondest expectations, these terms have unfortunately not disappeared under the new democratic dispensation since 1996, since they now form the basis for restitution and equity moves by the government and civil society. In the discussion to follow we shall thus use them to differentiate between racial divisions which existed atthe time the plays were written and will employ Ian Steadman's simplified definitions, as provided in his unpublished doctoral thesis (Drama and Social Consciousness: Themes inBlack Theatre on the Witwatersrand until 1984): ... 'White' refers to European settlers and their descendants ofthe Caucasian group, and 'European', often used incorrectly as a synonym for white, isused here to differentiate between South Mrican whites and native inhabitants ofEurope. 'Coloured' refers to people legally categorised in South Mrica as being of mixed descent, whereas 'Mrican' refers to peoples ofthe Bantu group who are ofNegro-Mrican descent, and 'Indian' refers to 20 descendants of the Asian people, who settled in South Africa since the nineteenth century. (Steadman, I. P.: 1985, p.51) An important rider to this however, is the Black Consciousness Movement's politicisation and extension of the notion of 'blackness' to include all so-called 'coloureds' and 'Asians' during the struggle period (1970-1990). In Black South African Women Kathy Perkins (1998) quotes Loueen Conning as saying: I consider myself African. But this is not a general Coloured perception. In fact a lot of Coloured people deny their African heritage. There is an aspiration towards white beauty although it is not overtly stated, but they furiously straighten their hair so that you can't see the African kink, they still consider a straighter nose, thinner lips, and lighter skin as beauty. (Perkins, A.: 1998, p.6.) This is a clear expression of the Black Consciousness stance, which is also revealed in the People's Educational Theatre publication the PET Newsletter no 2 (as quoted by Kruger, 1999), where it is stated that SABTU (the South African Black Theatre Union) regarded theatre as a 'means to assist Blacks to reassert their pride, dignity, group identity and solidarity' ... in part by recovering a history of 'black civilisations' ... and in part by offering 'positive representations of the needs, aspirations, and goals of Black people as seen by Blacks now' (quoted in Kruger L.: 1999, p.130). Much of the South African writing to be discussed is a product of this period of political radicalisation and thus informed by these ideas. 21 Black Theatre/White Theatre From the foregoing perspective Peter Larlham (1985) viewed Black theatre and White theatre as a separate genres of theatre in his discussion of South African theatre and performance: In South Africa there is a clear-cut distinction between White theatre and Black theatre. The division is not supported by language differences, or by the mutual agreement of all Black and White South Africans, but is maintained through the policy of apartheid and its supporting legalisation. ... It is for this reason that Black theatre, distinct and separate, can be dealt with as a genre on its own. (Larlham. P; 1985. pp. 61-61) Whilst the political climate has changed, the plays discussed in this study were mostly conceived and produced in the divisive and distinctive context of the late 20th century. In this context 'black theatre' was largely defined politically (see Steadman, 1985 for example), but for our purposes it simply refers to plays written by authors outside the 'white' or 'Indian' communities and theatre practitioners working outside the formal 'white' structures in the period. The fact isthe varied mindsets of the past will remain for some considerable time and the plays reflect this - despite the immense range of form and content in the work. Furthermore, if it can be accepted then that Black theatre could be considered as a distinct genre in South Africa, it still remains to be justified as a term in respect of the neighbouring states south of the Zambezi, Zambia, etc. Schauffer's interviews with non-South African dramatists in the sub-continent 22 however have tended to support the notion that the division into Whitetheatre and Black theatre may be equally tenable throughout the region. The only difference being that White theatre in neighbouring territories seems often to be referred to as expatriate theatre instead. African In view of the preceding thought, it became necessary to add a further delimitation to the title of this study, by adding the term African in order to specify the focus of the study on a category of dramatists who are specifically of the Bantu group (i.e. of Negro-African descent), in contrast to other groupings that could fall under the term black (as outlined above). Indeed throughout this study liberal use will be made ofthe term African in expressions such as South African, Southern African, African mindset, traditional African ritual, African renaissance, African drama, African theatre, African art, African literature, etc. However, in our post-apartheid, post- colonial present it would be naive to ignore layers of meaning that history has heaped upon this term by simply accepting a dictionary meaning' of or pertaining to the African continent.' Yvette Hutchison in her unpublished D.Phil. thesis (Memory is a Weapon: The uses of History and Myth in selected Post-1960 Kenyan, Nigerian and South African Plays) gives an extensive account of the shift in meaning of the term' African' from pre-colonial to post-colonial use. Hutchison quotes RolfItaliaander (who in turn quotes from Das sterbende Afrika by Leo Frobenius, published in 1923) who says 'Here one sees the representation of Africa as passive, a homogeneous continent of 23 one "race", that had slept until it had been awoken by colonial impact.' (Hutchison, Y: 1999. P.30). The term African would then have taken on resonances of this passivity and of the implicit meaning determined by the Eurocentric, colonialist mindset. Set against this is the dedication in black post-colonialist discourse to rediscover what remains of a neglected, and in the main unrecorded, past through the oral history, rites, myths, and legends that were marginalized at best, or totally ignored by historians in colonial times. According to Hutchison the shift in meaning was: ...partly a response to the world, with the Italian occupation of Ethiopia, the way Jews were treated in Germany, Ghandi's nationalism, and the developments in North Mrica. The events shocked many of the Black intellectuals into changing their view of the West and rejecting European models, shifting towards a more aggressive assertion of the "African Personality" (Hutchison, Y 1999, pp. 28- 29.) She goes on to point out that this shift coincided with the Negritude movement in black Francophone intellectuals and the impact of Marxism, the American Negro Renaissance. and Black Consciousness. Later the move was towards Pan-Mricanism. The new meanings or implications inherent in the post-colonial use of' Mrican' arose from the desire to rehabilitate a lost pride in being Mrican, the desire to vindicate Africa's rich but neglected past, and from the desire to offer' an ideological rejoinder to colonial historiography' (Hutchison, Y: 1999, p.29 - Quoting Temu and Swai). Similarly, in an attempt to describe the essence of Mrican thought in her monumental work Yurugu, Marimba Ani says: 24 The African universe is personalised not objectified. Time is experienced. There is no infinite and abstract future; it grows organically from past to present. Value is placed on "being" rather than on "doing". The universe is understood through phenomenal interaction, which produces powerful symbols and images, which in turn communicate truths. "Diunital" logic indicates that in African thought athing can be both A and not A atthe same time. Though Dixon does not say it explicitly, what he calls "diunitallogic" can be understood asthe recognition and affirmation ofthe ambiguity and multidimensionality of phenomenal reality. (Ani, M.:1994, pp. 97-98) The difficulty I have with all ofthis isthat I have a resistance to regarding any group of persons as anything more than a collective of individuals loosely bound together by some or other, sometimes arbitrarily imposed, rubric. I am conscious therefore of an unwillingness to see black African dramatists as an homogenous unity of creative artists, with a common set of background experiences, a common response to political and social imperatives, or even a common vision of what it isto be African. A reading of Schauffer' sinterviews reveals awide range of approaches, different backgrounds, and even a few commonalities .Ofthese one could list the direct or indirect influence ofthe oral tradition. Even so, ifone gathered together agroup ofwhite African dramatists and asked them whether or not their parents or grandparents told them stories, ortaught them nursery rhymes, or ifthey encountered storytelling in one form or another at pre-primary andjunior school, I should imagine that everyone would admit to experiencing this as part oftheir childhood. The oral tradition then is common to all cultures but is arguably more prominent in some than in others. This is not to deny the strength and importance of storytelling as atradition in black African society, but such a tradition is not exclusive to black African society. What emerges 25 by degrees in this work is a tendency towards post-modern thought, and this too makes it very difficult for me to impose upon a term like' African' a fixed, set, immutable meaning. The term' African' has no intrinsic meaning beyond that which can be derived from the context of contemporary common use or from that which is negotiated with an audience (see for example H. Blau, 1990, Carlsson, 1996). Apart from the reasons cited earlier for the use of the adjective 'black' in the title, the above observations serve to provide further justification for such use. The addition of the word 'African' in the title simply provides a geographic delimitation. Dramatist versus Playwright. Moving on then to the term Dramatist, it has been argued that the term Playwright would have been more apposite. 'Playwright' is indeed a most suitable word as its literal meaning is 'maker of plays' and in the African context, where so much reliance is placed upon the spoken rather than upon the written word it would seem to be the preferable term for use in this study. A dramatist is quite simply defined as a writer of plays. Why then has Dramatist been chosen in preference to Playwright? The problem that any theatre researcher faces is the sheer ephemeral nature of the subject of investigation. The act of theatre involves the negotiation of dramatic meaning with a live audience, and such negotiation is in a constant state of flux. Let alone from performance to performance, even within a single performance the actor/audience dynamic is changing all the time. On one night, let us say, a cell phone rings at a crucial moment in the play disrupting the negotiation of dramatic meaning. Some in the audience laugh some appear to be angry - who can say what the exact nature of the audience response is? On another night the same incident could produce 26 something that could be read as embarrassed silence but again who can say if this is in fact the case? Research into the performative aspects ofthe art of theatre involves an active presence at lor in performance in order to encounter the subject. A play script, as has frequently been pointed out, is in most cases simply the skeleton in print of what must be fleshed out in performance. Aside from literary drama, which is written to be read more often than performed - or indeed, intended only to be read - there exists written dramatic scripts that are the only relics of performances that researchers can now encounter. This dissertation limits itself to the study of such 'relics' as the only practicable means now remaining whereby such works can be studied. Video or television recordings are excluded, firstly because they are relatively rare, secondly the quality of the filming does not, one suspects, do justice to the production being filmed, and thirdly (and possibly most importantly) film is a distinctly different medium from live theatre. Analysis is therefore to be undertaken via methodology specific to the medium in question. Practical necessity therefore makes the term 'dramatist' (as a writer of play scripts for production or as a post-production record) a more appropriate choice than 'playwright' (a creator of plays for performance). Drama vs. Theatre Special attention must be given to the terms 'drama' and 'theatre'. As suggested above the term drama is used here to refer to the text-based play written by a dramatist. 27 However theatre has come into use asageneral term inthe sub-continent to refer to alltheatrical events and presentations, often used asasynonym for drama onthe one hand and performance onthe other. Theatre indeed occurs asaterm inaplethora oflabels attached to anenormous variety oftheatrical (performance-based) activity encountered inthe sub-continent 6, and comes inahuge range ofinterrelated forms -identified by well-known and not so well-known names -many ofwhich have been studied separately over the years. The more familiar inthe regions discussed include Educational Theatre (as distinct from Drama-in-Education), Community Theatre (an important form inAfrica, which will be discussed inChapter Seven) Theatre for Development, Worker's Theatre, Protest Theatre, Theatre for Resistance, Theatre for Awareness, Outreach Theatre, ProfessionallSemi-ProfessionallAmateur Theatre, Donor-generated Theatre, Formal Theatre, Serious Theatre, Popular theatre, People's Theatre, Legitimate Theatre, Industrial Theatre, Agit. Prop. Theatre, Committed Theatre, Township Theatre, Musical Theatre, Ethnic Theatre, Traditional African Theatre, Indic Theatre, Eurocentric Theatre, Afrocentric Theatre, Dance Theatre, Improvised Theatre, Physical Theatre, Street Theatre, African Theatre and soon. There are no doubt many more not listed, but itisnot the intention here to pick through the niceties of differences between such labels -many writers have already done so (see Bibliography). Suffice itto saythat anyblack African dramatist or collective, working inany category oflive theatre that has produced scripts will be considered eligible for consideration here. The key isthe existence ofascript of some kind - hence the preference for the term drama. 28 One other point about the term theatre however, isthat inEuropean-American usage itisalso used to refer to the building utilised for performance. However, inaregion not noted for its quantity of structures erected forthe specific purpose ofpresentation theatrical material, and not noted for easy access tothese structures bythe majority of the people, the association ofthe term 'theatre' with abuilding isnot strong. 1.4 Methodological issues The audience An interesting point about the theatre building discussed above isthat inanurban environment the younger generation now frequents 'movie-theatres' that were largely reserved for white audiences only, until comparatively recent times inSouth Africa. Township dwellers previously would seeKung Fu movies and old 'politically safe' movies, asdetermined bythe Publications Control Board, incinemas that were referred to, inthe remembrance ofthe writer, asgoing tothe bioscope, scopes, flicks, orfilms. The kind ofatmosphere insuch venues, inthe so-called Indian, Coloured, andBlack African areas was noisy and illdisciplined. The growing middle-class in such areas shunned the cinema and turned more and more to TV and VCR hire material and latterly to DSTV satellite transmission onpay-channels. And this has had anenormous impact onthe role oftheatre audiences in South Africa -and hence on the ultimate texts and performances produced. Anyone who has been part ofatheatre-in-education company (as the author was between 1993-1995) or inacompany presenting syllabus items -inevitably drawn 29 from the Eurocentric cannon of dramatic literature - will have encountered audiences who, quite logically transfer to the encounter with Shakespeare, learned behaviour patterns associated with attendance at Kung Fu movies - their closest experience of anything similar in their experience of witnessing performance, 'canned' or live. The audience is thus a very important aspect of African drama, theatre and performance. However, there is a difficulty for the researcher in this, for as Herbert Blau points out in The Audience: How we think about an audience is a function of how we think about ourselves, social institutions, epistemological processes, what is knowable, what not, and how, if at all, we may accommodate the urge for collective experience. Collective in what respects? To posit such an experience seems no more than a snare or delusion, since it must contain the slippery dialectic and discursive claims of desire, as well as the more unambiguous claims of the dispossessed who at that particular moment in history happen to be no part of the collective. (Blau, H.: 1990, pp. 28-29i Without pursuing further discussion on the complex issue raised by Blau's ideas, it is obvious that - given the restrictions of this study - that it would be irresponsible to make any claims for and on behalf of the 'audience' in the following discussions, and it will be strenuously avoided - except where the term is used by others either in print or in live interviews. Whilst it is acknowledged that playscripts at various times in history have been written to be read, rather than to be performed, the kind of play script that this thesis is concerned with is that which is written and intended for a live public performance. 30 This position of course gives rise to anumber of difficulties in methodological terms. The fact that alive performance constitutes the essence oftheatre isproblematic in itself (how do you 'capture' it in scientific/critical terms for example), but there isthe further complication that no two live performances will ever be the same, given all the many variables that impact upon the negotiation of meaning in atheatrical context (See Hauptfleisch's diagram of Theatre as a S'ystem of Processes, in Appendix 1for example). The fact isthat itwould be totally impracticable for any researcher to have been physically present in the audience of each and every performance of each and every play script required by aresearcher for aparticular study. No wonder most researchers eventually (re)turn to the (written, printed) play script itself as the most useful theatrical artefact (i.e. as athing made by art - inthis case the art of the theatre and performance). And we do so here as well, for though the text can only be considered as aperformance waiting to happen, it does at least remain as apermanent relic ofthe ephemeral creative processes it is intended to generate, and through our study ofthe written/printed script we can, to an extent, imply the creative processes of actualisation. Like a palaeontologist studying a fossil it is possible to determine from the sample all manner ofthings. It ispossible to build up a complex picture of the fossil when it was a living organism, using an assessment methodology pertinent to the field. In this way areasonably accurate picture can be obtained. In the same way atheatre researcher (or theatrologist ifyou like) using methodology pertinent to the field, can build up a reasonably accurate picture ofthe living play script intheatrical production. This leads then to the consideration of a second aspect ofthe methodology utilised inthis study. 31 Dualism and Non-dualism The way people see the world around them has aprofound effect upon the manner inwhich their society functions. Western society for example, isbased upon the notion ofthe primacy of the individual. This isprofoundly different from indigenous society, where each person is first and foremost apart of the group, and the group itself is an aspect ofthe natural world. Rather than people insisting upon individual rights and freedoms, they acknowledge their obligations and relationship to society and to the earth. (peat, F.D. 1996, p47) The "indigenous" society Peat refers to inthe above extract isthat of the Native American people ofNorth America, but in essence the comment can be applied to traditional societies inthe southern sub-continent of Mrica as well -which isthe geographic site ofthis study. Speaking within the context oftheatrical evaluation in South Mrica, Dennis Schauffer, in apaper entitled Can Blue Men Sing the Whites?, refers to 'individualist' and 'collectivist' cultures. I must acknowledge a dualism in my thinking ... because inevitably bipolar antimony is implicit in such a division. I cannot escape my own European cultural background, which has placed itself squarely in the individualist camp, ever since Plato described justice asthe triumph ofthe rational mind over blind passion. The man of reason becomes the patriarchal ideal in Western European philosophy and by implication, systems of thought that do not foreground the individual become associated with the uncivilised rule of unreasoning mass instinct, 32 unquestioned ritual observed for its own sake; an order without progress, achievement, or logical command of individual destiny. (Schauffer, 1996a, pS9) The two world views he terms Individualist and Collectivist above, play themselves out for this writer in two idiomatic expressions: Descartes's famous Cogito ergo sum CIthink therefore I am') and the Zulu maxim, Umuntu, Ngumuntu, Ngabantu, ('a person is a person because of people'). Whilst the latter is an expression drawn from Nguni culture, it seems to capture an attitude prevalent in African society in general. To illustrate this dualist perspective, Schauffer (1996a, p.62) adapts a table of contrasting values for the two cultural worldviews from the work ofL.R. Kohls: Individualist Cultures Mastery over nature Personal control over environment Doing Future orientation Change Time dominates Human equality Youth Self-help Individualism/pri vacy Competition Informality Directness/openness/honesty Practical ity/efficiency Materialism Collectivist Cultures Harmony with nature Fate Being Past or present orientation Tradition Personal interaction dominates Hierarchy /rank!status Elders Birthright inheritance Group welfare Co-operation Formality Indirectness/ritual/'face I Idealism/theory Spiritualism/ detachment 33 Later Schauffer (1996b, p.12) added to the list: Individualist Cultures Linear logic Dualistic Collectivist Cultures Cyclic/cosmic logic Nondual It isthis last addition that is of interest to us from a methodological perspective. Robert Armstrong inWellspring: On the Myth and Source of Culture points out that western culture and western thought is shot through with dualities. Dualities abound, constituting our civilisation. Our religion is premised upon good and evil, and indeed could not exist were it not for the presence of evil, which endows it with meaning and efficacy. We analyse the unitive work of art into form and content; and we construct alogic based upon right and wrong. Our languages are of subject and object. Our science is one of the probable versus the improbable, the workable as opposed to the unworkable, matter and anti-matter -all revealing more ofthe nature ofthe scientists mind than ofthe actual nature of the physical universe. I (Armstrong, R.: 1984, p. 115) A little later in the same work Armstrong concludes: In large measure then, the myth ofthe consciousness of Western Europe isthe myth ofbi-polar oppositions (Armstrong, R., 1984, p.117) 34 To be conscious ofthe duality and these bi-polar oppositions isone thing of course, but what to do about it inthe process ofthis research is quite another. In this study I am conscious of very many major dualities created by the baggage I inevitably carry with me; the inheritance of my past and architect of my approach to everything I encounter in my life. I am awhite person with a Christocentric, Eurocentric background, English speaking (and not able to write, read or speak any ofthe indigenous languages or for that matter a colonial language like Portuguese, which is used almost exclusively by dramatists inMozambique.) Furthermore, as awoman, I am studying a cultural phenomenon heavily dominated by males. More personally and critically though, I am by circumstance bound to Gauteng and must rely on published and unpublished literature and upon the fieldwork and observations of others to feed into this study. Thus, while being at one remove from the interviews themselves, not having participated myself, I nevertheless do have access to printed transcriptions, audio tape recordings, and video recordings ofthese encounters and can interrogate this material -though with a consciousness of the baggage I still carry into the exercise. This naturally sets up yet another set of dualities, of which I am only too conscious. All of this having been acknowledged, Ibelieve there is also an advantage to be gained by the circumstances described. By using the fieldwork data of others rather than being part ofthe process, it may just prove to be auseful device through which one may achieve some measure of objectivity, particularly in terms of the important comparative element inthe study. Were Ito have undertaken the interviews myself, I doubt whether I could have, ironically enough, maintained the same level of 35 consciousness of these dualities in the midst of arranging interview times, loading cameras, checking on focus, light levels, and the like. However, it is important not to turn the perceived dualities into verities. To illustrate it is of interest to note that in working with the interviews with Black African dramatists conducted by Dennis Schauffer, I soon recognised that many of the interviewees made very little distinction between terms such as 'drama', 'theatre', 'script', 'musicals', 'dance' etc., but do make other kinds of distinctions. Vickson Hangula in an interview conducted in Windhoek on the 24th of May 2000, (N/VH) for example clearly differentiates between 'professional staged plays' and some 'church performances' he saw as a child but Enoch Sipho Mtetwa from Swaziland interviewed in Lesotho, Maseru on 22 June 2000 (SIESM) refers to his group as a 'drama group' but he was in fact presenting 'choral singing and African dancing' without anything that would be classified in Eurocentric terms as 'drama'. In interviews with representatives from community theatre groups such as BRICKS in Katatura in Namibia, and Ghetto Artists in Francistown, Botswana, the terms 'drama', 'theatre', and 'performance' are often used as synonyms and for Andreus Mavuso interviewed in Maseru, 22 June 2000 (SIAM) regimental ritual ceremonies of the Monarchial Institution in Swaziland are 'theatre'. In such instances it has been suggested that a more flexible approach, termed a non- dual approach to research by Katz, Schauffer, Pillay and others, can perhaps assist. To illustrate the essence of it, Jerry Katz quotes from the Lankavatara Sutra, a chapter in the Buddhist Bible (see: http: www 3.ns. ympatico.ca/umbada/faq.htm): 36 ... take good heed not to become attached to words as being in perfect conformity with meaning, because Truth is not in the letters words ... were intended to be no more than a pointing finger What matters is that one attends to one's intuition ... Having done that, one may use words to point out what they intuit.' However, as any student of drama will be aware, Ionesco and other Absurd Theatre dramatists surely made similar or related commentary on language and the use of words half a century ago, and their ideas have been followed up by the whole post- modernist movement in the arts, assisted by the philosophers and linguists of the twentieth century. Language, they all remind us, is a human construct. Yet people would still want to argue that though the divine is beyond human experience, we can use mortal (i.e. fallible, imprecise) language to 'prove' or to 'imply' the existence of the divine - which is absurd, as Beckett and co would suggest. In place of the non-dual methodology suggested by Pile and Katz 8, the strategy proposed was to borrow the action research device of triangulation and to adapt this concept to the present needs by adding a fourth item - making this a 'quadulation' if you like. Quadulation and the data utilised There seemed to be four categories of information that could inform such an exercise: 1. Play scripts 2. Biographical data, press cuttings, video recordings, articles. 37 3. Interviews and interviewer's journal entries. 4. Socio-political milieu Mindful of the baggage that the researcher brings to this exercise, the object would have been firstly to examine selected play scripts in the context of the other two categories of information, secondly to place this in a regional and socio-political context and finally to assess the resulting material within a sub-continental overview. The sub-continental overview proved, however, to be more difficult to achieve than at first anticipated. In effect only a partial overview (if such a thing is possible) can be attempted here, for reasons that will be outlined. However, even a partial 'overview', could very well provide enough of an insight into the context of black African dramaturgy in the region to provide the starting point for a more extensive study to be undertaken, should funding again become available, and when political stability returns to some of the regions (notably Zimbabwe at present). Having attempted a first draft of this dissertation, and having received feedback from my supervisors on the same, it became apparent that the objectives and approaches outlined above were more difficult to realise than was at first envisaged regarding the four categories of information suggested above, the following problems were encountered: 1. Play scripts Whilst some play scripts of South Mrican black African writers were accessible, far fewer play scripts seem to exist in neighboring countries since the publishing infrastructure there is less secure and the theatre practice there does not privilege 38 publication to the extent that it does in countries such as South Mrica and Nigeria. Moreover those writers whose work is available are, for the most part, expatriates, from countries, which have a publishing culture (e.g. again Nigeria and South Africa). A conclusion that could be drawn from this is that in the non-South African sub- continent, the surviving oral tradition, the social circumstances, the education systems, and the oral culture in general is not conducive to dramatic writing or to literature in general. It also became evident from Schauffer's field notes that such texts that do exist were produced in order to demonstrate to overseas sponsors and donors that the funding had in fact been spent in a responsible manner. Again from the field notes it becomes clear that any permanent record of the ephemeral performances of community theatre work was created as an 'accounting' procedure or as co-lateral evidence to support claims made in funding proposals: As I entered Ghetto Artists, I was surprised to see how well equipped the modest house was. At the main desk there were two computers, a scanner, a fax machine, telephones etc. In a back bedroom a videocassette machine was playing a tape of one of the rural performances given by Ghetto Artists. I was very excited and asked if it would be possible for me to get a copy. One of the Ghettos explained that this would not be possible because the tape was about to be posted abroad. The equipment had all been funded from a previous grant which had been motivated for by arguing that this equipment was necessary to record productions so that the funding agency could see for themselves how the money was spent. I asked about scripts and was told that these too had been sent abroad .I was also told that in fact most of their work was not scripted at all. My over-all impression was that the recording of production work in any form whatsoever was undertaken for reasons other than out of a need to preserve an archival record or out of a need to use the material for training, future revival or for critical self-reflection. As is the case in Namibia no independent evaluation of donor funded community theatre seems to be undertaken. (Schauffer, D: Journal note 28105/2000) 39 2. Biographical data, press cuttings, video recordings, articles. Whilst some biographical data was available, hardly any articles or press cuttings exist for the bulk of those interviewees in Schauffer's files. Video recordings were suspect for the reasons outlined above. It became clear to me that there was an urgent need to move beyond the valuable, but in many ways limited material that Schauffer could provide me with and upon which my first draft so heavily relied. 3. Interviews and interviewer's journal. A reasonably extensive collection of recordings and transcriptions could be read in tandem with journal entries to provide much valuable information but here again there was need for both expansion and exclusion because Schauffer's interviewees were only asked the kind of questions that Schauffer required answers to. These are not necessarily the questions that I would have posed in view of my objectives. It is also necessary to delimit the study further by excluding Mozambique, Zimbabwe, and Swaziland owing to lack of representative material. This in turn raised the question: 'to what extent is it possible to present an overview of the sub-continent when the sample of countries under consideration has shrunk so drastically? A need to revise the scope of the dissertation was therefore called for. 4. Socio-political milieu 40 Whilst itwaspossible togiveabriefoverview ofsomeaspects ofthesocio- political background relative totheterritory inwhich thedramatist is currently resident, thisprovides noinsight intoformative influences onthe writing that derivefrom anentirely different socio-political background encountered inthedramatists country oforigin. Inaddition there wasinthe firstdraftinsufficient cross-referencing ofsocio-political details withthe content ofscripts thatwere considered. Here againarevision wascalled for. Text and Interpretation Finally, thebasis ofthis study istheplaytext andtheevaluation oftheindividual works iscentral tothethesis asawhole. However, theevaluation ofworks of dramatic artinperformance cannot claimtobeanexact science. Today wearesimply tooawareofthemanyvariables thathavetobetaken intoaccount whenreading and assessing aplayandtheexpectations, prejudices andideological-critical position of theevaluator arenotbyanymeans theleastofthese. Contrast current post-modernist awareness withthefollowing comments byaninformed criticwriting bout TheArts inSouthAfrica seventy years ago: Artists ofWorld fame, oncoming toSouthMrica, havebeen verygenerous intheirpraise ofthestandard ofwork acquired. Ononeoccasion thelateMr.Arthur Bouchier, inaspeech atthe conclusion ofaperformance byStudents ofDramatic Art,said thatthere was "nolessthanthree performers whoweretheyto cometoEngland, hadonlytoaskforanengagement, andthey 41 would get it;their work was polished, their technique splendid, they spoke beautifully and had learned the art of standing still on stage." (Solomon, E.: 1933/34, p.199) This patronising view isbased upon certain dated assumptions ofwhat does and what does not constitute good performance and reveals anattitude towards evaluation and assessment ofthe art which sets astandard based onthe cultivated, polite and restrained practice of metropolitan British theatre. Measured bythese standards not a single one ofthe works selected for study here, ortheir performances, would qualify for consideration astheatre proper oras'Dramatic Art' in Solomons's terms. And this isacritical issue for this study, for we are dealing with works created inaliminal. space, aworld inthe throes of change. The fact is,theories, principles and proclaimed notions ofart and artistry naturally and inevitably vary from ageto age, from culture to culture, and from region to region -even within the same culture. Itisarather sobering thought that, deny itthough we might, inseventy years time from now some researcher isbound totease out a statement or approach ortwo from our present critical methodological practice that will, to future readers, seem naIve, simplistic, parochial andjust asculturally biased asany other we have rejected. Perhaps the most useful advance inour current thinking however has been the door opened to eclecticism bythe post-modernist and post-colonial thrust inarts criticism, andthe resulting rejection ofaprescriptive, 'universal' set ofvalues or approaches to assessment. (For asummary ofthis shift, seethe works ofMarvin Carlsson for 42 example). For a long time now we have known that language and culture impose a unique way of looking at the world. Persons from different language backgrounds do not perceive phenomena in the same way, and the evaluation of phenomena depends upon the grammar of a language for the perception and formulation of key questions relative to such phenomena. More than half a century ago Benjamin L. Whorf pointed out: ... the background linguistic system (in other words, the grammar) of each language is not merely a reproducing instrument for voicing ideas but rather is itself the shaper of ideas, the program and guide for the individual's mental activity, for his analysis of impressions, for his synthesis of his mental stock in trade. (Whorf, 1940, p.1) More recently David Peat has reminded us that: Within our European language and thinking we have a tendency to group things together into categories. Thus we have generic words like birds, fish, trees, rocks, mountains, particles, thoughts, feelings, and emotions. Yet this form of categorizing is not an inevitable feature of the human mind, for indigenous languages support totally different forms of logic.' (Peat, F.D.: 1996; p. 227) Whilst it must be noted that Peat is referring to the American Indian indigenous languages, the comment holds true for the situation in South Africa as well. To quote but one example: the Zulu language divides nouns into various classes, and gender is divided into male, female, common and neuter. Is it any wonder that the mother- 43 tongue Zulu speakers have difficulty in accurately applying gender pronouns in communication in English? If language determines the way we perceive the world then we have to take note of the fact that in South Africa we have eleven official languages, namely, Afrikaans, English, Ndebele, Northern Sotho, Southern Sotho, Swati, Tsonga, Tswana, Venda, Xhosa, and Zulu. Other African, Asian, and European languages are also spoken. If then all of these languages support different forms of logic and reasoning how can there be any universally acceptable system or code of assessment for any social phenomenon including the theatre? Are we then to apply eleven or more standards of judgement in our assessment of the work of Black African dramatists, depending upon their linguistic and cultural backgrounds? Given the plethora of languages in the subcontinent, grave difficulties are presented if this conclusion was to be adopted. What can be stated - and is illustrated by the quote from Solomons above, as well as the reviews of numerous 'major' critics of the period before 1976 and even thereafter - is that the Western, Eurocentric concept of theatre and attendant notions of excellence in terms of the Western Eurocentric model of theatre production, became entrenched in South Africa during the pre-democratic era along with a colonial education system, a colonial system of justice, western communication systems, (railway, air travel, radio, and latterly TV) and so on. What becomes problematic in this acknowledgement is the possible implication that such systems were seen as superior to those that they replaced and that they provided apriori models by which such earlier or alternative systems were to be judged. The European model thus became the canonized norm for all academic and artistic training, all critical discussion, all 44 'serious' creative endeavour and finally provided the model for the main-stream theatrical system in the country till well into the 1980's. Whilst many current works of black Mrican dramatists in the sub-continent conform to Western models in many ways, it is interesting that many also acknowledge the influence of traditional dramatic systems - and this begs further consideration. After discussing the complications involved in the reconstruction of the dramatic systems of traditional societies in South Mrica, Robert Mshengu Kavanagh concludes that: ... there is sufficient evidence to suggest that there existed in the early societies rich and varied dramatic forms. Hottentot and Bushman communities possessed certain forms, which included mime, music, dance, costume, props, make-up and ritual. Similarly the Nguni-speaking peoples practiced the various forms of a dramatic nature, including the dramatised solo narrative, intsomi in Xhosa and inganekwane in Zulu. Other peoples had their equivalents. For instance, the Sotho praise-poems, liboko, like the Nguni, izibongo, included definite dramatic elements,' (Kavanagh, R.M.: 1985, p.44) How does one then deal with works which fall outside the European model somehow, or works which incorporate elements of the African and the European? In Theatre and Society in South Mrica Temple Hauptfleisch presents us with a Diagram of the Theatrical System (1.1 on the inside front cover of the book), which seems to offer one way of dealing with the multitude of forms in actual practice from a more-or-less consistent point of view. It is however still based on the working principles of the imported colonial model, a point he admits when he says that a performance of Hamlet by a state-funded Performing Arts Council may provide 'a rather more 45 obvious example of how the model would work' by comparison with a traditional Zulu wedding ceremony, for example (Hauptfleisch, 1997, p. 4). This is an important point for our purposes in this thesis, since the model would still be feasible for such a ceremony but it would require 'a rather more free interpretation for many units and the concepts they represent ... ' (Hauptfleisch, T. 1997, p. 4). Indeed Hauptfleisch is at pains to point out that the model is not inflexible in this regard. It is not: ... a rigid, fixed and somehow "given" entity, but a dynamic and organic system of processes, a general (i.e. unspecific and adaptable) and an open system, constantly changing as it interacts with the larger (or macro) systems of the society in which it is embedded. (Hauptfleisch, T.: 1997. p. 4) Given the fact that this enquiry concerns itself with dramatists and their dramatic works (i.e. scripts) and that many such scripts are in fact the result of workshop ping processes, or are the products of dramaturges (in the American sense of a scribe) rather than of traditional dramatists in our sense, the possibility of a 'more free interpretation' of Haupt fleisch's system is of importance here. It would certainly require a closer link between, or even partial conflation of, what he refers to as Channel B (the performance and production processes as Theatre) and Channel A (the publication processes of the Drama Text) in order to accommodate the products of workshop creation and the resulting (unpublished) scripts, since they are the core data of this study. So, while Hauptfleisch's 'systemic' approach to theatre will be borne in 46 mind inthe discussions to follow, itwillbeincorporated into abroader methodology based onthe 'quadulation' ofavailable data, asoutlined above. 1.5 The Structureand OrganisationofChapters Asimple structure will beused inthe organisation ofchapters. Chapter One isthis introduction. Chapter Two will focus onthe works ofselected black African dramatists from South Africa with particular reference to Gibson Kente, Gcina Mhlope, Matsemela Manaka, andZakes Mda. Chapter Three will consider dramatists from Botswana, with particular reference tothe works ofDr. F.K. Omoregie and interview with Vuyisele Otukile being considered. Namibia will be covered in Chapter Four, with specific reference toFreddie Philander andVickson Hangula. Chapter Five discusses Sonny Sampson-Akpan together with Tjotjela Mora Mashapela and will provide aninsight into dramaturgy inLesotho. Chapter Sixdraws together some tentative threads ofinformation on Swaziland, Zimbabwe and Mozambique. Chapter Seven discusses Community Theatre asaspecific form inall the regions. Chapter Eight seeks tentative conclusions. Anumber ofappendices are alsotobeoffered toprovide material difficult to access. Theproblems attaching tothe above will beobvious. Itishighly debatable whether the selection above canbe seen asrepresenting allthe works ofblack African dramatists inthis vast andfast-developing area. Some comment willbe offered on the reasons for selecting particular writers andparticular works butthis is acknowledged asbeing asubjective selection and simply anattempt to outline some 47 of the parameters of the field. In some cases it must frankly be declared that the material dealt with was all the material that could practicably be gathered at the time. It is quite obvious therefore that a follow-up study is needed (as indicated earlier) that could make good the acknowledged shortcomings of the scope of this work. It is hoped however that this study will be seen as a pilot study in uncharted fields, and will have achieved the laying down of the foundations for such an extended study. END NOTES TO CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION. 1 For a more detailed account see In the Shadow of the Shah: The ludic Contribution to our Developing South African Culture. Asoka Theatre Publications, ludic Monograph Series No. 2 2 Students of Theatre and Film Studies at the University of Durban-Westville were required to keep a log of their responses to class work, lectures, practicals and productions. Schauffer would use this personal log material to identify problem areas in the courses offered and students were encouraged to be quite open and frank in their written responses. This anecdote is drawn from Professor Schauffer's response to one such student's entry, as narrated to the writer in 1994 at a time when he was supervising my M.A. dissertation. 3 The quotation uses two abbreviations: PAC - Pan African Congress (in its context - not to be confused with its other use as Performing Arts Council). SASO - South African Students Association 4 The Department of Drama of Durban-Westville published work under the heading Asoka Theatre Publications. Playscripts and ludic theatre monographs were published. Publications ceased with the closure of the Department and the demise of the discipline at the University of Durban-Westville at the end of 1999. 5 Larlham also reminds us of Credo Mutwa's claim in On the Theatre of Africa that the traditional Sotho tekansto and the Zulu umlinganiso, with their own performance styles and performance spaces, have been in existence for thousands of years and certainly predate the colonial period. Just to give the pot another stir we could also refer here to a footnote to 48 Flockemann's article on Gcina Mhlope's Have You Seen Zandile? In the South African Theatre Journal on September 1991. In this footnote Flockemann comments on Maishe Maponya's use of 'black' and 'Mrican' as reflected in an interview with Carola Luther which appeared in the English Academy Review 1984: '... Maishe Maponya gives a rather provocative definition when he distinguishes "Black" and "African" theatre, saying that for him, "black" theatre is the kind of theatre projected by whites. As examples he gives successful musicals like Ipi Tombi or " shows put on overseas by guys like Des Lindberg who exploits Mrican culture." Mrican theatre, claims Maponya, "is the theatre that I as an African create, it is my feeling from my gut.'" (Flockemann, M.: 1991, p.52) 6 The writer was part of a Theatre-in-Education Company at the University of Natal, Durban from 1993 to 1995. 7 The issue of the audience is interrogated at great length in Herbert Blau's book The Audience. Marvin Carlson, respected theatre researcher provides the following synopsis of the book. 'Frederick Nietzsche was certain that Euripides hadn't "the slightest reverence for that band of Bedlamites called the public," Bertolt Brecht discovered at one point in his career that the "sole spectator" for his plays was Karl Marx. And Virginia Woolf, writing in her diary near the end of her life, contemplated the absence of the public: "No audience - no echo. That's part of one's death. " Moving from that distressing possibility, Herbert Blau considers the questionable assumption of a commercial presence and the indeterminacy of the solitary spectator through a sort of particle physics or sub-atomic view of theatre. No more than image itself, the audience is viewed by Blau as participant and celebrant, observer and beholder, eavesdropper and voyeur, "culinary" as in Brecht or cannibalistic as in Genet, collective or solitary or intimately separate - or, as in the conscience - catching mousetrap of Harnlet, "guilty creatures sitting at play." 8 When the thesis was first proposed, it was intended to utilise a self-declared non-dual approach to the research material. Now, on mature reflection, the writer begins to question whether a non-dual methodology can exist at all. After all this thesis has to be written in words and has to employ linguistic logic which leads right back to the Buddhist 'pointing finger' and to the danger of mistaking the finger for the thing pointed at. To employ a non- dual methodology would 'logically' involve then the presentation of this thesis in the form perhaps of an extended Buddhist Koan, the cryptic essence of which would render the work un-examinable. Whilst on a purely metaphysical level this non-examinability might well be an achievement in itself, in purely practical terms the work would not conform to the requirements for theses presented for examination at the University of Stellenbosch, or I suspect at any other 'western' University. 49 50 L. CHAPTER TWO South Africa 2.1 Introduction It isclear that some kind ofgeneral overview ofblack African dramatists working in South Mrica has been attempted by anumber of authors over the recent two decades or so, including Robert Kavanagh, Kathy Perkins, Ian Steadman, Temple Hauptfleisch, Peter Larlham, et al. (See Bibliography). The best general overview freely available at present isperhaps Loren Kruger's in The Drama of South Africa: plays, pageants and publics since 1910, which contains specific chapters onthis (Kruger, 1999). However, inthe entry on South Mrica involume 3ofthe World Encyclopedia of Contemporary Theatre (Rubin, 1997), Temple Hauptfleisch proposes amore concise, though perhaps alittle artificially structured, approach for such an overview, based on four major performance forms which, according to Hauptfleisch, go to make up the broader tradition. The particular chapter concludes with a summary ofthe current situation, inwhich he says: Essentially the same four basic traditions (spoken Eurocentric drama, western- style indigenous theatre, crossover workshop theatre and traditional indigenous performance forms) continue to develop inthe country, mostly along parallel lines. However, there are clear signs that increasing cross-fertilization may be taking place, that the individual forms are less clearly linked to specific companies and groups and that the country inthe 1990's was inthe midst ofa search for new structures, forms and styles to suitthe rainbow nation of a newly emerging South Africa. (Hauptfleisch, 1997b. p.274 .) 51 The chapter uitilizes this categorization of forms to provide aconcise and useful summary ofthe socio-political history ofthe region, which highlights events and legislation which had an impact upon the theatrical tradition inthe country (see Hauptfleisch, in Rubin, 1997, pp. 268-274). It is not the intention to repeat this whole history here, but it may be useful to take aquick llook at some high points inthe history, leading up to the role played by the four South African dramatists selected for study here. Several approaches to an overview could be entertained. There isthe historiographic approach, for example, which would perhaps start with the first playscript inZulu by ablack Mrican playwright Francis Mkhize in 1920, and then chart acourse through a Xhosa play of 1925 Imfene Ka Debeza by Guybon Sinxo, on to Esau Mthethwa's Lucky Stars improvised productions ofUmthakati and Ukuquomisa then on to the productions ofthe Bantu Dramatic Society which was founded in 1933. Thereafter we could move on to HI.E. Dhlomo and his only published play The Girl Who Killed To Save, which was published in 1935 - and sothe chronology would continue. Along the way we could comment on the claim by Albert Gerard in Four African Literatures (1971) that Father Bernard Huss, the missionary based at Marianhill Monastery inNatal, who encouraged Francis Mkhize, (who was a student ofHuss's) to write the first play in Zulu, was also influenced by the style of Commerdia dell 'Arte. Inthe presentation of plays Huss allowed students the freedom to improvise in and around the script. We can speculate further that this influence of free improvisation survived inthe work ofthe Lucky Stars because its leader, Esau Mthethwa was also one of father Huss's students. One could argue the merits or 52 demerits ofDhlomo's play or bewail the fact that Nimrod NT. Ndebele's play Ugubudele Namazimuzimu published in 1941 has not received enough attention, and that the plays of A.c.T. Mayekiso, published by Marionhill Mission Press have received no attention at all - and so on. Another approach would be to argue that the records of dramatised narrative forms such as the Xhosa intsomi, or the Zulu izinganekwane should be the starting point. Alternatively that the dramatised praise poetry of the Nguni izibongo and the Sotho libiko should be this point of departure. Another argument could be that geographic boundaries were colonially imposed and Southern rather than South Africa should be the declared site of the study (which it happens to be in this instance). Whilst the colonially imposed boundaries between nations in the sub-continent may have created differences in cultural perception internalized over time, such differences would not, so the argument could go, have been all that marked in, shall we say, the nineteenth century. One could then perhaps argue that the real start to our enquiry for Southern Africa should be with what Kavanagh has called 'the earliest recorded examples ... the dramatised animal satires of Job Moteame and Azariele M. Sekese in Lesotho in the 1880's' (Kavanagh, 1985, pAS). Another distinction could be attempted between literary drama, written to be read rather than performed, and that which functions as the startpoint for a live production, or that which is a record of what emerged from workshopping or other forms of group authorship. This is not even to enter the debate concerning the strict definition of the Oral Tradition, in order to record that every black African dramatist interviewed by Schauffer acknowledges directly or indirectly the influences of what they understand 53 to be the Oral Tradition. It is equally impossible to deny that publication of scripts is a major problem, for both the playwrights and researchers. The township musical tradition, inspired by King Kong and established by Kente can be seen to have its latter-day follow-through in the work ofMbongeni Ngema. Then one has to take account of Protest theatre (that appealed to the middle class and to liberals) and Theatre for Resistance (which was Agit prop and alternative in vision) bringing into focus the issues of Black Consciousness and Pan Africanism. The most troublesome question arises as to whether or not there is anything at all that can be regarded as unique to the dramaturgy of black Africans south of the Zambezi, or north of it for that matter. What is clear from the sub-continental study as a whole is that the 'popular' movement is towards community theatre as defined by Schauffer to Vuyisele Otukile (see Chapter 7). This is so strong as a tendency that it deserves separate consideration, which it will receive in Chapter Seven. As a tendency it moves away from the literary, away from scripts, away from Eurocentric expectations of theatre practice, and perforce away from dramaturgy - which is the core subject of this enquiry for reasons given in Chapter One. 2.2 Selection of Dramatists and Texts In view of the above, let me honestly admit then that I have grave difficulty in defining a specific startpoint to this study. To say that the study will start at 14hOOon the 10th February 1927, or to say that the start is with K.E. Masinga's play Intombi 54 Yasegoli E Thekwini orwith H. Bloom's King Kong makes no sense unless such a delimitation isinformed by some overarching vision orthesis to be examined. This in turn may determine the shape and form this investigation ismeant totake. Inthe present case the aim issimple enough, toundertake awide-ranging and comparative pilot regional study ofform and structure inselected plays. Sowhat emerges inevitably isapreference for anoverview based onthe self-declared personal selection ofafew personalities and playscripts. This ispretty much what most other researchers in Southern Africa and the many researchers who tend to appear inthese climes for afew months during sabbaticals, oronresearch grants, to produce articles, reports, and even books ontheatre-related subjects relative to South Africa, have elected to do. Sothe rest ofthis chapter will focus upon the works offour prominent South African dramatists. The choice itself isan individual viewpoint, based upon myown readings, the research findings, fieldwork reports, interviews and research log ofDennis Schauffer's work, andthe socio-political statistics forthe region. Acomparative look atthe entries onthe various African countries under discussion inthis thesis inthe World Encyclopedia ofContemporary Theatre, for example, will quickly indicate that the sheer output interms ofplays and performances in South Africa isnot only vastly more productive than that ofallfive the other countries together, but that the production and publishing systems are stronger than elsewhere inthe region. It follows that the published output of South African material isenormous by comparison to that ofneighbouring countries, asisthe volume of critical literature. The bibliography ofthis thesis andthe cumulative index tothe South African Theatre 55 Journal (Volume 15, 2001) also illustrate the extent to which South Mrican writing by black Mrican writers has received critical attention, particularly over the past twenty or more years. To select representative examples of South African dramaturgy is thus both a difficult and an easy task, in both cases because of the sheer wealth of material available. As with the rest of this thesis, the ultimate decision was dictated by the additional (and previously unutilized) material available in the data collected by Dennis Schauffer. The choice then fell, rather predictably, on the following four innovative figures: Gcina Mhlophe, Gibson Kente, Matsemela Manaka and Zakes Mda. Clearly there are many more that could have been used, but for the comparative aims of this thesis, four will suffice. So let us tum to the work of Gcina Mhlope. 2.3 Gdna Mhlophe. Gcina Mhlope is primarily known for one play (the widely published and performed piece Have You Seen Zandile?), her poetry, and her influential role as storyteller and oral poet. The premier of the play Have You Seen Zandile? was at the Market Theatre, Johannesburg in February 1986. It earned praise from the press and enjoyed good houses, but Mhlophe received criticism from the male dominated ANC-affiliated Cultural Desk at the time, which felt that she had strayed from the 'official' line on the use of theatre for protest and as a weapon in the cultural struggle. In response Mhlophe is on record as responding: 56 'When I did Zandile, I was criticised a lot by political-minded people asking why was a powerful woman like me writing a play like Zandile? If! can write about the masses, I can write about me. I'm one of the masses.' (Perkins K.A.: 1999, P.8l.) Lliane Loots nevertheless reminds us of the strong political context of the play. She praises the play because it 'reminds audiences of social injustice not only in terms of racism but also in terms of gender and class analysis' instead of merely confronting audiences 'with a single meta-analysis' of apartheid South Africa.' (Loots, 1996, p.68). Loots goes on to offer the following discerning remark: The story-telling narratives favoured by Mhlophe, too, are political acts in that a form of literature not generally documented or recognised is elevated as the main theatrical and structural device. (Loots, 1996, p. 67) This last remark leads us to what interests us more particularly here, namely the distinctive qualities ofMhlope's dramaturgy. Let us examine a few structural elements and see whether they suggest possible readings. The first issue is Mhlope's self-conscious employment of the techniques and approaches of traditional storytelling in the structure and presentational method of Have You Seen Zandile? In many ways it is a prime example of the influence of the storytelling tradition upon the dramaturgy of contemporary Black Mrican dramatists 57 and is widely studied as an example of this. However, Mhlope's own position is a little more ambiguous. In an 1987 intwerview with Kathy Perkins she said: 'Zandile is very much like a story and it's natural that I wrote it. After all I am a storyteller ... Yes, it's still theatre.' (Published in Perkins, 1999, p.80) It is a point Mhlophe emphasises when she dedicates her play: 'To the memory of my grandmother, Gogo, who deserves praise for the storyteller in me.' From this it seems as if Mhlope thus clearly affirms a self-conscious and direct use of the oral storytelling tradition and there appears to be no doubt in Mhlope' s mind that storytelling was theatre. Perkins had conducted this interview in July 1987. By the time Schauffer interviewed Mhlophe (in May 1990 - see Appendix 2), there seemed to have been a rethink on that subject. At one point in the interview Mhlophe says: Ijust don't belong in theatre. I feel very much at home in storytelling ... Everytime when I was winning awards and getting wonderful write-ups, and getting roles left and right and just having a good time, I kept saying, "I don't belong in theatre. Ijust don't feel right here. I'm flying with crooked wings ... " So in 1990 when I left theatre and moved into full-time storytelling ... I knew that I was straightening up and I'm flying right. Schauffer has suggested that the distinction being made here is between the kind of Eurocentric type of theatre being done in Johannesburg in the so-called 'mainstream' theatres of the time and Mhlophe's own, distinctive and more 'community' focussed type of performance. Because of this built-in ambiguity, and given the fact that Have you Seen Zandile? it is a scripted work, performed mainly in formal theatre structures, 58 it appears that the play falls more into the category of what Hauptfleisch has called crossover workshop theatre than into a category of traditional indigenous performance. Of course the oral tradition covers a number of culture-specific oral forms such as myth, legend, praise-singing, praise-poetry, saga, epic, ritual chants, ceremonial invocations, traditional songs, fairytale, nursery tale, fable, folktale, allegory, parable etc. and it has a common factor, the fact that in their original forms all ofthis was transmitted orally in performance from generation to generation. Traditional storytelling is thus similar to the category 'folktale', but allows for greater innovation in the presentation of traditional themes; it provides the storyteller with the license to present old wine in new bottlesl. In Mhlope's case, despite her own later reservations about her position as playwright, she takes the adaptation one step further, turning oral storytelling into theatre. The structure of the play involves the presentation of fourteen short scenes that trace the central character's rights of passage into womanhood over a ten-year period up until she is 18 years old. The name of the central character is Zandile, a name which means, 'the number of girls is growing.' As Mhlophe herself points out 'it could mean that the contribution of women in the arts is growing.' (Perkins, K.A.: 1999. P. 81) The play is largely autobiographical and it is significant that the stages in the central character's development are marked by encounters with other important women in her life. Whilst the central character in the two-hander is played by only one performer, all the other characters (Grandmother, Mother, a schoolfriend, and finally an old 59 woman who isaneighbour) are played bythe another actress. Inthe original production the roles were taken byGcina Mhlophe herself and Thembi Mtshali respectively. Stephen Gray calls this multiple roleplaying a'metaphor ofprotean transformation' and points to the ideological nature ofthis structural element, which 'isafrequent visual demonstration that no-one isever really "stuck" insociety's roles. The play ... also heralds the people's ability to transform themselves.' (Gray, 1990. p.85). The second structural element inMhlope's work isequally laden politically inSouth Mrica, namely her clear interest inlanguage per se. The opening speech inscene one for instance, iseighty percent inZulu. Only towards the end do we encounter English 'I'llbring my crayons' and anglicised words "namacryons" and "iskipping rope". Commenting onthe use ofmultiplicity of language registers, Mhlophe inan interview with Schauffer says: I speak Xhosa and Zulu, soIusethose two languages very much when Iamperforming. Even if! amperforming inEnglish I draw upon wonderful idioms from these languages. I'm aperson who loves idioms Often Isaythem inthe original language. I don't want to lose my audience but Iwant them totaste where I am coming from. (S.A/G.M) Later inthe play, when Zandile isabducted by her mother tothe rural Transkei the language moves to English with afew phrases inXhosa. Significantly enough Zandile doesn't fully understand Xhosa atthis stage. When her mother responds to herby saying, 'Sukugeza' ('don't be silly' inXhosa) Zandile latches onto the 'geza' part 60 of the word (geza: 'wash' in Zulu) and assumes that her mother has told her to go and wash. The justification then for the almost exclusive use of English in this section is that it is a Lingua franca between Zandile and her mother Lulama - who can be expected to command a reasonable facility in the use of English because she was after all a cabaret singer with the 'Mtateni Queens' in Durban. Zandile's progress is also marked by her ever improved facility in the use of English and a growing love of reading. In scene one Zandile's claim to competence in English amounts to 'Was da meta be you?' by the end of the play this has shifted to a fluent command of English plus expressions like, "Hey man!" a familiarity with Barbara Cartland books, and a level of language usage appropriate to the world of the Rolling Stones, mini-skirts, and platform shoes. She is also completely in command of Xhosa as is demonstrated in her praise poem for Mr. Hlatshwayo, the retiring school teacher. John Kani, in an interview conducted by Schauffer (SA/JK) at the Market Theatre on 31/05/1996, recalls that as a young man he attended meetings on Sunday at a place called Embezweni where people would speak in public and would be judged by their ability to speak beautiful English and beautiful Xhosa. 'Learning English,' he says, 'was learning that other culture. It was embracing them in their language and culture, and accepting that we are both in that one square mile.' In the first scene Zandile imagines Gogo putting a sweet into her mouth and she has a conversation with the imagined presence ofBongi. In scene two the second actress appears as Gogo and in later scenes she appears again as Lulama, Lindiwe, and finally as the Old Woman. In other words the play starts with a single narrator peopling the performance with imaginary presences - very much the technique used in traditional storytelling. In scene two we meet Gogo who is presented as a warm, loving, caring, 61 wise oldlady who acts both ascustodian oftraditional values but also as stern critic of the chauvinism endemic to her own particular society's attitudes, and wry critic ofthe racism inherent inthe larger South Mrican society. Shelaughs when Zandile asks her about the colour ofthe doll shehasjust given her 'why dothey always make them pink?' The subtle critique isgently woven into her dialogue. The old lady becomes quite strident, however, when itcomes to gender prejudice inXhosa society. Tom is Zandile's father. He hastwo sons who areready to goto college. The old lady smells trouble and asks ifZandile can come and staywith herbecause she knows that ifTom ran short of money 'Zandile would bethe first to betaken out of school. Tom thinks education isnot important for agirl. Hau! Even ifIhave to diedoing it,I'm keeping Zandile at school.' (Mhlophe, 1998. pp. 8-9) All ofthis isconveyed inamonologue sothat scene two again preserves the single person address tothe audience which, asinthe first scene, harks back tothe technique oftraditional storytelling. Ofthe fourteen scenes five are monologues and in scene seven we encounter asimultaneous setting oftwo monologues with Zandile writing a letter to Gogo inthe sand and Gogo with aphotograph ofZandile wandering into ask the audience, 'Have you seenthis child?' Atthe end ofher appeal she delivers the 'title line', 'Have you seen Zandile?' The use ofthe direct address and the emphasis upon monologues, the brevity ofthe scenes, the swift changing panorama oflocales created through the use ofverbal suggestion, the movement ofthe second performer from character to character, even the length ofthe work, which isshort enough to make an interval quite unthinkable, allhelp to preserve asense oftraditional storytelling. 62 Whilst thepublished scriptgives sometechnical instructions suchas'inapoolof light' or'light slowly fadestoblack' itisquiteobvious thatthepiececouldbe presented almost anywhere anditwould stillretain itspower astheatre2. Itwas, in thissense, representative ofsomeofthebestpeoples playsofthecultural struggle period, which usedthefluid, adaptable mimetic performance techniques ofthe indigenous storytelling anddancetraditions totelltheir owncontemporary stories. Another Black African dramatist inSouthMrica thatwasheavily criticised bythe Cultural Desk wasGibson Kente. BraGib,asheisknown inDube, asection of Soweto where helives, isknown asthefather ofthe township musical andhis influence wasextensive andlivesontoday inthework ofMbongeni Ngema.3 An overview ofSouth Mrican Black African dramatists wouldbewoefully incomplete without aconsideration ofthismajor figure andhisparticular brand oftheatre. 2.4 Gibson Kente During themid-years ofthetwentieth century aunique theatrical stylewas developed inthetownships ofSouth Africabydramatists likeGibson Kente andSam Mhangwane. Theso-called 'township musical' isahybrid formthat incorporates elements ofMrican traditional dance andmusic, urbanjazz andotherblack Mrican urban music anddance influences, intomoreEuropean narrative structures that derive fromearlyradio plays inisiZulu andfrompopular filmsrather thanexamples oflive theatre. AsKente saidinaninterview (SeeAppendix 3): 63 Wedidn't gototheatres - wecouldn't - butweallhadourtransistor radios and wecouldwatch Kung Fumovies inhalls. Therewere alsosometerrible movies made inSouth Africa -verypolitically safe. (Gibson Kente .S.A./G.K.) AsHauptfleisch reminds us,thekickstart totheevolution oftownship theatre could ironically havebeenthefounding oftheUnionDefence Force (UDF)Entertainment Unit. Anumber ofthebesttownship jazz artistshadworked fortheunitandontheir return totheirtownships someofthemformed avariety company which wasto pioneer black entertainment inthecities. (Rubin, 1997,p.*) ThismovetowhatLoren Kruger (1999) waslatertocall'African vaudeville', led directly tothe 1959production ofthemusical KingKong, which isgenerally acknowledged tomarkthestartoftwodecades ofvitalandsuccessful presentation of theblackurban stylewhich became known as'township musical' andwhich is inextricably associated withthework ofGibson Kente. 'KingKong was ... theimmediate modelandinspiration forKente' saysRobert Kavanagh inhisgroundbreaking work onSouthAfrican popular theatre (1985, p.115), though Kente seemedtodisagree withthisclaiminaninterview withRolf Solberg conducted duringtheperiod 1994-95 (theindividual interviews arenot dated): 64 I can't say that there has been any outside influences when it comes to writing music, because I have been indigenous in many ways. And the same goes for theatre. (Solberg, 1999, p.82) Of course it may be that Kente is referring to 'outside influences' in the sense of 'international influences', and not specifically the brand of indigenous theatre represented at the time by King Kong, a production much debated over the years. But given this attitude expressed by Kente, it may be of interest to take a look at some points of comparison between King Kong and Kente's own production of his play Too Late some fourteen years later. Purely formally the plays have a number of things in common. For example, at the most elementary level both productions open with crowd scenes and both have intervals - although an interval is not marked in the published version of Too Late. In an interview with Dennis Schauffer, Kente told him: Kente: My scenes are on average maybe four or five in the first half and three or so in the second half. Sehauffer: Do you have an interval? Kente: Yes I have an interval, definitely. (S.A./G.K.) Both authors employed an 'American musical' format for the work, and this impacted on many aspects of the work. In the Foreword to the published playscript of King Kong for example, Harry Bloom (the play's nominal authorS) tells us that of the seventy performers in the cast' many were experienced as concert singers, ..[but] 65 ..only three had ever acted before, and then in a single small-scale production some months earlier'. (Bloom, 1961, p.15) So the emphasis was clearly on the musical qualities of the play, rather than the dramatic, a situation certainly exascerbated by the fact that virtually no training was available at the time for black actors. Kavanagh suggests that Kente, who was more interested in the musical and melodramtic elements of the play, under these circumstances 'employed progressively less educated, less well-known and younger artistes and trained them.' (Kavanagh R.M.: 1985. p.120). He might argue that he needed a certain style of performer, which the usual channels did not supply - something like the argument for the manner in which some TV soap and sitcom artistes are 'discovered' today. Both plays make use of a live orchestra and in terms of the structure there is once more a remarkable correspondence between the two works. King Kong uses twenty- seven musical/dance sequences over thirteen scenes. Whilst Too Late uses exactly the same number of musical/dance sequences over ten scenes. In both productions non-conventional musical instruments popular in the townships are used as solo instruments: in ,King Kong it is a 'penny whistle' and in Too Late it is a mouth organ. To quote Kavanagh again there was in both: An emphasis on episodic narrative, unified and carried by song and dance, and a more pronounced use for physical and visual expression than dialogue, made for a from that was rooted in the oral traditions of Africa, as well as being more than adequate to contain the content of Black urban culture. (Kavanagh, 1985,p. 96) 66 The foregoing discussion also highlights another important matter shared by both texts, namely the extreme importance ofthe actual live performance. (This is of course not only true of these two scripts in particular, but also of black urban performance in general. - See for example Larlham 1985, Hauptfleisch and Steadman, 1984 and Steadman, 1985 on this.) Neither one ofthe scripts can really begin to record the level of energy in performance, the enlargement of emotion or the effect of the black musical genre (which runs much deeper than words), the pace, precision and frontality. These are all non-verbal aspects, which characterise the tradition of the township musical. It is ironic then that we can access nothing ofthis essential communication directly through the literary script -though there is substantial secondary material on King Kong, with film sequences, arecording of the music, two books and plenty of articles and reviews avalailable Finally, both productions were largely commercial ventures intended to appeal to their respective target audiences: predominantly white audiences intraditionally 'white' urban performance venues for King Kong and black audiences inthe townships for Too Late. The foregoing comparisons thus do suggest that - despite Kente's apparent denials - the King Kong legacy did influence the form he chose to use. And through him it would not only influence the form of protest and popular theatre inthe country, but alter the nature and shape of all theatre in South Africa - even ifonly marginally. Perhaps something ofthe style he developed and the way it occurred can be traced today in a derivative form perhaps, specifically in the productions of the flamboyant 67 Mbongeni Ngema, who went toJohannesburg in1979toaudition fora Gibson Kente production. He explained hismotive forthistoDennis Schauffer inMay 1998. Iwasn't really there forthework, likemost artistes were. Infact allofthem cametowork formoney, butformeitwasatraining course, practical training. (S.A./M.N) AftertwoyearsNgema feltthat hehadmastered theKente technique andasa musician himself hefeltthat hecouldtakethismuch further. He andPercy Mtwa were alsoinfluenced bythework ofFugard, Kani, andNtshona with works likeSizwe Bansi IsDead andTheIsland. Ngema comments: Weknew that wewanted tofollowthe SizweBansi kind ofstyle sotherefore weneeded todevelop certain parts ofourbodies. We alsofeltthat eventhough the SizweBansi stylewas exciting, we sawthose productions again inJohannesburg andTheIsland as well, andIalsoidentified thattheywere verygood, verypolished productions butthey depended alotintalking. Theydidn't have thepower thatKente had,sowe saidtoourselves, "How canwe combine thetwo?" (S.A./M.N.) Ngema thus acknowledges hisdebttoKente forthenon-literary aspects ofhis presentational technique, reinforcing theclaim made abovethatKing Kong -through Kente andMhangwane andtheirprotege's andfollowers -ultimately inspired and influenced awide-ranging tradition oflocalmusical-style political theatre. Important subsequent practitioners include suchnames asMbongeni Ngema, Percy Mtwa, Matsemela Manaka, Maishe Maponya, evenZakes Mda, andwhointheir turn were of 68 course influenced by other theatrical and political influences and imperatives as well, but combined those influences with the township musical roots they could not ignore. This is so, despite the fact that critics have always had problems with the use of the popular musical form for potentially critical social commentary, protest or satire. One of these is Robert Kavanagh (1985. p. 105) who goes on to discusses what he perceives as '... the contradiction between the realism suggested by the theme's political and symbolic context, and the artificiality ofthe American 'musical' form.' Nevertheless, one may ultimately argue that some of the most dominant and influential political work ofthe cultural struggle seems to have solved the problem of the contradiction and owes something to the principles underlying the township musical form and therefore to the pioneering influence of King Kong and Gibson Kente. This same influence can be seen in Kramer and Petersen's District Six: The Musical, Ngema's Sarafina, Junction Avenue Theatre Company's Sophiatown, and even the radical Afrikaans 'kabarette' (=cabarets) of writer /lyricists such Hennie Aucamp (Slegs vir Almal) and Koos Kombuis (Piekniek by Dingaan). Another kind oflink is with the popular music of the townships as well as the pop stage. In this context it is interesting to note that Kente, having attempted to appeal to the more intellectual and elite audiences in the production of! Believe, came to an important realisation after early closure of this production. He found that: ... the production only goes down well with the elite whereas I write for the man in the street. (Kavanangh, R.M.: 1985, p.121) Kavanagh goes on to record: 69 Ajournalist, commenting onthe factthat Lifa was to play in Durban at 11:30pm after the popular Umbhaquanga singer Mahlathini wrote: "andthe people who goto seeMahlathini are usually the same people who liketo seeGibson Kente shows." In other words the proletariat patronised both Mahlathini and Kente -though inactual fact itwas the lower strata ofthe working class, migrants and domestic workers who tended to patronise Umbaquanga. (Kavanangh, RM.: 1985, p.121) Kente not only saw histarget audience inthis specific way, but he actively created his works with this target audience inmind and inthe process considerably adapted the King Kong model, making changes which would obviously influence his subsequent work either positively or negatively. Earlier we listed commonalties between Too Late andKing Kong, so perhaps we may now consider some ofthe divergences. Aswe have noted already, the first important difference isthat Too Late was created by aBlack playwright for Black township audiences, whereas King Kong was created by acollective ofpredominantly white liberals for commercial dissemination to predominantly white audiences. Both were primarily commercial ventures andthis meant that for both their appeals tothe respective target audiences had to be carefully orchestrated. In Too Late there isatleast 50% more dramatic dialogue (by comparison with King Kong) through which character and situation can be explored. This shows amajor shifttowards amore flexible dramatic form, offering opportunity for social and political critique. However, itisdifficult to place Kente's work inany one specific category interms ofHauptfleisch's notion offour basic traditions, .since there isacross-fertilization ofwesternized ,urbanized indigenous forms, some 70 formal spoken drama elements, and so on. Perhaps it belongs in the category of crossover workshop theatre more than anywhere else. In his discussion of King Kong, Robert Kavanagh (1985) has pointed out huge discrepencies between the recorded performance and the published texts of the musical. This applies equally well to Too Late, where the published script also differs fundamentally from the original script handed to the cast at the start ofrehearsals.6 However, while it would seem that the differences between the King Kong texts were mostly concerned with the popularization and commercialization of the musical, the extensive variations, insertions, and even total rewriting of sections of Too Late, appear to relate to an effort to introduce some political 'relevance' to the play. The many variations thus demonstrate a clear attempt to be more critical of the socio- political situation prevailing at the time. One could speculate that this might have been in response to criticism that Kente received from anti-apartheid activists for not using his theatre as a vehicle for sharper critique of the political environment. When one compares the published version with the original, it is clear that an entire page of dialogue has been added early in act one, in order to introduce the idea of a common enemy, represented by the South African Breweries and symbolized by their prime beer label 'Castle Lager'. Labour disputes at the time would have provided a rich backdrop for reception of this label. Another thrust towards a hightened social awareness is provided by the question of access to education as a basic human right, which appears in the revised and published version of the play. There the point is made that, in the case of a black South African, a B.A. or M.A. would be of no use, for you are still perceived to be nothing more than a 'Bloody African' or a 'Mad Ape', 71 with no realistic hope of occupational opportunities inthe apartheid dominated South Mrica ofthe time. Similarly Act I scene 5isexpanded byapage and ahalf of dialogue which takes place between the pass officer andthe three men seeking awork permit from the Johannesburg pass office. Inorder to de-humanise the white officer to the maximum extent, the audience only hears hisvoice from behind the counter and pink gloves are used forthe whiteman's hands. The officer's dialogue ispeppered with Afrikaans words -andthis isparticularly significant when one considers that inless than ayear after Too Late opened the Soweto riots occurred andthat they were sparked, inpart at least, bythe protest atMrikaans being used asamedium of instruction inschools.7 The Black characters respond inMrikaans inademeaning way with expressions such as 'Eskuus, baas. [Sorry baas]' or'JaBaas [looking stupid andjust answering]' etc. (p.109). The language isalso harsher: Officer: You got alotto say-Kaffir8 (p.l 0) Just before he isreleased from prison we seehow Saduva has been changed by his incarceration, atransformation mirrored inhislanguage: Saduva [tothe other prisoner]: Fuck you! Wenzani? What doyou think you are doing? (p.118) Inthe revised version the Doctor stands up tothe officer and announces that hewill take matters tothe officer's senior incommand. There isalso ashift inattitude signalled bythe final solo byMfundisi, which ischanged from the hymn 'My eyes are on hills' inthe original to anitem entitled, 'Akukho Thixo Kulento' [There's no Godliness inthis] inthe published version, which one has to assume was more hard-hitting inthe context ofthe scene. 72 The fact isthat Kente's critics had long been accusing him of creating escapist entertainment at atime when the theatre was being absorbed more and more into the cultural struggle. Theatre atthat time was regarded as apotentially powerful means of conscentising the masses. But theatre had to be committed to the struggle in order to achieve this objective. In Too Late Kente thus seems to be moving towards this commitment, but not convincingly enough for some. In Kavanagh's terms for instance, he was 'an established member of the commercial and intermediate class ... he thought predominantly in economic terms' (Kavanagh, 1985. p.118) Later Kavanagh adds, '... by the time he wrote Too Late, Kente could in economic terms be described as aBlack businessman entertainer who employed cheap unskilled labour and sold his product to the black working classes and youth.' (Kavanagh, 1985. p.121) This assessment may seem harsh, but it isborn out by the working script of Can You take It? (held at the time of research inthe Drama Department, University of Zululand, now closed). This bears three dates, namely: Act One, Scene One - 5th February 1977 Act Two, Scene Three - 7th February 1977 Act two, Scene Two - 13th February 1977 This was the first play Kente wrote after the momentous event ofthe 1976 Soweto riots (16 June 1976). The tone is set by the overture: Park Scene It's agay summer's day. Natures (sic) wears the best colours. In high spirits a 'fun crazy' girl sings a song. 73 "Free to fly (got no responsibility)" as others join the singing and enter into a dance. While parents regret their loss of influence over their children and 'hate to think of a day when we will have lost all the finer aspects of our traditional way of life', the children challenge parental authority. Zuzu smokes and drinks in front of her mother, Mrs. Vuma, and even invites her boy-friends home. She also chews gum. Mfundisi's son Skade has brought banned books home. The comic character Natsona claims that the children have been corrupted by 'bioscope and that thing that tells-a-vision'. Essentially this is a love story of Jiki and Skade. Interspersed in the action is the making, buying, selling, and eating of 'fat cakes'. (Now more commonly known by their Mrikaans name of 'Vetkoek'). A plea is made for parental understanding but neither parent in this case is accommodating. Letters that are intercepted and destroyed add to a plot that amounts to a domestic comedy with the usual formula of songs, dances, hymns and crowd scenes. In fairness to Kente we do not have a published performance script of Can you take it? And, as we have seen in the case of Too Late, the performance script and the rehearsal script can differ substantially. The unpublished script of Can You Take It? is then to be regarded as a kind of scenario in an advanced, but not final, stage of development. Who knows what could ultimately have been made about the banned books issue? On present evidence however the script tends to confirm Kavanagh's assessment ofKente as a Black businessman entertainer more concerned with creating marketable commercial productions than with using these for committed political critique. 74 The same cannot be said for Matsemela Manaka whose work will be considered next. 2.5 Matsemela Manaka Though not conservative, Barry Ronge has always been seen as something of an 'establishment' critic, so his critique ofManaka's Goree (Sunday Times of 19 February 1989) isremarkable, as he says: ... I must stress that I had avery powerful personal and subjective response to the play. After a life lived inthis country this was the first time ever that Igrasped, with complete comprehension, the sense ofwhat it isto be an Mrican. (Ronge, 1989,p. 5) Dennis Schauffer's own response, as recorded in his Mananka file mirrors this response: Last night Matsemela Manaka presented Goree inthe Asoka Theatre and naturally I was there. Quite what I expected I don't know, but few productions here or elsewhere have impressed me more. Ifeel that my understanding ofthe Pan-Mricanist vision has been enlarged. I came out ofthe presentation elated and enspirited with the notion that although I am white by accident of birth, I have by virtue ofbeing born in South Africa, abirthright to an incredibly rich African inheritance and aresponsibility to myself to recover, nurture, and preserve what Ican ofthis inheritance, , (Schauffer file marked Manaka. M.) 75 In reading this I began to understand something of why Schauffer chose to undertake the study of Black Mrican Dramatists in the sub-continent. If Kente's work is difficult to come to terms with when one does not have the power of the music to underscore whatever impression arises from words of his scripts, then Mananka's works are almost inaccessible, for by comparison they are even more reliant upon performance aesthetics, as distinct from literary aesthetics. Of course - as pointed out in the introduction - one could argue of all plays that the scripts are only productions in potentia, and that it is the productions themselves that make theatrical impact - either negatively or positively. What makes this difficult for me as a researcher in the case of the Manaka's scripts for Egoli, Pula, Children of Asazi, Toro, ,Goree, Blues Mrica Cafe, and Ekaya, is not that I do not have an intellectual understanding of the writing, but that I lacked opportunities for contact with the live theatrical production of such works before a real target audience. This must limit my response to the playas a whole, yet as a 'theatre archaeologist' (as YeYe Clarke termed it) or what I prefer to think of as a 'theatreologist' ( see p.18 for explanation of this neologism), I do believe it is possible for me to pick through the pile of artefacts and bare bones - the bare words of the printed scripts - to (re)construct whatever animal I may make of them, conscious of the fact that other 'theatreologists' may very well end up constructing very different animals from the same collection of bones. 76 There is however a further problem in all ofthis. In interviews with Davis (1997) and Schauffer (1998 - see Appendix 4), Matsemela Manaka indicates that his scripts are collaborative ventures, created jointly between himself as apresenter of an initial scenario or concept and the cast, bringing their experience and expertise into play. For this reason he could not create a script without first casting aproduction: I always cast my plays before I can write them. Theatre is a collaboration. We use the memory of our past with the experience of our present to project avision of the future (Schauffer: S.A./M.M.) Steadman confirms this by making the point that: Manaka must be seen, in relation to his work for Soyikwa, not so much as awriter but as a scribe ofthe rehearsal process. He treats his actors as creators, not merely as interpretive artists.' (Steadman, 1986, p.3) Even when the script has been set down this is not cast inbronze, for asManaka points out, making an important distinction between the target audience for a published script and the audience for the performed play: ... inthe performance they don't always say some ofthe things ... The written script istrying to satisfy readers, not viewers, so that in the performance you saw ofEgoIi,I don't think they did say "Uhuru Azania". I (Davis, 1999, p.1) 77 This appears to be in response to the observation that Davis had made about the final line ofthe script, saying that Manaka had openly declared his political allegiance in the use of the expression 'Uhuru Azania.' This difference of opinion points to the danger of drawing fixed conclusions from Manaka's scripts. Steadman draws our attention to another glaring example ofthe misreading that can occur when the script becomes the sole source for interpretation: Kelwyn Sole exemplifies the problem in adeficient reading of the work ofMatsemela Manaka. In his essay on "Black Literature and Performance: Some Notes on Class and Populism", SA Labour Bulletin, Vol. 9,NO.8, p. 70, Sole relies on a defective review ofManaka's play Imumba for his information, and elaborates, an argument based on the misinformation given by atheatre critic. Sole's information is that in the play the, "boss-boy" swallows his pride and leads three workers to freedom ... this representing, he suggests, a 'petty bourgeois' conception of liberation. What actually happens inthe performance isthat the workers take the decision to admit the "boss-boy" into the struggle for liberation ... a significant difference. Sole could not have missed this had he witnessed a performance. ' (Steadman, 1986, pA) The fact isthat Manaka experimented boldly with the presentational aspects of his plays in an attempt, one may surmise, to break the conventional actor/audience relationship as experienced inEurocentric theatre and in an attempt perhaps to establish the kind of relationship that would accord well with the communalism inthe spirit of African thought. 78 For instance Manaka makes use of composite settings, which allows him to present simultaneous action. So in Children of Asazi people rebuild their shacks upstage whilst downstage the character Charmaine interacts with Diliza in abusy street scene. In Toro the downstage isused as an interior of a house whilst the upstage contains musical instruments. The directions for the presentation of EgoIiinclude the comment 'The audience should be seated around the acting area and should not exceed 200 people.' In other words the performance was envisaged as being presented in-the-round - atraditional form as well as a (slightly dated) avant garde form. In Pula whilst Mkhulu remains upstage holding the rope that the chorus have tied around their necks: Inside the audience, they deliver the same monologue in unison, but in varying paces so that the effect is one of disjointed choral speaking. (Manaka in Davis, 1997, p. 92) Ian Steadman was witness to an early presentation of Pula and he records: As the lights changed for the second scene, the play was no longer based on representation, but on a directly participatory format. The audience in the Balckchain Hall became co-creators of the dialogue and action. Izwe was on stage ... aplatform raised above the audience ... and as the lights changed for his departure from the rural areas, he descended into the auditorium as an employee in a shebeen, selling beer to his 'customers' the audience. He addressed them directly, offering drinks and taking money (if members of the audience were prepared to part with it). 79 (Steadman, 1986, p. 11) Elsewhere Steadman tells us that a second actor transformed himself (changing his costume etc) into a 'with-it' rake of the township. A third actor amused one part of the audience with his drunken behaviour in his part of the auditorium whilst a fourth actor amused another section of the audience with his impersonation of a tsotsi using trilingual dialogue. Manaka's techniques are sophisticated and innovative and his approach moves 'black theatre', as earlier defined, into eclectic, unexplored territory. That this is deliberate is borne out by such instructions as we encounter in Toro. The surrealistic visualisation of the celebration culminates in them [i.e. the harpist, flautist, singer and dancer with rattles on her legs] being part of the celebration. (my parenthesis) (Manaka in Davis, 1997, p. 155) This is a far cry from either Mhlophe or Kente. In my opinion the apotheosis of Manaka's work was reached in Goree as directed by John Kani for the Market Theatre in 1989. Whilst I only have the printed script and this, as has been argued, is but a poor remnant of the live performances, there is still enough data available with which to determine something of the rich amalgam of cultural theatrical elements in the work. In just fourteen pages of script Manaka incorporates ten songs: 'The last boat from Goree', 'Let the drums echo on', 'the freedom of singing without being told to stop'song, a war song (acapella), 'Thembalethu' , 'Thula Sithandwa' , 'Untold Story' (Jazz), 'Gae Gagezo' , 'Go black child', and 'Celebration Song'. In addition there were two formal poems together with many injambed poetic sections in the dialogue. There is the use of live musical instruments - reed flutes, Kora, djembe, and violin. 80 Even more remarkable isManaka's use of dance. Bob Leshoai, writing in City Press, is quoted by Davis (1997) as saying that inthe programme there was anote to the effect that the dances fuse various Mrican dance styles including: 'Venda, Tswana, Xhosa, North Sotho, South Sotho, Ndbele, Swazi, Ghanian, Nigerian, Sengalese, ballet, contemporary andjazz.' He uses them in avariety of ways, including awestern ballet sequence, jazz dance, traditional Mrican dance, an opening dance representing the experience of her search, atoyi-toyi, atraditional war dance, a satirical pseudo- traditional dance as taught to Nomsa by Mrs. Daffodils (Association with Wordsworth perhaps?) an ostrich dance, arhythmic sequence expressing the movement of a sick person, and a spiritual dance sequence. Interestingly though, this kind of eclectic syncretism isused as avehicle for a surreal play which has as its central theme the notion that Mrican culture is still imprisoned and will remain so for as long as it isdominated and misrepresented by others. As the voice ofthe spirit of Mrica, Dba, says: 'Slavery was never abolished but polished.' (Manaka in Davis, 1997, p. 180). In the quoted article, Leshoai makes arather interesting comment about the performances ofthe 'Mrican dance', astaught to Nomsa by Mrs. Daffodil. He says 'she makes it look like copulation' (Davis, 1997, p. 233). The image is atelling one. The reading I have of this is ofthe rape of African culture by the forces of Eurocentricism and the implications that Mricans will never be free until they reject the misrepresentation ofBlack culture by others and take upon themselves the responsibility of rediscovering their true roots. Nomsa's journey to the slave island 81 Goree to find Dba inorder to learn African dance, becomes then the symbolic journey ofrediscovery. Another performance detail only possible to gather from the live performance and not from the script isthe following from Leshoai: One ofthe most powerful moments iswhen Oba ismade to sing through prison bars which are placed unobtrusively to one side of the stage and only become obvious when she stands behind them. Itwas apowerful statement that was saidtothe audience, "Your prison cells may be invisible but arejust aseffective asifthey were real." (Davies, 1997,233) Goree clearly fulfills Manaka's view ofthat theatre uses 'the memory ofour past with the experience of our present to project avision of our future.' (as quoted earlier from the interview with Schauffer, S.A./M.M.) Ofgreat significance isthe fact that the essential meaning ofthe work isrevealed through the manner ofperformance as received bythe audience, rather than through the words ofthe script. In this way Manaka's work confirms Richard Southern's thesis quoted earlier (See Introduction p.16) that 'the essence oftheatre lies inthe impression made onthe audience by the manner inwhich you perform. Theatre isessentially areactive art.' (Southern, 1977, p.26) Sofar inthis overview of South African Black dramaturgy Ihave dealt with Gcina Mhlophe (what one might callthe the storytelling tradition) Gibson Kente (the township musical tradition) andMatsemela Manaka (the crossover, Africanist 82 tradition) , but I feel that there is a category of writing that is not represented as yet in this selection and that is the writing that is more 'literary' in its approach. I now turn to the works of Zakes Mda in order to look at this. 2.6 Zakes Mda Loren Kruger regards Zakes Mda's play And the Girls in their Sunday Dresses as worthy of a place in the South African repertoire of regularly presented items, but she notes that: ..despite its merits, the play has yet to be produced in South Africa.9 The cause for this neglect is not censorship, although the portrayal of the haughty "office girls" might rile some government bureaucrats accused of lack of accountability, and the critique of the gap between the newly powerful and the still oppressed may strike some directors of subsidized theatres as an outdated preoccupation with anti-apartheid paradigms. Community theatres, which have no guaranteed sources of funding, tend to prefer work written locally or in house by authors not expecting, royalty payments and strict adherence to the text. (Kruger, 1999, p. 190) Zakes Mda does in fact involve himself in community theatre, notably so in Lesotho whilst he was lecturing at the University of Lesotho at Roma. As he described it: I do something which is called theatre for development which I do out there in the community in the mountains of Lesotho and so on. (S.A./ZM) 83 In an interview with Mahendra Raghunath for the Asoka Theatre Profile Series he continues: I've done things over the years for fun, for the love of it and so on - now it is time for me to get the returns for all the work, which is what I'm doing now. Of course I do donate my time to community groups in Dobsonville, for instance - I go there sometimes and work with them. That's my way of ploughing back into the community whatever experience I gained over the years (S.A./ZM) In his doctoral thesis, published as When People Play People, Mda records more specifically the ways in which theatre can be used in rural social developmentlO. Included in this publication is an appendix, which reproduces the scripts of five plays presented by the Theatre ofMarotholi. The scripts are translations by Mda of video or audio recordings of presentations in rural Lesotho, that were created through facilitators interacting with the community in order to produce works of communal authorship. So through his direct practical work as one such facilitator, Mda contributed much to theatre for development. (See also chapter 8.) On quite another level, however, Mda also contributed significantly to the literary drama tradition. He explains the origins of his interest in literature in an interview with Venu Naidoo published in Alternation (4.1.1). I come from a family of readers. From an early age I started reading comics ... My father was a teacher and later became a 84 lawyer. He was reading all the time and he was writing as well. ... So, growing up in an environment where everyone was reading, one developed the habit of reading. I strongly believe that to be a good writer you need to read. (Naidoo, 1997, p.1) .Whilst Mhlophe, Kente and Manaka could recall their direct experience of traditional storytelling Mda had less exposure to such traditional forms, as he tells us in the interview with Raghunath: ... I was not fortunate enough like other people who might have grown up in that kind of rich environment, you know with grandmothers who had stories. My grandmother was a school teacher and my grandfather was a chief and they were involved in education and social administration. So there was never time to sit down in the evening with a real oral type of situation around the fire telling stories. They had already adopted a different culture altogether! (S.A./Z.M) At the same time Mda does acknowledge the influence on his work of the oral tradition. Raghunath poses the question: 'What about the influences of the Oral Tradition? Do you find that seeps into your work?' He responds: Well that would come in automatically - without even thinking about it. Because you see orature generally, is very powerful, and our modes of story-telling, whether we are conscious of it or not, will involve that. (S.A./Z.M) 85 Nevertheless Mda lists ashis early influences stories that hehad read (not heard) during his school years. He isquite clear onwhere the inspiration came from to write plays: When itcomes tothe writing ofplays Iknow exactly who and what influenced them. Itwas Gibson Kente ... Isaw aGibson Kente play called Sikalo, which was being performed inMaseru. Atthat stage Ivaguely remembered watching aperformance of the very first play by Kente called Manana the Jazz Prophet, a few years earlier, and itdidnot have any impact on me. When I saw Sikalo ... Iwas fascinated bythe factthat itwas quite a terrible play. ... Ienjoyed the music and dance and soon. But even then, although Iwas stillinHigh School, Ithought that it was atruly awful play. Ifeltthat Icould write something better. Sothat's how Kente influenced me. He was soawful that I thought Icould write something better. (Naidoo, 1997, p.2) Whilst Mda's early education was inSoweto, hishigh school years were spent atPeka High School inLesotho studying for hisCambridge Overseas School Certificate. His setworks would have included playscripts byWole Soyinka, Joe Orton, andHarold Pinter, andthe inevitable Shakespeare. With this kind ofreading behind him one can understand Mda's reaction to Kente's work and why itisthat his own plays are finely structured works that are self-consciously observant ofthe tradition ofwestern dramaturgy. Between 1973 and 1976Mda studied for aBFA (Visual Arts and Literature) atthe International Academy of Arts andLetters, Zurich, Switzerland. Then after teaching English atvarious high schools inLesotho hebecame the Lesotho Cultural Mfairs Specialist atthe American Cultural Centre (USIA) inMaseru. Mda's exposure as achild to areading environment athome, his 'British' influenced high 86 school education and his studies abroad (later he was to undertake an MA and MFA at Ohio University, and he also holds a PhD from the University of Cape Town), lends to his dramatic writing not only a fluency and an articulateness but an educated English vocabulary. Take for example the following expressions from one of his best known works, We Shall Sing for the Fatherland: 'I always say, never be carried away by enthusiasm. Sit down and enjoy the spoils.' (p.6) 'Was it for naught, Janabari?' (p.7) 'Let me nip down to the shop', 'nitwit' (p.8) 'I say, Jananbari ... " 'I've always known you to be a diligent policeman.' (p.9) '... you go to great lengths extolling the virtues of Ofisiri ... ', '... an upstart ofa trooper', "numbskulls' (p.IO) '... some new-fangled disease.', 'since when has my judgement been sought in our logistics?' (p.IS) '... we don't take alms' (p.16) 'Phew' (p.17) '... political gibberish?' (p.18) '... marked by decorum.', 'Let bygones be bygones' (p.19) 87 '... why the blazes ... ' (p.20) '... to harbour two wretches.' (p.21) ' ... no time for recriminations' (p.22) '... to buzz off ... " '... like a blooming warder ... ' (p.23) ' ... a bad precedent for my colleagues.', 'I looked for you high and low.' (p.24) ' ... leave the poor wretches alone.', '... and all the trimmings?' (p.25) In other words, on every page we encounter idiomatic expressions and phrases that create the impression of a latter day Oscar Wilde, without the aphorisms. On the other hand we also discover local reference to 'the Mataliana shop' (the Italian owned shop) and to 'mashangana polony' (polony made for Mrican or Shangaan tastes). On page 9 Janabari says, 'It looks like beer, squo' (which is a truncation of sqombote or beer). Here Mda puts the English first and then the vernacular word, which is interesting, since in most black African dramatic works which feel a necessity to repeat vernacular expressions in English, it is normal usage to provide the vernacular first. On page 11 Sergeant refers to 'lishabo' (a mixture of tomato, onion and chillies). Various other expressions that are drawn from the vernacular include: 'Eke', 'Lisatane ting!', 'Hela ntatelBo ntate' , 'Ag', 'Khosto' , 'Aw'. 88 Mdathus usesthepower ofEnglish expression incombination with language and dramatic elements drawn fromtheMrocentric paradigm ofperformance. What Mda didnot admire inKente washisscript, butheconfesses that hehadenjoyed the dance andmusical elements oftheperformance andheishappytoemploy these elements where they areappropriate. Hauptfleisch substantiates this: Zakes Mda's finely structured plays ... became compelling theatre through theuseofperformance techniques inherited from Mrican forms, including mime, dancing andsinging.' (Hauptfleisch, 1997,p.129) Theatre forResistance iswhere most commentators placethebulk ofMda's plays. This, asMda himself points outinandinterview withRolf Solberg andpublished in Alternative Theatre inSouth Mrica, isverydifferent fromProtest Theatre. Inthe 1960'sthetownship musicals were created ascommercial entertainment andalthough theywere not, aswehaveseen above, entirely devoid ofsocio-political critique, their primary objective wastoentertain rather thantoconscientise. TheProtest Theatre in the 1970'sonthe other handwaspolitical intheliberal tradition, theworks bearing witness toandprotesting against political andsocial injustice. Intothis category would beplaced theplays ofAthol Fugard forexample. Theatre forResistance onthe other handwas aby-product oftheBlack Consciousness movement and, asMda points out,aninstrument fortheconscientization ofthemasses: Theatre forResistance, ... wasquitedifferent from Protest Theatre. Protest Theatre was akindoftheatre, which addressed itselftotheoppressor, likeKing Kong, with aview, perhaps, to making him seehowterrible hislawswere. Inotherwords itwas mostly atheatre ofselfpityandatheatre ofmourning andof 89 weeping ... It showed how people were oppressed -itshowed also the effect ofthat oppression onthe people, but only went as far asthat. But when we came tothe phase ofthe Theatre for Resistance, ... They created anew kind oftheatre, which no longer aimed to address itself to the oppressor. Itaddressed itself tothe oppressed, with aview to mobilizing the oppressed to fight against oppression. (Solberg, 1999, p.33) The move from theatre ofwitness and lamentation tothe theatre ofmobilization was not accompanied by amove from commercial interest to altruism. Mda seldom produces his own work forthe formal conventional theatre andthe reason for this is that itdoes not pay him sufficiently for himto doso. As ajournalist, dramatist, novelist, and painter hefinds that directing istoo time-consuming. As he says inhis interview with Raghunath: ... there isno money there and as afull-time writer who solely depends for his living onwriting, one cannot afford to produce plays. (S.A./Z.M) Mda does not act either inhisown plays or inothers for the same reason: Here in South African Iwon't dothat because itdoesn't pay ... you seeto me, writing isaprofession. I'm not doing itjust for fun. (S.A./Z.M) Given Mda's literary approach and 'tight' scripting one should be forgiven for expecting the printed script tobe amore accurate record ofwhat was delivered in 90 performance, but Kruger reminds us that all performances are in fact interpretations of texts when she cites Horn on Mda: While the published text blames "white" interests for the collusion between international Banker and local Businessman, the stage text was amended to "multinational" and the punchline added to the Banker's speech: "We must teach them that the only colour that matters is the colour of money." (Kruger, 1999, p.186) Perhaps one of the most distinctive charactersitics ofMda's plays is his use of what has come to be known as 'magic realism'. Although Mda claims not to have known of the label 'magic realism' at the time of his writing this material, still less of being influenced by Latin American magic realists (see his comments in the interview with Rolf Solberg in Alternative Theatre in South Mrica p.p. 39-40), it is clear that in his work the duality of the natural and supernatural is often collapsed. On the other hand, this accords well with African thought. As John Kani points out, there are certain basic notions in Mrican thought with regard to the dead, which include: ... the respect for the dead, because being dead is a passage to becoming an ancestor, and an ancestor has an important role in my everyday reality because he or she is the link between birth, death and being an ancestor - the complete cycle of existence. (S.A./J.K) An interesting example is found in scene three of We Shall Sing for the Fatherland where the character Ofisiri is discovered sitting on a rock supervising a gang of 91 prisoners (presented in silhouette) who are digging a grave. Two 'corpes' lie in sacks nearby. Ofisiri bemoans the fact that the two characters Janabari and Sergeant froze to death in the park that he had to patrol as 'a member of the respectable police force'. Conveniently forgetting the bribe the two had to give him in order to remain in the park, he claims that 'I warned the fools to buzz off and they wouldn't listen.' For punishment he now has to sit and watch prisoners digging graves 'like a blooming warder'. He would much rather be at another funeral at the national graveyard for Mr. Mafutha the Mrican businessman of the post-colonial society who we meet earlier in the play and who was in cahoots with the international Banker. We learn that Mr. Mafutha is likely to have died of some 'new-fangled disease like gastric ulcers' from eating too much expensive, rich food and drinking too much alcohol. The state honours Mr. Mafutha at his funeral with a band and a gravesite in the national graveyard. By comparison the two freedom fighters and patriots are forgotten by the new society and are destined for unmarked graves. But their spirits live on. Mda's treatment of 'ghosts' is not to treat them as 'ghosts' at all. So, when Janabari and Sergeant-Major return to the scene of their own funeral they are not presented in a special green light or coloured light, nor do they appear in shrouds, or in a mist or in any other manner designed to signal to the audience their 'non-reality', for indeed the strict distinction between the dead and the living is not recognised. 'The supernatural is taken for granted' as Mda puts it: In other words, my characters interact with the supernatural forces in their day-to day living - it's a natural thing to do. They don't find the supernatural problematic.' 92 (Solberg, 1999, p.39) 2.7 Conclusion Looking at the tendencies outlined above and thinking of where things may be headed, it is interesting to note the views of the late Matsemela Manaka13 as quoted in Schauffer's log: Matsemela was unusually passionate in his expression when he declared that nowadays the notion of protest or resistance is dead: "Today the writing either refers to things past - and therefore of no immediate concern, - or I mean to say, like to things present that don't really display the courage of commitment." (Schauffer Log.23/03/98 ) All people want is a good laugh or escapist entertainment of one kind or another. Manaka adds: At least Gibson had a little bit to say here and there between the entertainment. Now it's: bring me the best from the west. Get Michael Jackson, get Madonna, get whatever, - thank God at least we can get this in a democratic South Africa and not feel guilty about watching it - meanwhile what has really changed for the masses? Where has the protest gone in theatre against social inequality? (Schauffer Log.23/03/98 ) 93 AsManaka and others have pointed out intheir interviews, ifyou question the ethics, the efficiency or the integrity ofthe present ANC government orits representatives, you run the risk ofbeing considered reactionary. Manaka felt that democracy was not areality inthe new social dispensation ofapost-apartheid South Africa (see Appendix 4). Perhaps itisnot possible to create ameaningful overview ofthe work ofBlack African dramatists in South Africa because the work ofsuch dramatists, published or unpublished, isonly slightly more than one century old. Ofthis the bulk ofmaterial dates from the 70's onwards. This means that asaresearcher, one isfaced with the daunting task ofcreating an honest overview based upon, atmost, athirty-year record. One could argue that earlier material provides intimations ofdevelopment and the tap- root oftrends that carne to later fruition, but within the delimitation's ofthe scope of this thesis and within the delimitation's imposed bythe defined use ofterms, the problem remains. John Kani recalls that heread somewhere ofan answer Mao Tsetung gave tothe question: 'What doyou think was the effect ofthe French Revolution?' He isreported to have replied: 'Itisstilltoo soontotell.' ( Schauffer . Log .31/05/96 ). Inthe light ofthis we have perhaps to ask whether ornotthe attempt here to provide anoverview of anything asrecent asblack African dramatists work South ofthe Zambezi isnot somewhat naIve or even presumptuous? Ifone examines the content ofcontemporary young black African dramatists who have presented their work atthe Windybrow Festival or atthe Market Theatre Laboratory (both inJohannesburg) one 94 could conclude that the current tendency is to move away from politics and to move towards social issues in black Theatre in South Africa. 14 What is interesting however is the fact that the focus upon non-delivery, promised or anticipated social reforms, and the focus upon issues of social relevance to black communities in South Mrica, presupposes a black Mrican target audience. One could then frame a history of South Mrican Theatre in terms of the implicit target audience, with productions such as King Kong designed to appeal to white audiences, Gibson Kente's township musicals appealing to black township audiences, Zakes Mda and Matsemela Manaka appealing to intellectual audiences of all kinds, etc and now a new breed of writers that seem to regard their audience as the growing middle class of black urban society. The accuracy ofthis reading of the present situation is bedeviled by the fact this overview entirely disregards the undeniable shift towards Community Theatre. Perhaps I should accept that it is still indeed 'too soon to tell'. To return finally to Hauptfleisch's framework of four basic traditions, i.e. spoken Eurocentric drama, western-style indigenous theatre, crossover workshop theatre and traditional indigenous performance forms. Gcina Mhlophe in Have you seen Zandile incorporates storytelling devices which derive from traditional indigenous performance forms, but she also creates a script and presents the work in formal as well as informal performance spaces. To a degree then she has also been influenced by the tradition of spoken English drama, and in presentational terms this sometimes falls within the rubric of western-style indigenous theatre. In fact if we examine any of the works mentioned here we could trace elements of all four traditions in each 95 work. Itissimply aquestion ofemphasis. In similar fashion, Gibson Kente employs westernized, urbanized indigenous forms, some workshop theatre influences as well as some formal spoken drama elements. Zakes Mda appears to come close to Hauptfleisch's spoken eurocentric drama, though again combined with western-style indigenous theatre, while Matsamela Manaka uses crossover techniques inpursuit of an Afrocentric vision. Thus, whilst Hauptfleisch's suggestion offour basic traditions canbe seen to provide auseful basic matrix when looking atthe work ofblack African dramatists in South Africa, itissignificant that, on present evidence, no work seems to fall neatly into anyone exclusive tradition. The cross-fertilization that Hauptfleisch himself refers to actually precludes this. The vitality ofblack African dramatists can be ascribed inpart then totheir eclecticism, acapacity to integrate traditional performance elements with imported eurocentric influences and traditions to create exciting new forms suitably reflective ofthe rainbow nation. ENDNOTES TO CHAPTER TWO :SOUTH AFRICA. 1 For adetailed discussion and presentation ofdebate on this and other related issues Sienart, E. Bell. and N. Lewis, 1991 (Oral Traditions and Innovations: New Wines in Old Bottles?) 2 See Mild Flockemann (1991, pp. 20-52), for adiscussion ofan example ofa student presentation ofZandile in acramped lecture theatre onthe campus ofthe University of the Western Cape. The adaptability of this kind ofwork issimilar towhat we can deduce from the well-known RRe documentary on Woza Albert! which shows the famous opening 'orchestral' sequence as presented on theLondon stage with side lighting, top lighting, and fill 96 lighting in a black box set. Later it cuts to another sequence but this time we find ourselves in a township hall in Soweto with the performance presented on a slightly raised platform in a flat auditorium under non-dimmable bare light bulbs that provided general illumination for both the stage and the auditorium simultaneously. Skilful direction of the documentary ensured that we the viewers were provided with cut-aways to the lively audience participation in the Soweto production but of course no sedate audience reaction was shown for the London production. 4 Kente denies that Mbongeni Ngema pursues his tradition of theatre. In an interview with Rolf Solberg he replies: No, I think diametrically opposite is the case, much as he is my protege. Mbongeni aspired to find his own identity along the way. But I think unfortunately, he tackled that in a rather shabby way, because he was against anything that I taught ... For instance, at one stage he tried to make people speak English like they were speaking Zulu. Stick to Zulu then if you want ... the bloody thing to be Zulu ... But I think there was a drive to give up on Gibson Kente in order to have his own identity. (Solberg, R.: 1999, p. 87) 5 Kavanagh notes tllat: 'The script is not, in fact, Harry Bloom's work. It had been evolved by an all-white team of writers in Clive Mendell's studio. This they did without apparently consulting black writers ... ' (Kavanagh, 1985, pp. 101-102) 6 Copy in Schauffer's collection marked SA/GK/US. 7 Afrikaans was associated inevitably, though perhaps a little unfairly, with the language of oppressors. The dangers of such generalisation were exposed in the various debates on culture 97 that led up to the first democratic election. It was pointed out that Mrikaans is also the language of protest in the works of Adam Small, the Cape Flats Players, Karel Schoeman, Bartho Smit, Andre Brink, Hennie Aucamp, Pieter Fourie, Deon Opperman, and many others. It was indeed much more widely used than only by supporters of the Nationalist Party, and was not limited to white speakers only. In fact Afrikaans was also (and still is) the first language of many many Black Africans. 8 The term 'Kaffir' was a term used in a denigrating way in everyday common usage in South Africa. There is remarkable irony in this because the term is derived form the Arabic 'Caffre' and it was a term which was applied to non-Islamic peoples and it meant 'non-believer' Given that all the white Prime Ministers of South Africa were Christian this would have made them all 'Kaffirs' in the strict meaning of the term. 9 This is not strictly true, as drama departments at Universities have presented this play. What Kruger is referring to here is to professional productions in State Regional or commercial theatres. 10 See - Mda. Z,: 1993b When People Play People London, Zed Books 12 I am not entirely sure that I agree with Steadman's definition of 'black' but am not in a position at this time to improve upon it. 13 Matsemela Manaka was killed in a car crash in July 1998. 14 One could justify this claim by pointing out that within the last five years Sello KaNube has written on gangsterism in the townships in K'oze Kuse. Obed Baloyi critiques the non- delivery on promises made by political parties. Paul Grootboom's play Enigma explores the plight of AIDS patients. Emily Tseu in The Rain deals with what women really expect from a relationship rather than what men expect them to want. Thulani Mtshali in Weemen seeks to examine the oppressive nature of black patriarchy, Magi Williams in Kwa-Landlady draws 98 attention to the exploitation of female illegal immigrants, Boy Bangala in Brothers in Arts looks at family relationships, parental attitudes and the aspirations of a new generation of Black youth. Marapodi Mapalakanye in The Harvesting Season looks at the dissatisfaction and disappointment of returning exiles and returning former freedom fighters when they discover that the new society does not appear to recognise their contribution to the struggle for freedom and now seems to ignore such contribution through self-sacrifice. (For all these contemporary references see Rangoajane F., unpublished research for a proposed thesis, Black Theatre in Post Apartheid South Africa, UDW) 99 CHAPTER THREE Botswana From the townships like Katatura inNamibia to the crowded supermarkets near the taxi ranks inMaseru, Lesotho, the sight of a late middle-aged white man and atwenty one-year-old Indian research assistant caused many curious glances. Such curiosity came across to me as tinged with an incredulity bordering upon suspicion and mistrust. Not so in Botswana. (DS/L) In his researcher's logbook Schauffer goes on to explain that in his opinion in Botswana it wasn't so much that people were more tolerant necessarily but that Botswana had in the past accepted as immigrants white and Indian dissidents and refugees from South Africa. They might have felt less threatened by representatives of minorities that were so small in number inthat society as to be politically irrelevant. It may on the other hand be due to the fact that the Batswana (a collective name of citizens in Botswana) have enjoyed a long and relatively stable period of independence. The 2000 Official SADC Trade, Industry and Investment Review (listed as SADC 2000 Review in references below), also notes that prior to independence in 1966 there was an absence of a 'significant indigenous national 100 movement ... and strong allegiances among the country's eight principal tribal groups.' (Saunders C.inSADC 2000 Review p.203). Linda vanBuren, writing inthe same review makes the point that atindependence in 1966Botswana was one ofthe 20poorest countries inthe world. 'During the 1980's, however, Botswana's economic performance exceeded that ofallother non- petroleum-producing countries inAfrica. (Van Buren, SADC 2000 Review. p.207). This gave Botswana one ofthe world's highest growth rates between 1990-1997. The main reason forthis remarkable turnaround wasthe discovery ofdiamonds. In addition asubstantial number ofBatswana are employed inSouth Africa. The number isestimated byMcGregor Hutchinson (SADC 2000 Review ,p.203) tobe at least 50,000. This hasthe dual effect ofeasing the pressure ondomestic resources on the one hand, and contributing tothe countries foreign earnings through workers sending money home totheir families from South Africa onthe other. Ahigh fertility rate, according toLinda vanBuren (SADC 2000 Review. p.211), will ensure that the country's population will double between 1995-2050 despite the factthat ofthe 29of the 34developing countries accounting for 91%ofallAIDS deaths world-wide, Botswana was the worst with one inevery four adults affected. With arapid population growth alarge proportion ofthe population according toHutchinson (op.cit. p.203) isless than 15years ofage. Thisputs enormous pressure onthe economy to provide education andjobs forthe growing number ofyoung people. Itis hardly surprising therefore, given the above, that donor-driven community theatre has developed sorapidly inBotswana andinthe sub-continent asawhole. (See Chapter 1) 101 Theatre in Botswana Like other colonial territories inthe African sub-continent, Bechuanaland, (Botswana) attracted anumber of expatriate British subjects to the region. Wherever sufficient numbers of such expatriates collected, social clubs, sporting clubs, and in many cases amateur dramatic societies were set up, replicating in organisational infrastructure and purpose, the kinds of clubs and societies such expatriates had been part of at 'home'. In Gabarone one such group was the Capital Players. This was atypical expatriate amateur theatre group. From documents inthe Botswana Collection ofthe Botswana National Library (BP 792.0222) Schauffer was able to piece together a short history ofthis group. What is significant to note inthe context ofthis thesis isthe fact that all ofthe work presented was Eurocentric with an average offour productions or more a year ranging from Noel Coward to Shakespeare; from revue to pantomime. Schools Drama Festivals were also arranged. The programme of Sinbad the Sailor, presented inthe Gabarone Town Hall On17/18/19 December 1970 also reveals that two ofthe principal performers were persons of colour, together with four inthe chorus and no less than twelve Batswanan children. Still heavily dominated by white proponents of the amateur theatrical tradition, agrowing number oflocal Batswanans were yearly being clearly being introduced to this theatrical paradigm through their participation in such works as well as community theatre productions (see Chapter 7). Similar 102 groups would have existed in most of the former colonies and such groups often set up venues such as the Swaziland Theatre Club in Mbabane which sported theatre lighting equipment, rudimentary sound systems, some curtaining, perhaps a cyclorama, dimming facilities etc. In contrast to the so-called 'white' theatre groups, made up predominantly - though not exclusively -, of white expatriates, however, what one might call black community theatre groups were operating mainly without access to the kind of presentational facilities required for western type theatre production. 'Community Theatre' appears to be a modern label for a much earlier form of theatre known in the 70's and 80's as 'Popular Theatre', and will be discussed in greater detail in Chapter 7. What can be said however, is that by 1983 the Botswanan Government considered community theatre important enough to send the Minister of Sports and Culture in the Ministry of Home Affairs, a Mr. E.P. (Leppe) Kelepile, to Koitta in Dhaka, Bangladesh to attend the International Workshop on Popular Theatre (Feb 4 _16th 1983. His report still exists in the National Reference Library (9433), where the 58 participants from 19 countries (the majority from Africa, Asia, and the Caribbean) in essence recommended at the conclusion of this workshop, bears a striking resemblance to the aims and objectives ofthe newly established Southern Mrican Theatre Initiative (SATI) that was formalized at a conference inMaseru in June 2000. (See Chapter 7.) Of specific interest to us here however, is a separate category of playmaking, namely the work of the Universities and of lecturers teaching drama and theatre studies, and more specifically dramatists writing formal texts for the theatre. Whilst playscripts 103 __________ J are obviously also generated by community theatre groups, such scripts are, by very nature of the methodology of community theatre, of communal authorship and often even undocumented, although in some instances individuals claim authorship (see chapter 4 on Namibia). Fani-Kayode Osazuwa Omoregie In contrast dramatists that work as independent authors are few and far between in the sub-continent, outside of South Africa. One such in Botswana is Dr. Fani-Kayode Osazuwa Omoregie, a Nigerian born lecturer in English and Drama at the University of Botswana. He has written thirteen plays, eight of which are amongst the material collected by Schauffer, but all of this was written whilst Omoregie was a lecturer in Theatre Arts at the University of Zimbabwe. Using third year students in the casts four short public seasons were presented: Hallucinations in the Alfred Beit Hall, Univ. Zimbabwe 4 -6 Sept. 1993 The Mother of all Dinners (Shingirirai) in the Reps Theatre, Harare, 27 -30 May 1996 Foreign Affairs Gweru Theatre, Gweru, 20 -27 June 1997 Foreign Affairs Township Square Cultural Centre, Bulawayo, 18/19 July 1997 Since taking up his present post at the University of Botswana Dr. Omoregie has formed a theatre group called Enigma. He also works with Travelling Theatre, a group of student performers that is funded by the University of Botswana as part of its community service programme. (BIDr. 0) 104 Since October 1997 Omoregie's work has changed fundamentally. Whereas the Zimbabwean work was allEnglish and in a satirical social-realist style calling for blackout facilities and realist stage settings, realist dialogue, etc., now his technique has shifted to the use of as many languages as possible. In an interview with Schauffer he explained: ... my characters are made to speak many languages so you cannot locate the plays in any particular place. I do not believe in the concept of ethnicity. I have traveled widely and always believe I belong to whatever society I find myself. That is what I want my characters to reflect - people who have been to places and felt at home In those places ... in most of my plays now, there are characters that speak in Malawian language. Shona, French, German, Spanish, Setswana, Zambian language and so on. (B/Dr. 0) Given the fact that the University of Botswana has no suitable theatre space and that there is awell-established community theatre movement (as mentioned above, and discussed in Chapter 7), it is hardly surprising that such a fundamental shift in approach has occurred. In the eight unpublished scripts on hand that date from October 1997 there is not a single song or any form of dance or stylised movement sequence of any kind, now music and dance are very much part of his present output. 105 I try to domesticate the plays by using a lot of the art forms of the country I am currently based at the time of writing. For instance, the dominant art form in Botswana incorporates dance and a lot of singing. The one thing that is very apparent in most of the plays that I've done here is the singing and dancing. (BIDr. 0) Here then is a good example ofa dramatist schooled in the traditions of Western dramaturgy, moving towards a new Mrocentric paradigm in his work - or is this actually the case? In the final chapter I will return to this question. As there is no record of Omoregie's current work all that can be suggested is that a follow-up study be conducted to track this talented and insightful dramatists work. What can be said of the material collected to date is that it reveals a dramatist who is prepared to tackle subject matter that is potentially contentious. The play Infidel is a case in point. Here Omoregie offers a critique ofIslamic fundamentalism. The wry comic tone of all of his works makes a journey into this material all the more hazardous. The central figure is Ali Rasheed and in scene one, which is in the living room of the Rasheed's, Ali is discovered sitting at the dining table going through his account books. He is described as a 'small, slim, bearded, a small white skull cap on his head, wearing a cream Moslem-like shirt and trousers.' The room is 'tastefully decorated with Islamic paraphernalia all over the place'. Whilst one could be forgiven for believing that stereotype is what is being exploited here, the dialogue moves swiftly and Omoregie wastes no time in introducing us to the kind of prejudice that is the quarry of the humour. 106 The opening exchange between Ali and his tall, fat, pretty wife Shirley runs as follows: Ali: (he snorts) Not good but not bad. (Shirley looks at him with annoyance. Ali turns apage of his ledger, again snorts and nods his head in satisfaction). Not bad at all. (He snorts again). Shirley: (slightly behind Ali) Could you please stop snorting like apig? Given the 'Islamic' setting the use ofthe word 'pig' is calculated. The confrontation of opposing viewpoints between Ali and Shirley isthus swiftly established. In the next few lines we learn that Ali is happy that his business is doing well, but Shirley points out that his current business has only existed for three months and that the two previous businesses have 'crumbled'. Ali claims that they failed because he hired 'infidels' (Christians). Later inthe play it is revealed that Ali cannot comprehend anything more complex than simple mathematical concepts. From the outset Ali attempts to assert himself as a male dominant figure but his chauvinism is challenged at every turn: Ali: ... I'm happy because I'm blessed with a son, who listens to me. (He snorts) And awife, you, Shirley Rasheed. That's why I'm happy because I'm a man. Shirley: You call yourself a man? Ali: Ahappy man, Shirley Rasheed. I've every right to be aman. After allthe first animal Allah created was a man. 107 Shirley: I'm glad you said animal. Ali: What do you mean by that Shirley Rasheed? Shirley: I mean that Allah created a man first is his business, but that he put more sense in my little finger than in your big, fat head is not my fault. (She exists to the kitchen) Challenges to Ali's position as head of what he regards as an Islamic family come thick and fast. A young neighbour Zachariah, calls to invite Shirley to an apostolic fellowship meeting. Ali throws him out unceremoniously. He feels insulted that Zachariah did not 'respect the fact that as Moslems we are not interested in attending apostolic fellowships.' As the man of the house he feels justified in answering for Shirley. The next exchange is with a Tutor who has called on the neighbour Mr. Kupe. Mr. Kupe is not in and the Rasheed's door is open. Zachariah knocks and enters the Rasheed home with the Tutor. Ali treats them rudely assuming that they are both Brothers in the Apostolic Church. His attitude changes dramatically when the Tutor introduces himself as Habib. Ali: (nicely) Oh! Why didn't you say you were Moslem when you came in? It turns out however that the tutor's full name is Habib Aaron-Mohammed. His father was Moslem, his mother was Christian and he is a Free Thinker. The neighbour Mr. Kupe is a Catholic. To Ali he is an infidel but to Kupe, Zachariah is an infidel. Ali's son Mousa ends up going to 'their' University much against his father's will at the outset instead of coming into Ali's business. Ali's attitude is summed up in the line: 108 'One page of the Koran is worth more than a hundred things they will teach him in their University'. Ali's sister Audrey is completely non-conformist and is dressed in a red mini-dress. She has had four husbands to date. All of the above is explored in scene one in swift exchanges of dialogue. There is a time lapse between scene one and scene two. Mousa is now studying for his Cambridge exams and Ali's attitude towards his son's academic work has changed. In a comic turnabout Ali now says that: ... you won't find a more intelligent head than Mousa's. He is my son remember? Mousa asks Ali to help him do some revision. Ali picks up Mousa's book: Ali: ... What is this? What kind of language s this? Shirley: What's the matter Ali? Ali: (he turns to Mousa) What kind of rubbish are they stuffing into your head? What shit is this? Mousa: It's algebra dad. Ali can't cope with this but the Tutor is also teaching Mousa about a great deal more than Algebra. Their conversation includes reference to vasectomy, contraception of all kinds, and obliquely to homosexuality. The humour in this scene turns on the references made in the Tutor's examples of English grammar to bacon, pork and swme. 109 Scene three is set several years later Ali and Shirley have aged. Ali is still at his ledger complaining that the new bookkeeper (a Moslem) has been stealing from him. Shirley asks Ali to go through the Ledger again in case he overlooked something. He is insistent that he could not have overlooked anything. In a neat role reversal Shirley agrees to go through the ledger if Ali will hang the curtains. Inevitably she finds a mistake in his calculations. It appears that Shirley has been to evening school. The new curtains have been hung to prepare for a visit from Mousa who is now a medical doctor living in Egypt. After a petty dispute over garbage cans with Kupe, the neighbour and a return visit form Audrey (wearing heavy make-up and a skintight pink mini-dress). She is nearly fifty but is off to meet her new boyfriend, Rakim. She has decided to marry him because: Audrey: He has money. Lot's of money. He has two houses in ... Mousa arrives home. He now has a thriving medical practice in Cairo and works with a partner Simon Matthews -who is a Seventh-Day Adventist. He also drops a bombshell when he announces that he is already three months married to Maria who smokes, drinks wine and who is the sister of Simon Matthews. Ali wants to disown his son. Mousa confronts his father and calls him abigot. Mousa: A bigot. You're not aMoslem at all. You're simply using Islam as aweapon, a weapon of hatred. You're using the religion to further your own petty prejudices and grievances .. In the altercation that follows Mousa asks his father the awkward question, 'When was the last time you were inside a mosque?' and later he forces Ali to confront the 110 possibility that the businesses have failed not because of infidels that he hired but because he was a bad businessman. All of this is hard-hitting confrontational dialogue and the logical ending arrives with the final moments described as follows: Mousa and Maria exit. Ali stand staring fixedly at the door. Shirley who has dashed to the door, gently sinks to the floor, back to the door. Lights slowly fade out. This melodramatic ending is problematic because despite the seriousness of the critique of bigotry which is central to the play, the style of writing right up to the final section is comic, with the usual comic devices of the running joke, expectation and so on. But the tone changes from Ali's bitter line, Ali: (roaring) get the hell out of my house and take your infidel wife with you now! It almost seems as though we have switched to a different play altogether; as though we have moved from comedy to melodrama. Omoregie also seems to be troubled by this ending because he offers an alternative ending in which Ali relents saying: Ali: I never thought he would have the nerve to speak to me like that, but he spoke the truth ... Whilst this may provide a less melodramatic ending in which Ali finally gains stature through accepting criticism from his son, and there is a happy ending presaged, the dramatic change in Ali is extraordinarily sudden and it does not seem to flow 111 naturally from the dramatic action immediately preceding this ending. The ending then remains problematic. There are moments in Infidel that recall the kind of comic dialogue in Chekhov's The Bear and Omoregie employs this style to good effect in A Simple Twist of Fate which is adaptation of Gogol's The Government Inspector set in a regional town in an unspecified region of west Mrica. The adaptation works well as the issue of corruption, bribery and nepotism in the civil service are universal. The exploitation of farm labourers and the land issue is tackled in For Whom Things Do Not Change. The hypocrisy encountered in many funerals and imbedded in church services for the dead is explored in Ashes to Ashes and in Hallucinations. Omoregie deals with two freedom fighters who are rejected and neglected by the new society (rather like the two freedom fighter in Mda's And We Shall Sing for the Fatherland) or the present day politicians? The honesty of some of the custom officials and the dishonesty of others is the opening gambit of Foreign Affairs but the bulk of the play deals with prevailing attitudes and prejudices towards foreign doctors. Omoregie's penchant for farce comes to fore in Double Take, a one-act play set in a film directors office. This is the sort of material that Rex Garner would direct well. Finally The Mother of All Dinners (Shingirirai) is another farce about two friends who cannot pay their rent and who arrange a dinner to impress their boss so that they can get promotions. In all of these plays Omoregie calls for realist settings and theatre lighting. In the last-mentioned play The Mother of All Dinners for example there is a sequence which 112 takes place in the dark when the lights trip out. The play is therefore written with a formal western theatre space in mind as a performance venue; a space in which a blackout can be arranged. As pointed out above, there are in Botswana several well-established community theatre groups or organisations, and it will be most interesting to see how Omoregie's work might change to meet the demands of community theatre and the theatre for development conditions which prevail in the region. Community Theatre In Botswana Before moving on to the next country, it may be valuable to give some sense of community theatre activity in the region. Schauffer records a visit to Ghetto Artists in Francistown, a group working very much in the manner described by Schauffer (as detailed in Chapter 7). Another group in Gabarone is the Gareng-ga-Dithaba Theatre Group. The spokesman for this group, Kellen Seretse, is a playwright who is part of the Mambo Arts Commune. His play Hunger and Frustrations was the product of a workshopping process. The children's rights theme was chosen because the play was created to be part of the National Programme ofActionfor Children. In a review by the journalist Raheem Hosseini mention is made of effective '... blending and contrasting of traditional community values as a backdrop to the main child rights theme. He did this through dress, through proverbs, and traditional songs referring to "Badimo" (our actors), and background music and drums.' 113 (Copy of review dated June 1997 in the Schauffer collection) 1 Gareng-ga-Dithaba also use playscripts written in Setswana. So for example at the Maitisong Cultural Festival in 1996 they presented L.D. Raditladi's epic Motswasele II. This drama outlines the history of the Bakwena. It is the story of the power struggle between Motswasele and Moruakgomo within Bakwena's royal house. Because it was a fifth form setwork the play toured nationally to senior secondary schools. Undoubtedly the largest and most established community theatre group in Botswana is Reetsanang. The following information concerning this organisation is drawn from Schauffer's interview with former national coordinator, James Chitakuta: Founded in 1986 the Reetsanang Association/or Community Drama Groups (to give the organisation its full title) today has a membership of about 2500 theatre artists operating in various communities throughout the country. Chitakuta also coordinates the Reetsanang Southern African Regional Cultural Exchange Programme that has similar aims and objectives to those of the newly established Southern African Theatre Initiative (SATI). Both seek to establish a network of community theatre organisations in order to promote exchange of cultural activities, the sharing of ideas, the development of human skills and expertise, and to provide a forum for discussion of common problems and issues of concern. To begin with Reetsanang was an organisation for young people who were interested in drama and theatre and who wanted to continue their involvement in the field after finishing school. After interaction with other theatre groups and cultural workers 114 from other countries2, the organisation was restructured in 1989 in order to provide a permanent home, a secretariat and professional executive staff, and physical resources that would enable it to coordinate theatre activities in the country. Funding has come from CIDA, a Swedish agency, HlVUS from the Netherlands, Norwegian Church Aid, from Germany and from the American Embassy. In addition Reetsanang is supported by the Botswana government through the Minister of Labour and Home Affairs, which houses the Dept. of Youth and Culture, as well as through the Botswana National Cultural Council. The way this works is for the official functions to include funded performances by theatre or drama groups. The use of theatre as a tool for social intervention and community development is well established in Botswana. Reetsanang works closely with the Akanani Rural Development Association and with Accord that involve theatre in their community outreach programmes. It has also established links with organisations such as the Zimbabwe Association o/Community Theatre, and many others in Zimbabwe, with Bricks Community Theatre in Windhoek, Namibia, and with popular theatre alliances in Zambia, Tanzania and Mozambique. Video recordings have played an important part in securing funding from abroad. As Chitakuta points out: 'This is one of the ways to sell yourself and mobili se more resources.' (B/SC) One of the aims of Reetsanang is to develop a professional theatre in Botswana and to develop skills, which could enable performers to engage in professional work. This 115 raises the thorny issue of the tension between 'professional' community theatre work and 'professional' theatre in the western sense of 'establishment theatre'. This issue will be discussed further in Chapter Seven where views of Chitakuta on this issue are examined in greater detail. Botswana as a region can call upon the literary talents of writers such as Omoregie, the commitment to community service of Chitakuta and many others, and the support of central Government for the promotion of theatre. On the surface then it would appear that theatrical development in Botswana seems set to blossom. One area of concern however is the lack of unity amongst theatre practitioners themselves. Chitakuta was very aware of this, as was Vuyisele Otukile (V.Otukile, 31/05/2000), while Chitakuta recognises the need for theatre practitioners of all kinds to come togetherso that they speak with one voice when they speak to the government. Reetsanang can only represent community theatre groups. Other practitioners do not want to involve themselves in community theatre and they also need to be accommodated with the framework of the developing national arts policy. Without some form of union the government does not know who to talk to. The need then is for such a union to recognise the diversity of approaches to theatre but in doing so to acknowledge a parallel need to promote at least a degree of consensus amongst theatre practitioners in negotiation with the government. According to Chitakuta there is a growing general appreciation of the need for a Union to be accomodated within this. Theatre in Botswana is at an exciting stage in its development and the events of the next few years need monitoring closely as the impact of the building of a National 116 Theatre, the establishment of aUnion, the setting up of SATI, the expansion of National television services, and the relative stability of the economy all point towards rich opportunities for theatre practitioners inthe country. The socio-political milieu in Botswana has produced athriving community theatre that has produced abody of scripted material, mainly of communal authorship, for use in many cases as indirect back-up for fundraising from international donors. Much more research is needed however inthis fast-developing part of the sub- continent before meaningful conclusions can be drawn. In terms of quadulation of material in order to arrive at meaningful conclusions, the pilot study reveals that scripts do exist in categories of what Hauptfleisch would refer to as 'spoken Eurocentric drama' and in 'crossover workshop theatre " but further research is needed to determine how much 'western-style indigenous theatre' there may be and the exact nature ofthe contribution of' traditional indigenous performance forms I to community theatre inBotswana. The unique socio-political background thus seems set to produce exciting new developments inthe near future. Inthe interim more extensive interviewing needs to take place with awider range oftheatre practitioners and with academics, particularly atthe University ofBotswana . END NOTES TO CHAPTER THREE: BOTSWANA 1 Details obtainedfromapresscuttingfromTheReporter,Vol. 13.No. 11,22-28 March 1996. (photocopy in Schauffercollection). 2 Reetsanang hasworkedcloselywiththeMarket TheatreLaboratory andwith Theatrefor Africa, forexample. 117 CHAPTER FOUR Namibia According to the SADC Trade, Industry and Investment Review 2000, Namibia isone ofAfrica's three most sparsely populated countries with an average population density of 1.7people per sq. km. About 27% ofthe population live inurban areas. Whilst English isthe official language, Afrikaans, Oshivambo, German, Herero, NamaJDamara, Lozi, Kivangali and Tswana arethe national languages. There are however aplethora ofdialectal variations (seeNorman Job inNINS.) South West Africa (SWA), asthe territory was called atthe time, was declared aGerman protectorate in 1884. When the First World War broke out South African forces occupied the country and after the war the League ofNations awarded South Africa a mandate to administer the territory. In 1920, South Africa was granted aCclass mandate bythe League ofNations to administer Namibia. In 1945, the newly formed United Nations declared South West Africa atrust territory with the right of self- determination. Attempts by South Africa to annex the territory were refused. White voters were granted representation inthe South African parliament in 1949. The dispute concerning governance went tothe International Court ofJustice and this ruled that South Africa was not competent to alter the legal status ofthe territory unilaterally. In 1966the General Assembly voted toterminate South Africa's mandate and in 1968 itresolved to rename the country Namibia. Because of South Africa's refusal to compromise and to negotiate atrusteeship with the United Nations, aninternational campaign was launched to secure democratic rule inNamibia -inline with United Nations resolution 435. After many delays Namibia finally achieved 118 independence on the 21 March 1990 under a constitution based upon multi-party democracy. During this complex struggle for political self-determination, organised political resistance to South African administration started with the formation in 1957 of the Ovamboland People's Congress, which eventually became known as the South West Africa people's Organisation or SWAPO. The present president Sam Nujoma was one of the leaders of this organisation. It is not the intention here to chart the complex history of the Democratic Turnhalle Alliance, the alleged human rights abuses of the South African Territorial Force (SWATF) the issue of the Cuban troops in Angola and how this impacted on negotiations for Namibian independence, the central role in all of this of the People1s Liberation Army of Namibia (PLAN), the attempts to set up a Multi-Party Conference (MPC) and the eventual deployment of a United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) to monitor the South African withdrawal and to supervise elections. Suffice to say that the protracted conflict produced human rights abuses on both sides of the political divide and this has provided rich material for theatre groups and dramatists in contemporary Namibia. Schauffer notes in his journal that the name Groth was mentioned in discussions with a number of theatre practitioners including Vickson Hangula and Frederick Philander (N/VH and NIFP respectively). He does not comment further but Christopher Saunders tells us: In March 1996 the publication of Namibia: The wall of Silence, a book by German Pastor Siegfried Groth, a former SWAPO supporter, describing the detention and torture of people by the organisation during the 1980's, caused much controversy ... SWAPO subsequently published a book, entitled Their Blood Waters our Freedom, listing about 8000 SWAPO supporters who had died during the war. 119 (Saunders: In SADC Review, 2000, p. 777) Another statistic which is significant is that by 1999 an estimated 150 000 of Namibia's population of some 1.7 million were infected with the mv virus. Community theatre groups have in consequence been able to secure donor funding from foreign Embassies and from the Namibian Ministry of Health and Social Services to mount AIDS awareness programmes targeting both urban and rural communities. Another factor that accounts for the growth of community theatre activity is the unemployment situation and the serious concern as to how jobs will be found for recent school-Ieavers. Donald Sparks claims that at the end of the 1990's unemployment stood at 38% (op. cit). Under South Mrican administration a National Theatre was built and this was administered by the South West African Performing Arts Council (SWAPAC). From Schauffer's log comes the following extract: Wandering through the backstage corridors you encounter old posters from productions presented prior to 1990. There are works in Afrikaans, classical western musical ensembles, touring productions from CAPAB1 and PACT". In other words the old SWAPAC catered for the cultural needs of the white group in that society who were mainly centred in Windhoek, which remains the administrative, legislative and judicial centre for the Government of Namibia. It also has the largest number of inhabitants of any city or town in Namibia. Since independence the 120 National Theatre ofNamibia (NTN) has made some headway in the provision of community outreach programmes and in the encouragement of community theatre and theatre for development. Not everyone is satisfied with the rate of transformation however. 4.1 Freddy Philander Perhaps the most outspoken critic of the National Theatre ofNamibia's efforts is Freddie Philander. Schauffer's log records an amusing description of Philander: Freddie Philander is truly a larger-than-life figure that is the sort of person who delights in calling a spade a shovel. He is a big man who speaks his mind. He is humorous, incorrigible, incisive, loud, keenly sensitive to the sufferings of the common man in his society, and boldly, honestly, exuberantly vulgar- a Rabelaisian reincarnation in Cape Coloured form who is not prepared to take shit from anyone. He attacks incompetence, lack of delivery, nepotism, hypocrisy, and all forms of corruption in the SWAPO government with as much passion, vigour and guts as he displayed in his criticisms of the Apartheid order. Politically correct? ... se voet in 'n visblik! In an interview with Schauffer (N/FP) he says with typical boldness: I'd also like to say something ... about this National Theatre - it doesn't serve its mission. We are abstaining from them. There is a problem there; our expectations have not been met. A lot is happening there that is causing frustration amongst the artists and writers in this country. There is a great dissatisfaction with the 121 way things are being runthere atthe moment. It creates limited opportunities for certain people with the result that there are people there who ... shouldn't be running theatre ... They bring inthe French. They stay for amonth. They go. Then the actors are left. It's not anongoing consistent programme of development. It makes amockery oftheatre. (NIFP) Atthis point aword ofexplanation seems appropriate. Philander's reference to 'the French' refers to the production ofThe Eiffel Tower Wedding Party, which was a Franco-Namibian cultural exchange production running atthe National Theatre atthe time ofthe interview. Itwas alocalisation ofJean Cocteau's Wedding onthe Eiffel Tower using acombination of skilled French performers and acompany of local Namibian performing artistes. The exercise when viewed from the perspective ofthe French Government must have appeared to be acollaborative venture incultural exchange with arelatively new state inMrica which could foster goodwill, introduce alittle ofthe French dramatic tradition to anon-franco phone part ofMrica, and provide some actor training through workshops with the relatively new body of performers. Philander and other prominent theatre practitioners inNamibia look at this from quite adifferent perspective. Schauffer and hisIndian research assistant attended the opening night ofthe production inquestion. Schauffer's log contains the following comment: Itwas strange sitting inthe auditorium of aNational Theatre ina newly independent African country to witness aperformance of a work byJean Cocteau! Itfelt even stranger to look about andto realise that the audience was composed ofwhite members ofthe diplomatic corps, Embassy staff, Field workers, andlocal 122 expatriate continentals - except for the Black African lady behind us who spoke French - and Nivashni Naidoo my research assistant. If this was being presented for the benefit of Namib ian cultural development, where were the Namibians I wondered? (Log.) This was the kind of exercise that riled Philander. We fought them prior to independence - we are still fighting them because the changes that have happened amount to a smokescreen ... it is a useless, toothless body and there is a lot of incompetence involved ... This new Union is now on the attack pushing for re-appointments of those who run this institution as though it were a fiefdom .... I'm too old for all this now - I'll be dead soon. (NIFP) Frederick Philander is a remarkable man in a number of ways. He was born on 12 December 1949 in Beaufort West in South Africa, where his father was a railway policeman. He is a prolific individualistic scriptwriter in a part of the world where the move is towards group authorship, and work shopping with often no script being recorded at all. He arrived in Windhoek in the late 1970's and for twenty years he has kept his organisations: Windhoek Theatre Association and Committed Artists of Namibia alive on a professional basis without accepting funding from any government or International agency in a part of the world where most theatre now tends to be donor- driven community theatre. He is to date Namibia's only published black playwright in 123 a part of the world where published play scripts are rare indeed (as has previously been noted). In his typical vociferous way Philander goes on: These foreigners come with their donor money and they select and divide us. ... We refused that money from the outset. We want our dignity. We don't want to be kept hostage, culturally, for the rest of our lives. Being independent, if we want to criticise the government in a play, we do so. We owe them nothing because they give us nothing ... (N/FP) The Schauffer collection contains six plays by Frederick Philander, namely King of the Dump, The Railway Man, The Beauty Contest - An Adult Play, The Curse, Two Men and a Baby, and The Porridge Queen. We consider them briefly below. 4.1.1 King of the Dump was originally written in Afrikaans in 1985, translated into English in 1986, and was banned by the all-white South African government in 1988. In 1996 the BBe selected King of the Dump for broadcast to more than 400 million radio listeners in more than seventeen sub-Saharan English speaking African countries. It won for the BBC first prize when the recording was entered for the New YorkDrama Festival. (All of the above is taken from Background of the Play, which appears as introduction to the playscript King of the Dump.) The stage scenery called for in Philander's plays is modest in its production demands, and one imagines the work being presented in a 'black box' setting. In King of the Dump the set is a heap of garbage disposal bags and boxes. The number of performers is also modest. In this case it is a three-hander, with two central characters Pompie and Eva and a minor character (the Driver). The lighting effects called for are simple and do not rely upon 124 a large number of lighting units and elaborate dimming facilities. The dialogue is terse, fast moving, and gutsy in its use of language appropriate to characters and the situation. 'Shit', 'fat arse', 'panty sniffing', 'bare buttocks', 'fuck', 'fat slob', 'bastard', 'he rides me (sexual gesture)', 'arse-creeper', 'gat', 'shit-head', 'pee-pot', 'voetsek', 'kielie met 'n mielie', 'dig the thing', 'piss', 'shit-hole', 'doodle' all tumble over each other with abandon in the nine scenes of what is essentially a one-act play. One of the meta- theatrical devices that are standard in all Philander's plays is the direct address to the audience. For example when Eva and the Driver of the rubbish truck are about to have sex the Driver suddenly becomes very conscious of the audience and says: 'No not here. Look at all the people.' (Philander, F.: 1986. , P. 21). Philander also draws heavily upon the rich, earthy expressiveness of Cape Coloured Afrikaans, which is naturally lost to a large extent in translation. 4. 1.2 The Railway Man is a one-man play in nine scenes that uses oral storytelling techniques to recall memories of childhood. Much of the play is autobiographical and the 'Actor' in the play is really Philander himself Here, as in his other work, Philander sometimes draws us alarmingly close to the characters he portrays. In this case it is not only the tattered clothes and squalid living conditions that become real to us, but also the stinking feet, the foul breath, the body odour, and the amazing number of times farting and shit enter into the picture. The play was later presented at the Grahamstown Festival and was described by a critic for Fringe Voice as 'a riveting, mature play that will stand its own amongst theatre audiences anywhere in the world.' (Philander, F.: 1997. Introduction). The 125 Afrikaans version was published bythe University ofPretoria (Makro Publishers) and prescribed as asetwork inAfrikaans atthe same University. 4. 1.3 The Beauty Contest -AnAdult Play was first presented at The Warehouse in Windhoek in 1989. Subsequently the play was performed for three years running from 1989to 1991 asabox-office hit atthe Grahamstown Festival. Part ofthe reason for this isthat, apart from being outrageously funny italso involves the fondling of the actress's large bare breasts andthe full frontal nudity ofthe male performer. Philander himself took the part ofthe male character Klaas Geswind. (The name is derived from the Afrikaans name chosen bythe poet F.W. Reitz for hisAfrikaans version ofRobert Burns's Tam 0' Shanter.) The play tackles the issue ofthe exploitation ofwomen inbeauty pageants and inthe play the tables are turned onthe photographer who preys on apparently gullible Saartjie Sieberhagen. The nudity then ismotivated bythe dramatic situation and sanctioned also bythe farce-burlesque style. 4. 1.4 The Curse isafour-act playwhich concerns the Namibian struggle for independence and self-determination. Whilst this has documentary elements, the dramatised version ofthe events shifts the play from the category ofprotest documentary to theatre ofresistance. Atthe end ofthe play the white mayor of Windhoek, who istrying to persuade the township dwellers of Old Location to move, tothe newly established high-density township ofKatatura, isstoned bythe crowd and he falls. The crowd alsothrow sticks and missiles atthe police who retaliate with live ammunition killing eleven and wounding forty-five. The narrator isused to fill in the details. The political nature ofthe material is self-evident when one reads the list 126 of characters at the beginning and one discovers there that one of the characters in the play is Sam Nujoma (now the President). Informing the political commentary here and elsewhere in his work was his personal experience of repression, which drove him into self-imposed exile in 1979. He arrived in Windhoek as a teacher and as ajournalist and soon set up his own theatre company (see above). In keeping with the political statement the play is making, when the portrayal of the history of the removal from Old Location turns to violent resistance at the end of the play, local dominant languages of the people are used namely Herero and Nama together with Mrikaans and English, the imported languages of the oppressors in this case. The play starts however on a comic, farcical note with an aggressive white policeman Sergeant Lombard marching in with two 'Kaffir' municipality policemen or 'Bouker-Police' as they are called. Pineas and Klaas Togoma are characters that could have come straight from a pantomime production. They can't tell left form right so the sergeant has red ribbons tied around their right feet and straw around their left feet and they march to the command: Ep Ai! Rooivoet! Strooivoet! (p. 2) But they can't manage this because they complain: But boss it is too dark. We cannot see! (p. 5) This farcical opening gives Philander the opportunity to reveal the sergeant's racist attitudes in outbursts such as: 127 Boetjie: Handjievol: Lombard: Boetie. Then you have the nerve to tell me you are capable of ruling your own country! And with reference to Sam Nujoma: Who the hell does he think he is? The King of Kaffirland! It is in this play that we first meet the character of'Handjievol', a stout, middle-aged mother who emerges again as a more developed character in The Porridge Queen, a play that was first performed in 1995. In The Curse Handjievol earns money by taking in washing for Mrs. Lombard, the sergeant's wife. When Boetie, Handjievol's husband is arrested and beaten up by the police on suspicion of his being a communist and afollower of 'that agitator Sam Nujoma', Mrs. Lombard secures his release, which on the surface appears to be a sympathetic and humane response to the plight of the Bloodstaan family, but when the released Boetie, embittered by his treatment atthe hands ofthe police, turns on Mrs. Lombard Philander creates some mature dialogue that moves beyond stereotype: (Cheerily) Good morning Handjievol. Morning (Boetie turns his back on her) I came to fetch the washing. I'll go and get it (turns around). Thank you for getting my husband from jail, miesies Lombard. Mrs. Lombard: Oh, I only did my Christian duty. (Handjievol enters house). And how does it feel to be home Boetie? (Grudgingly) You have the audacity to ask. Look at me. 128 Mrs. Lombard: Ididn't wanttobeinsulted byyou. Igotyouout ofjail andthisiswhat Iget. Boetie: You shouldthank your lucky starsthatyouare alivebecause mypeople arefedupofyou whites hereinthelocation. Mrs. Lombard: Sincewhen amInotallowed toenterthe location? Boetie: Listen woman! Youwhites areallabunch of exploiters... Mrs. Lombard: What's gotintoyou,Boetie? Idon't know you likethis. Itmustbethework ofthose agitators! Boetie: That'swhat youBoers always saywhen youare confronted withthetruth. Youthink I'mstupid. I'veseenthrough you. Mywife works foryou dayandnight andwhat doessheearn? Penny heypenny. ThatiswhyIsayyouwhites only exploit us. You've never everbeen honest with us. Mrs. Lombard: Idon'tthink Ideserve tolistentoyouI'vealways treated youandyourwifewithrespect and dignity. Handjievol: (Returns withthewashing) Here isthewashing miesies Lombard. Mrs. Lombard: (Grabs washing) Thank you. Andhere's your money. You don'thavetowork formeany longer. Handjievol: But what's going on? Mrs. Lombard: Askyour rude husband. (Philander F.: 1990.pp.34-35) Insightful probing through arichsubtext occurs againandagain inhiswork. 129 4. 1.5 Two Men and a Baby. Before we meet with more fully realised character of Handjievol in The Porridge Queen we need to consider a play first staged at the National Theatre of Namibia as a one-act playas part of the Youth Theatre Competition in 1994. After revision and reconstruction Two Men and a Baby, in its re-written full-length form (the version in the Schauffer collection) was presented at the National Theatre of Namibia in 1995. The play was critically acclaimed in The Namibian (See press cuttings in the Schauffer collection). Two tramps Juba and Nelson, who - like Zakes Mda's tramps in We Shall Sing for the Fatherland - live in the public park, find a white baby abandoned in a rubbish bin that they regard as their kitchen. Having found this white baby girl they now face the problem of what on earth to do with the child. They layout the scenes where Juba takes the child to the police and the welfare departments. In both cases their improvisation leads them to the suspicion that they would be arrested for stealing a White child. They anticipate that all manner of awkward questions would be asked like: Nelson: Address? (Juba hesitates) Come on I haven't got all day? Juba: Bench number five, city park sir. That's where we found the child. Nelson: (Stern) Bullshit! You kidnapped that child! (p. 10) As Nels