THE DISCOURSE OF CONFLICT: AN APPRAISAL ANALYSIS OF NEWSPAPER GENRES IN ENGLISH AND RUNYANKORE-RUKIGA IN UGANDA (2001-2010) BY LEVIS MUGUMYA Dissertation presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at Stellenbosch University. Supervisor: Prof MW Visser Co-supervisor: Prof S Viljoen MARCH 2013 i DECLARATION By submitting this dissertation electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the sole author thereof (save to the extent explicitly otherwise stated), that reproduction and publication thereof by Stellenbosch University will not infringe any third part rights and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. Date: 25 October 2012 Copyright ? 2013 Stellenbosch University All rights reseved Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za ii ABSTRACT This study explores generic properties of hard news reports and editorials and the nature of linguistic devices invoked by journalists to communicate issues of conflict in Uganda. It describes the textual architecture of a hard news report and an editorial unfolding in the Ugandan print media, and the features that define English-language and Runyankore-Rukiga hard news and editorials. The study further explicates the nature of overt and covert linguistic resources that news reporters and editorialists employ to communicate issues conflict in English and Runyankore- Rukiga across government and private newspapers. It also examines strategies that news reporters employ to establish their stance towards the news event being communicated and seeking to align or disalign with the issue in a manner that seeks to enlist the reader to do likewise. The study employs the multi-dimensional and multi-perspective approaches of discourse analysis to examine news stories and editorials that communicate issues of conflict. Using genre-theoretic and appraisal?theoretic principles, the study explores a diachronic corpus of 53 news reports and 27 editorials drawn from four selected newspapers, Daily Monitor, The New Vision, Entatsi and Orumuri. It therefore, involves a cross-linguistic comparison of English and Runyankore-Rukiga news texts across government and privately-owned newspapers. The investigation demonstrates that news reports in Runyankore-Rukiga and English in the Ugandan print media exemplify similar generic properties and textual organisation to the English- language hard news reports obtaining in the Anglo-American world. The editorial texts also largely exhibit rhetorical moves similar to the ones employed in the English-language editorials. Nonetheless, a chronological development of news segments occurs across a considerable number of hard news reports in English and Runyankore-Rukiga. This is evident in the use of markers of cohesion such as anaphoric references, time adjuncts, or a mere positioning of events of similar nature in adjacent segments, which leads to some of them hanging together. Consequently, this feature constrains reordering of segments without causing textual unintelligibility. In particular, the Runyankore-Rukiga news reports display a lengthy and value-laden opening whose elements are usually at variance with the body components or even the actual news event. The interpersonal meanings are actuated via metaphors, implicit judgement, non-core lexis, and occasional proverbs. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za iii While both government and private newspapers restrain from overt judgement of human conduct, news reporters from the private newspapers invoke implicit attitudes to assess the behaviour of news actors and occasionally highlight the negative actions, particularly of the police, army, or other government agents depicting their conduct as inappropriate. The government leaning newspapers often assess their conduct in positive terms or avoid mentioning events in which their conduct would have hitherto been construed as negative. The study also established that some of the news reports display affect values activated via the description of circumstances or negative actions of the agents on the affected. This description often involves expressions that trigger in the reader feelings of pity, empathy, or pain for the affected while at the same time evoking anger or disgust for the agent. The study demonstrates how news reporters invoke non-core lexical elements or proverbs to intensify the interpersonal value, thus endorsing the attitudinal value expressed by the locution(s). Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za iv OPSOMMING Hierdie studie het generiese eienskappe van hardenuusberigte en hoofartikels en die aard van taalkundige middele waarop joernaliste hulle beroep om kwessies ten opsigte van konflik in Uganda te kommunikeer, verken. Dit beskryf die tekstuele argitektuur van ? hardenuusberig en ? hoofartikel wat in die Ugandese gedrukte media ontvou, en die kenmerke wat hardenuus- en hoofartikels in koerante in Engels en Runyankore-Rukiga definieer. Die studie het verder die aard van overte en koverte taalkundige hulpbronne wat verslaggewers en hoofartikelskrywers benut om kwessies ten opsigte van konflik in Engels en Runyankore-Rukiga oor regeringskoerante en private koerante heen te kommunikeer, ondersoek. Dit het ook strategie? ondersoek wat verslaggewers aanwend om hulle standpunt teenoor die nuusgebeurtenis wat gekommunikeer word, te vestig en wat daarna streef om hulle met die kwessie te vereenselwig of daarvan los te maak op ? manier wat daarop gemik is om die leser te betrek om dieselfde te doen. Die studie het van die multidimensionele en multiperspektiefbenaderings van diskoers-analise gebruik gemaak om nuusstories en hoofartikels wat kwessies van konflik kommunikeer te ondersoek. Met behulp van genre-teoretiese en waardebepaling-teoretiese beginsels het die studie ? diachroniese korpus van 53 nuusberigte en 27 hoofartikels uit vier geselekteerde koerante, Daily Monitor, The New Vision, Entatsi en Orumuri, verken. Dit het dus ? kruislinguistiese vergelyking van nuustekste in Engels en Runyankore-Rukiga in regeringskoerante en koerante in privaatbesit behels. Die ondersoek het aangetoon dat nuusberigte in Runyankore-Rukiga en Engels in die Ugandese gedrukte media soortgelyke generiese eienskappe en tekstuele organisasie as Engelstalige hardenuusberigte in die Anglo-Amerikaanse w?reld illustreer. Die hoofartikeltekste het ook meestal retoriese skuiwe soortgelyk aan di? wat in die Engelstalige hoofartikels gebruik word, aangetoon. Nogtans kom daar ? chronologiese ontwikkeling van nuussegmente in ? groot aantal hardenuusberigte in Engels en Runyankore-Rukiga voor. Dit is duidelik in die gebruik van kohesiemerkers soos anaforiese verwysings, tydsbepalings, of ? blote posisionering van gebeure van soortgelyke aard in omliggende segmente wat daartoe lei dat sommige van hulle samehang vertoon. Hierdie eienskap beperk dus herordening van segmente sonder om tekstuele onverstaanbaarheid te veroorsaak. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za v Die nuusberigte in Runyankore-Rukiga, in die besonder, vertoon ? lang en waardegelaaide inleiding waarvan die elemente gewoonlik strydig is met komponente van die hoofgedeelte of selfs die ware nuusgebeurtenis. Die interpersoonlike betekenisse word via metafore, implisiete oordeel, niekern-leksis, en sporadiese spreekwoorde aangedryf. Terwyl beide regeringskoerante en private koerante hulle weerhou van overte oordeel oor menslike gedrag, beroep verslaggewers van die private koerante hulle op implisiete gesindhede om die optrede van nuusmakers te beoordeel en beklemtoon partymaal die negatiewe optrede, in die besonder di? van die polisie, weermag of ander regeringsagente, en beeld hulle gedrag as onvanpas uit. Die regeringgesinde koerante assesseer dikwels hulle optrede in positiewe terme of vermy dit om gebeure waarin hulle gedrag wat tot dusver as negatief ge?nterpreteer sou word, te noem. Die studie het ook vasgestel dat sommige van die nuusberigte affekwaardes toon wat geaktiveer word via die beskrywing van omstandighede of negatiewe optrede van die agente teenoor die betrokkenes. Hierdie beskrywing behels dikwels uitdrukkings wat by die leser gevoelens van jammerte, empatie of pyn vir die betrokkenes opwek terwyl dit terselfdertyd woede of afkeur vir die agent ontketen. Die studie het aangetoon hoe verslaggewers hulle op niekern- leksikale elemente of spreekwoorde beroep om die interpersoonlike waarde te versterk, en so die houdingswaarde wat deur die segswyse(s) uitgedruk word, onderskryf. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The first time Prof. Marianna Visser, my supervisor, suggested Appraisal theory as a possible framework for my doctoral project, I reluctantly read through the materials she had provided. But later on, I became fascinated by the discourse analytic resources the theory availed for my study. I am very grateful to you, Prof. Marianna, for introducing me to the language of evaluation and genre study. Our weekly meetings right from the proposal writing days to the last moments of preparing to submit my thesis, the reading materials you availed or suggested, the prompt and consistent feedback, and the kind support you provided beyond the academic encounters did not only guide my approach to the study but also tremendously influenced my attitude towards academia. I am grateful to your confidence in me to complete the doctoral project in time. I am also indebted to my co-supervisor, Dr. Viljoen Shaun for your insightful suggestions on my chapters, the reassurance, and welcoming me to your office even when I had made no prior appointment. I wish to thank the African Doctoral Academy and the Graduate School in the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences of Stellenbosch University for availing scholarship funds that enabled me to complete my doctoral studies. I am thankful to my employer, Makerere University, in particular, the Directorate of Human Resources for the study leave and facilitating my travel to and from Stellenbosch; and the Directorate of Research and Graduate Training for availing me the research funds. I extend my sincere gratitude to my family, for allowing me to be away from you. Elaine and Colette, you would only wake up to find out that Dad has already gone to catch the 7 a.m. SA flight! Your constant reminder of ?Dad, when are you coming back?? made me work harder. Hellen, thank you for the patience and looking after the children during my absence. Philo, the PhD girl, I will now have more time to interact with you. I also wish to recognise my research assistants, Osbert Byamukama and Julius Kule for enduring the voluminous dusty volumes of bound newspapers while searching for hard news and editorial texts. I appreciate the unyielding support and your careful identification of the news corpus. Leonard Kawuki, you filled the gaps in the corpus by carrying those heavy volumes from Nkozi at the time I needed them. And to you, Bob Tumwesigye, your photocopying, scanning and keying in of the missing news reports cannot be underestimated. Allen Asiimwe, thank you for the description of Runyankore-Rukiga lexico-grammatical forms and structures; and Emmanuel Asiimwe for an Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za vii insightful clarification of Runyankore-Rukiga meanings. Merit Kabugo, my colleague in the struggle, you kept the Appraisal spirit and candle burning. I thank the management of The New Vision Printing & Publishing Company Limited, Monitor Publications, and Redpepper Publications for allowing me to use their news articles. My gratitude also go to my friends and relatives: Prof. Rukooko Byaruhanga for constantly reminding me to register for a PhD, Louis Tumwsigye for your support and always picking me at Entebbe airport late in the night, Sr. Theresa Kengyero for your continuous support to my family, and Prof. Peter Kanyandago for your inspiration and being my ?first? PhD supervisor. My heartfelt thanks go to my parents, for your prayers and support and for sending me to Kainamo Primary School, which was a foundation for this ultimate qualification. You provided me the level of education that you did not have. This is the unrepayable debt that I will always bear in mind! Lastly, I am thankful to God for answering my prayers when I was in distress and keeping me alive. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za viii TABLE OF CONTENTS Declaration ............................................................................................................................. i Abstract .................................................................................................................................. ii Opsomming ........................................................................................................................... iv Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................... vi List of Figures ..................................................................................................................... xiii List of Tables ...................................................................................................................... xiv List of Acronyms and Abbreviations ................................................................................... xv List of Analysed News Texts ............................................................................................. xvii Key to Appraisal Conventions ............................................................................................. xx CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1.1 BACKGROUND ........................................................................................................ 1 1.2 LOCATING THE STUDY ........................................................................................ 2 1.3 RATIONALE ............................................................................................................ 4 1.4 PROBLEM STATEMENT ........................................................................................ 4 1.5 GOALS....................................................................................................................... 5 1.6 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ............................................................................ 5 1.7 RESEARCH QUESTIONS ........................................................................................ 7 1.8 RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS ................................................................. 7 1.8.1 Genre Analysis ........................................................................................................... 8 1.8.2 Appraisal framework .................................................................................................. 9 1.8.3 Delimiting the corpus ................................................................................................. 9 1.8.4 Procedure .................................................................................................................. 13 1.8.5 Corpus analysis ........................................................................................................ 15 1.8.6 Limitations of methods............................................................................................. 16 1.8.7 Ethical considerations ? issues of copyright ............................................................ 17 1.9 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY ......................................................................... 17 1.10 THESIS LAYOUT .................................................................................................. 17 CHAPTER TWO: GENRE: THEORETICAL FOUNDATIONS AND EMPIRICAL REFLECTIONS 2.1 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................... 19 Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za ix 2.2 THE CONCEPT OF GENRE .................................................................................. 19 2.3 RATIONALE FOR GENRE STUDY...................................................................... 21 2.4 GENRE TRADITIONS............................................................................................ 23 2.4.1 The Australian research tradition ............................................................................. 23 2.4.2 New Rhetoricians (the North American Tradition).................................................. 24 2.4.3 English for Specific Purposes (ESP) Tradition ........................................................ 25 2.5 PROPERTIES OF GENRES .................................................................................... 26 2.5.1 Communicative purpose ........................................................................................... 26 2.5.2 Genre change ............................................................................................................ 28 2.5.3 Genre-mixing .......................................................................................................... 30 2.5.4 Genre integrity.......................................................................................................... 32 2.5.5 Intertextuality ........................................................................................................... 33 2.6 CONTEXT ............................................................................................................... 34 2.7 GENRE ANALYSIS ............................................................................................... 36 2.7.1 The move-structure .................................................................................................. 36 2.7.2 Identifying the move-structure ................................................................................. 38 2.7.3 Story genres .............................................................................................................. 39 2.7.4 Opinion genres ......................................................................................................... 45 2.8 CONCLUSION ........................................................................................................ 48 CHAPTER THREE: APPRAISAL RESOURCES AND JOURNALISTIC DISCOURSE 3.1 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................... 50 3.2 LANGUAGE OF EVALUATION: AN OVERVIEW ............................................ 50 3.2.1 Huntson (1994; 2011) .............................................................................................. 50 3.2.2 Thompson and Huntson (2000) ................................................................................ 51 3.2.3 Bednarek (2006, 2008a, b, 2009a, b, 2010) ............................................................ 51 3.3 APPRAISAL THEORY: AN OVERVIEW ............................................................ 53 3.3.1 Attitudinal values ..................................................................................................... 54 3.3.2 Engagement .............................................................................................................. 57 3.3.3 Graduation ................................................................................................................ 58 3.4 ATTITUDINAL ASSESSMENT IN JOURNALISTIC DISCOURSE ................... 58 3.4.1 Realisation of affect in news reportage .................................................................... 58 3.4.2 Realisation of appreciation in news reportage ......................................................... 60 3.4.3 Realisations of inscribed and invoked evaluation .................................................... 60 3.5 RESOURCES FOR EVALUATIVE POSITIONING IN JOURNALISTIC Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za x DISCOURSE ............................................................................................................ 62 3.5.1 Authorial alignment.................................................................................................. 62 3.5.2 Non-authorial positioning ........................................................................................ 65 3.5.3 Nature of editorial positioning ................................................................................. 65 3.6 CONCLUSION ........................................................................................................ 67 CHAPTER FOUR: NEWS RECOUNTS AND COMMENTARY ON KONY WAR 4.1 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................... 69 4.2 KILLINGS ............................................................................................................... 70 4.2.1 Recounting the killing of soldiers ............................................................................ 70 4.2.2 Argumentation in ?killing of soldiers? editorials ...................................................... 77 4.2.3 Recounting the Killing of Civilians ......................................................................... 84 4.2.4 Arguing against the army?s disregard in protecting civilians .................................. 89 4.3 DESTRUCTION OF PROPERTY .......................................................................... 91 4.3.1 Recounting the destruction of property .................................................................... 91 4.4 ABDUCTION .......................................................................................................... 98 4.4.1 Recounting abduction ............................................................................................... 98 4.5 CONCLUSION ...................................................................................................... 102 CHAPTER FIVE: NEWS REPORTAGE AND COMMENTARY ON POLITICAL CONFLICT IN UGANDA 5.1 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................. 105 5.2 ELECTIONS .......................................................................................................... 106 5.2.1 Recounting Electioneering ..................................................................................... 106 5.2.2 Opinion on verbal duelling .................................................................................... 119 5.2.3 Recounting electoral violence ................................................................................ 123 5.2.4 Arguing against electoral violence ......................................................................... 133 5.3 POWER STRUGGLE ............................................................................................ 137 5.3.1 Recounting the conflict between Central government and Buganda Kingdom ..... 137 5.3.2 Opinion on the Buganda - central government conflict ......................................... 152 5.3.3 Recounting the conflict between government and the opposition parties .............. 154 5.3.4 Opinion on the conflict between government and the opposition parties .............. 161 5.4 CONCLUSION ...................................................................................................... 164 Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za xi CHAPTER SIX: NEWS REPORTAGE AND COMMENTARY ON CORRUPTION 6.1 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................. 166 6.2 NEWS REPORTAGE ON GAVI FUNDS ........................................................... 166 6.2.1 Recounting the arrest of a minister ........................................................................ 166 6.2.2 Opinion on GAVI funds ......................................................................................... 182 6.3 EMBEZZLEMENT OF UPE FUNDS ................................................................... 188 6.3.1 Recounting missing funds ..................................................................................... 188 6.3.2 Opinion on embezzlement of UPE funds .............................................................. 195 6.4 BRIBERY............................................................................................................... 199 6.4.1 Recounting bribery among civil servants ............................................................... 199 6.4.2 Opinion on bribery among civil servants ............................................................... 206 6.4.3 Recounting bribery in the Ugandan Police ............................................................ 210 6.4.4 Debating bribery among the police force ............................................................... 219 6.5 CONCLUSION ...................................................................................................... 223 CHAPTER SEVEN: NEWS REPORTAGE AND COMMENTARY ON LAND CONFLICT IN UGANDA 7.1 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................. 227 7.2 REPORTAGE ON PROPERTY RIGHTS ............................................................. 228 7.2.1 Recounting eviction events .................................................................................... 228 7.2.2 Opinion on issues of eviction ................................................................................. 238 7.2.3 Recounting violent clashes ..................................................................................... 241 7.2.4 Opinion on violent clashes ..................................................................................... 251 7.3 LAND GRABBING ............................................................................................... 257 7.3.1 Recounting land grabbing ...................................................................................... 257 7.3.2 Opinion on land disputes ........................................................................................ 265 7.4 BUGANDA LAND ................................................................................................ 269 7.4.1 Recounting parliamentary debate on 9000 square miles of land ........................... 270 7.4.2 Opinion on Buganda land ....................................................................................... 275 7.5 CONCLUSION ...................................................................................................... 277 CHAPTER EIGHT: CONCLUSION 8.1 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................. 281 8.2 MAJOR FINDINGS OF THE STUDY ................................................................. 281 8.2.1 Generic properties of hard news and editorial genres in English and Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za xii Runyankore-Rukiga ............................................................................................... 281 8.2.2 The nature of appraisal resources invoked to communicate conflict in English and Runyankore-Rukiga across government and private newspapers ................... 284 8.2.3 The nature of evaluative positioning across government and private newspapers ............................................................................................................. 285 8.3 CONTRIBUTIONS OF THE STUDY .................................................................. 285 8.4 SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH ................................................... 285 REFERENCES ................................................................................................................ 287 APPENDIX I ................................................................................................................... 304 APPENDIX II .................................................................................................................. 306 APPENDIX III ................................................................................................................ 307 APPENDIX IV ................................................................................................................. 308 Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za xiii List of Figures Figure 1.1: Sub-facets of Kony War ................................................................................. 11 Figure 1.2: Sub-facets of Political Conflict ....................................................................... 11 Figure 1.3: Sub-facets of Corruption ................................................................................. 11 Figure 1.4: Sub-facets of Land Conflict ............................................................................ 12 Figure 2.1: Orbital Structure of a hard news story ............................................................ 44 Figure 3.1: Appraisal resources ......................................................................................... 54 Figure 4.1: Generic structure of Kony rebels burn 100 huts in Gulu (Text 1.3.1hn) ................ 93 Figure 5.1: Generic structure of Ignore ?foolish? dogs ? Museveni says Ugandans still want him - Text 2.1.1hn ................................................................................ 109 Figure 5.2: Generic structure of Besigye is nothing - President Museveni - Text 2.1.4hn .......................................................................................................... 116 Figure 5.3: Proposed generic structure of Man killed in Rukungiri riot Election tension erupts in PPU, Police gunfire, soldiers hospitalised ?Text 2.2.2hn ............ 128 Figure 6.1: Proposed generic structure of Text 3.1.4hn, Muhwezi to be jailed for 7 years ? IGG ................................................................................................... 181 Figure 6.2: Proposed generic structure of text 3.2.3hn, The headmaster of Nyamitanga made disappear [embezzled] 13,800,000= .................................................. 193 Figure 6.3: An example of sub-satellites generated from a body satellite ...................... 194 Figure 7.1: Proposed generic structure of text 4.1.3hn, RDC Mwesigye drove away 300 families from land .................................................................................. 235 Figure 7.2: Generic Structure of text 4.3.1hn, Ofafiire in land row ..................................... 259 Figure 7.3: Generic structure of text 4.4.2hn, Mengo demand nonsense ........................ 274 Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za xiv List of Tables Table 1.1: Statistical list of the selected news and editorial texts .................................... 14 Table 4.1: Radical ?ineditability? of Capt. Magara dies in Sudan (Text 1.1.2hn) .................. 74 Table 4.2: Instances of implicit affect in New Vision and Daily Monitor ...................... 89 Table 5.1: Examples of Runyankore-Rukiga attention-grabbing news openings on electioneering ................................................................................................ 117 Table 5.2: Examples of Runyankore-Rukiga news report openings on electoral violence ......................................................................................................... 133 Table 5.3: Authorial characterising of ?protestors? in recounting Kampala riots .......... 146 Table 6.1: Examples of Runyankore-Rukiga grammatical metaphors for corruption in Text 3.1.4hn, Muhwezi to be jailed for 7 years ........................................ 182 Table 7.1: Radical Editability with text 4.2.3hn, They cut their father into pieces because of land ............................................................................................. 247 Table 7.2: A contrast attitudinal values across the Daily Monitor and New Vision editorials ....................................................................................................... 269 Table 7.3: Value-laden and neutral headlines ................................................................ 278 Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za xv List of Acronyms and Abbreviations ADF - Allied Democratic Forces AP ? Agence Presse BBC ? British Broadcasting Corporation CBS - Central Broadcasting Service CHOGM ? Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting CID - Criminal Investigation Department CNN ? Cable News Network DM ? Daily Monitor DPC ? District Police Commander E - Entatsi ESP ? English for Specific Purposes FDC - Forum for Democratic Change GAVI ? Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunisation IDPs ? Internally Displaced Peoples IGG - Inspector General of Government LC ? Local Council LDU - Local Defence Unit LRA ? Lord?s Resistance Army MFPED ? Ministry of Finance Planning and Economic Development MISNA - Missionary Service News Agency MP ? Member of Parliament NRM ? National Resistance Movement NRM-O ? National Resistance Movement Organisation NSSF - National Social Security Fund NV ? The New Vision NVPPCL ? New Vision Printing & Publishing Company Limited O - Orumuri OC ? Officer in Charge OC CID ? Officer in Charge of Criminal Investigations Department Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za xvi PPU - Presidential Protection Unit PTA ? Parents Teachers Association RDC ? Resident District Commissioner SPAF ? Sudan People?s Armed Forces UBOS - Uganda Bureau of Statistics UHRC ? Uganda Human Rights Commission UPDA ? Uganda People?s Democratic Army UPDF ? Uganda Peoples Defence Forces UPE ? Universal Primary Education URA ? Uganda Revenue Authority UWA ? Uganda Wildlife Association VOK ? Voice of Kigezi Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za xvii List of Analysed News Texts News reports Warfare 1.1.1 Top UPDF shot dead in Sudan 1.1.2 Capt. Magara dies in Sudan 1.1.3 Kony?s Commander was killed by UPDF 1.2.1 Rebels kill 47 in Lira 1.2.2 Massacre 1.3.1 Kony rebels burn 100 huts in Gulu 1.3.2 40 huts burnt ? UPDF 1.3.3 Kony burnt Radio and a [Catholic] Church Lira 1.4.1 Rebels abduct Teso leader 1.4.2 Rebels abduct ex-Emorimor Political Conflict 2.1.1 Ignore foolish dogs ? Museveni says Ugandans still want him 2.1.2 Matembe stands astride like a toad ? Kigyagi 2.1.3 Besigye is nothing - President Museveni 2.2.1 2 dead in Rukungiri as PPU, Dr. Besigye supporters clash 2.2.2 Man killed in Rukungiri riot 2.2.3 Those of [supporters] Museveni fought with those of [supporters] Col. Kizza Besigye 2.2.4 Museveni and Besigye supporters pelted each other with rotten eggs 2.3.1 10 feared dead in city riots as Museveni, Kabaka disagree 2.3.2 Riots rock city as Buganda Banyala standoff escalates 2.3.3 Wars in Buganda 2.4.1 Besigye jailed 2.4.2 Besigye held 2.4.3 Besigye Corruption 3.1.1 Muhwezi charged and sent to Luzira 3.1.2 Muhwezi sent to Luzira jail 3.1.3 How money [funds] of GAVI was used [spent] 3.1.4 Muhwezi to be jailed 7 years Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za xviii 3.2.1 Sh84 UPE funds missing in Masindi 3.2.2 Shs 425m Kibale UPE funds missing - RDC 3.2.3 Head master Nyamitanga made disappear [embezzled] 13,800,800= 3.3.1 URA staff held over Shs 800m 3.3.2 Police arrest senior URA officers over corruption 3.3.3 State Attorney in Mbarara jailed because of a bribe 3.3.4 Minister Bitangaro gave a bribe ? IGG 3.4.1 Kayihura arrests Kiboga District police bosses 3.4.2 Kiboga DPC arrested 3.4.3 The police in Kamwenge have insisted on bribes 3.4.4 Two policemen were imprisoned for eating bribes Land Conflict 4.1.1 Eviction of pastoralists begins in Buliisa District 4.1.2 Army, police evict Buliisa herdsmen 4.1.3 RDC Mwesigye drove away 300 families from land 4.1.4 A church evicted people from land, pulled down houses 4.2.1 3 hacked to death in fresh wetland row 4.2.2 Three killed over land 4.2.3 They cut their father into pieces because of land 4.2.4 He hacked his father because of land 4.3.1 Otafire in land row 4.3.2 Otafire embroiled in Mbuya land row 4.3.3 We wanted to castrate Byanyima ? Residents 4.3.4 We must die from there: Residents of Isingiro said that Byanyima should vacate their land 4.4.1 MP names 4 generals owning miles of land 4.4.2 ?Mengo demand nonsense? Editorial texts Warfare 1.1.1 Time to finish Kony 1.1.2 Discussing with Kony will not bring peace 1.1.3 Iron Fist did a job 1.2.1 Lira tragedy exposed army Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za xix Political Conflict 2.1.1 The war of words [verbal dueling] has no harm 2.1.2 Insulting one another during elections 2.2.1 Bloody elections bad for Uganda 2.2.2 Leaders, do not spoil elections 2.3.1 Mengo should stay out of politics 2.4.1 Clashes were avoidable 2.4.2 Political party sticks [fights] could begin in Kabale Corruption 3.1.1 What is behind the growing GAVI Scandal 3.1.2 Nobody is untouchable 3.1.3 Let?s support government on corruption 3.2.1 Who is eating UPE Money 3.2.2 Those who embezzle money [funds] of government should be punished? 3.3.1 Has the second revolution started 3.3.2 Eating bribes has set roots 2.4.1 Police Force needs to do much more 2.4.2 Police, you have disgraced your honour Land Conflict 4.1.1 Land should not be politicised 4.1.2 Help people of Kanyaryeru 4.2.1 Nomadism should not flourish today 4.2.2 Government should sort out pastoralists 4.2.3 Parents, repent, listen to children 4.3.1 Grabbing Muslim land is criminal and sinful 4.3.2 Landlord, tenants should resolve impasse 4.4.1 Explain benefits of the new land law 4.1.5 Handle land reforms carefully Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za xx Key to Appraisal Conventions The following key provides textual indicators for lexico-grammatical and discoursal features that realise both the salient genre properties and appraisal resources throughout the news reports and editorials analysed in chapters 4-7. This is a broad rather than an exhaustive mark-up of the generic and appraisal instances. Arial ? generic moves Bold ? inscribed negative attitude bold underlining ? invoked negative attitude italics1 ? inscribed positive attitude italics underlined ? invoked positive attitude Comic Sans MS ? attributed material/intertextuality Courier New ? authorial alignment (writer voice) [af] ? affect [j] ? judgement [ap] ? appreciation [grad] ? graduation [M] ? metaphor [P] ? proverb [S] ? slang Since the translation of Runyankore-Rukiga news reports and editorials reflect the lexico- grammatical elements, clarifications on syntactical and the English ?equivalents? are enclosed in the square brackets. In order not to overcrowd the texts with textual mark-ups, the categories of attitudinal values and their finer sub-categories are indicated in the descriptive paragraphs where necessary together with the resources of inter-subjective stance (engagement). 1 Section titles, cited news headlines, names of newspapers and non-English words (especially Runyankore-Rukiga words and phrases) equally appear in bold and italic-types but do not necessarily carry attitudinal values. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za xxi Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 1 CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1.1 BACKGROUND ? Mukula sent to Luzira, Muhwezi survives arrest Kamugisha also jailed Police say Kaboyo can?t be traced (Daily Monitor, 23.05.2007, p. 1) ? Muhwezi escapes, Mukula in Luzira Kamugisha also in jail, Kaboyo in hiding (The New Vision, 23.05.2007, p. 1) ? Muhwezi naakwata nibiragara? Sente z?aba Sirimu kugyendana Muhwezi [Muhwezi is scared (panicky) ? AIDS money to cost Muhwezi [his parliamentary seat]] (Entatsi, September 7-13, 2005, p. 1-2) The news headlines above appeared on the front pages of national English daily newspapers and a provincial weekly newspaper, respectively in Uganda. The reporters invoke different linguistic resources to portray the news actor, Muhwezi. In the first headline, he is depicted as ?lucky? (?Muhwezi survives arrest?) while in the second as a coward or fugitive (?Muhwezi escapes?), and the third headline portrays him as nervous (Muhwezi is scared). Similarly, in the following headlines, different labels (in bold type) are employed to identify the same news actors: FDC rioters arrested (New Vision, 19.08.2009, p. 1) Police nip FDC youth demo in the bud (Daily Monitor, 19.08.2009, p. 1) These examples demonstrate how newspaper reporters use different lexical items to report the same event. The primary concern of this study therefore is to interrogate the nature of linguistic mechanisms journalists invoke to express value positions while communicating issues of conflict in Uganda. The study further explores terms of evaluative expression in newspaper reporting in English and Runyankore-Rukiga across government and private newspapers. The study is anchored in the language of evaluation in which writers and speakers convey their value positions on things or concerns they are addressing (Thompson and Huntson, 2000). Using the principles of appraisal-theoretic framework, the study examines the linguistic resources writers of hard news and editorials invoke to communicate issues of conflict in English and Runyankore- Rukiga across government and private newspapers. While the investigation does not prove or disprove the view generally expressed by the Uganda government and civil society that the media in Uganda uses negative language (Balikowa, 2006; Nassanga, 2008; Bareebe, 2009; Nogara, 2009; Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC), 2011), it contributes to the understanding of the language of evaluation in communicating issues of conflict in these newspapers. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 2 1.2 LOCATING THE STUDY The study interrogates the nature of appraisal theoretic principles that journalists invoke to evaluate issues of conflict in English and Runyankore-Rukiga across government and independent newspapers in Uganda. The appraisal theory avails linguistic devices for ?systematic analysis? of texts in which speakers/writers express their attitudes or take stance on the basis of ?socially determined value positions? (White, 2002, p.1). The theory is specifically concerned with linguistic mechanisms for expressing emotion, assessing human behavior and natural phenomena as well as how speakers/writers amplify or lessen evaluative expressions (see Section 1.8.2 and 3.3.1). Whereas conflict is understood in numerous ways, in this thesis, it refers to newspaper reports and editorials that communicate contexts which involve a manifest struggle over incompatible interests between two or more people or groups in the distribution or sharing of limited resources especially where the rich or those in power use their influence to exploit the poor or those who are not in power (Putnam, 2006). The discourse of conflict is limited to war, corruption, struggle for political power, and land disputes (see Sub-section 1.8.3.1). In this regard, the study focuses on hard news and editorials in English and Runyankore-Rukiga. Hard news denotes recent news reports (Galtung and Ruger, 1965; Bell, 1991) associated with aberrant damage, power relations and normative breach, i.e., recounts of accidents, conflicts, crime, etc (White, 1997; Ljung, 2000; Bell, 2009). Following White (1997, p. 104, 1998), this study draws its corpus from the hard news category of event stories. White explicates that these are ?events or situations which are construed as threatening to damage, disrupt, or rearrange the social order in its material, political or normative guise?. The editorial texts that the study examines are equally concerned with events of a similar nature. The consideration for English and Runyankore-Rukiga provides a comparative cross-linguistic analysis aimed to reveal the different linguistic evaluative techniques and journalistic practices used in both languages. English is an official and second language in Uganda. It provides a medium for a vibrant print and electronic media with more than ten newspapers printed in English. Runyankore- Rukiga on the other hand is one of the five major languages (Lugbara, Luganda, Luo and Ateso/Ngakarimajong) of wider communication in Uganda. Runyankore is spoken by 1, 643, 193 speakers (according to the 1991 population census (UBOS) whereas Rukiga is spoken by 1,391,442 (Paul, 2009). Runyankore?s lexical similarity with Rukiga is 84% to 94%, an indication of the mutual intelligibility between the two. It is taught at both the primary and secondary school levels as well as at the university. Besides being used in the print Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 3 media, Runyankore-Rukiga is used as a broadcasting medium for many radio stations in south- western Uganda. It is also widely spoken in the whole of western Uganda and is understood in north-western Tanzania and in the eastern areas of the Democratic Republic of Congo (Paul, 2009). The study corpus is drawn from two English daily newspapers, The New Vision and Daily Monitor, and two weeklies, Orumuri and Entatsi. The New Vision and Orumuri are owned by The New Vision Printing & Publishing Company Limited (NVPPL) in which the government of Uganda owns 53% shares while the rest are owned by the public. The company is a multimedia business housing newspaper, magazines, internet publishing, television, radio broadcasting, commercial printing, advertising, and distribution services (New Vision, 2011). NVPPCL is listed on the Uganda Stock Exchange, with an expected turnover of over UGX 60 billion (FY 2010/2011) (New Vision, 2011). The New Vision started in March 1986 as mouthpiece for the government. The newspaper is published from Monday to Friday and has weekend editions (Saturday Vision and Sunday Vision). It aims to provide accurate and balanced articles and is distributed throughout the country. It has a circulation of 32,500 copies daily. The New Vision has extended its market to Rwanda and Kenya. The bigger readership outside the country however, is for the on-line paper. Daily Monitor on the other hand, is owned by Nation Media Group, an independent media house based in Kenya with various media outlets in Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania. Orumuri was started in October 1989 by the government to educate the public on government issues. It is circulated in the south-western areas of Uganda. It has a circulation of 19,500 copies per week (New Vision, 2011). Orumuri exhibits traits of a tabloid that are interspersed with news of social significance such political, economic and social issues. Daily Monitor, originally The Monitor, was established as a private weekly newspaper in July 1992. In its maiden editorial, it pointed out that it would be ?independent of government and all social, political, religious, or economic groups or any individual? (The Monitor, 1992). In 2005, it became Daily Monitor, a daily newspaper. The newspaper has since aimed to publish balanced information independent of government or shareholder ideological influence (Daily Monitor, 2011). It claims to guarantee ?the independence of its editors and journalists, free from the influence of Government, shareholders or any political allegiance? (Daily Monitor, 2011). Entatsi started in May 1998 by four individuals in Mbarara, a town located in the south-western region. According to one of the founders, its founding was prompted by lack of a local language newspaper to provide alternative opinion besides the already existing government newspaper, Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 4 Orumuri (personal communication). In 2005, it was sold to Red Pepper Limited, a local private media. The newspaper is considered a tabloid whose ?content is a blend of cultural, entertainment, sports, big pictures and the low-end market-oriented stories? and its news reporting is guided by ?Shock, Sex and Scandal? (Red Pepper, 2011). 1.3 STUDY RATIONALE Newspaper genres, which this study investigates, have been extensively studied (White, 1997; Ljung, 2000; Ungerer, 2000; Vestergaard, 2000a; Chaivetta, 2006; Lihua, 2009; Hsieh, 2008; Knox and Patpong, 2008; Thomson and White, 2008; Thomson, et al., 2008). Similarly, most of the media studies relating to war, violence and other forms of conflict (Wright, 1998; Carter and Weaver, 2003; Thussu and Freedma, 2003; Boyle, 2005) have been largely approached from the sociological and political perspectives rather than a discourse-linguistic approach. Studies that have treated the linguistic aspects have been confined to the Anglo-American print media, analysing hard news stories and issues of objectivity (White, 1997; Bednarek, 2006; Thomson, et al., 2008), or characteristics of contemporary news report (White, 1998). Studies outside the Anglo-American context have focused on Europe (Vestergaard, 2000a; Ljung, 2000; Ungerer, 2000; Caffarel and Rechniewski, 2008; Hoglund, 2008). Recent studies on communicating conflict in the print media (Chen, 2004; Kitley, 2008; Knox and Patpong, 2008; Sano, 2008) have been confined to news stories, reports and editorials in a few languages in the world such as Chinese, Japanese, Indonesian, Vietnamese and Spanish. Thomson and White (2008) and Thomson et al., (2008) observe that literature on newspaper genres, styles and structures is frequently confined to the Anglo-American modes, yet newspapers have proliferated the world over not only in English but also in many local languages and cultures. Therefore, linguistic research in newspaper genres in African languages and Runyankore-Rukiga in particular, responds to this call in order to study news reporting unfolding in other languages and cultures (Thomson et al., 2008, p. 227). 1.4 PROBLEM STATEMENT Although considerable investigation in news reporting has been carried out in the Anglo-American, European, and Asian languages and cultures (White, 1998; Bednarek, 2006; Thomson et al., 2008), very little is known about newspaper reporting discourses in African cultures and languages. Similarly, less work on evaluative language in journalistic discourse has been carried out in sub- Saharan Africa. This study, therefore, interrogates how journalists from government and private newspapers employ the language of evaluation to communicate issues of conflict. It analyses the Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 5 nature of linguistic devices journalists invoke in English and Runyankore-Rukiga construed to elicit positive or negative attitudinal values. The study adopts multi-perspective framework involving a comparative and cross-linguistic approach to the analysis of hard news and editorial genres. It explores the genre-theoretic properties that inform the construction of hard news and commentary genres dealing with conflict in English and Runyankore-Rukiga across government and independent media. It also compares and contrasts the appraisal theoretical principles invoked by journalists to communicate issues of conflict in English and Runyankore-Rukiga. 1.5 GOALS In order to comprehend the discourse of conflict manifested in hard news and commentary articles in the Ugandan context, this thesis? leading goal is to describe the generic structure (textual organization and style) of hard news reports and editorial pieces; and analyse and explain the genre theoretic principles and properties that inform the discursive practices of such genres. The study endeavours to define the features that characterize hard news and commentary genres related to conflict in Runyankore-Rukiga and compare them with those of the English-language news genres. Secondly, the study analyses and explicates the nature of appraisal theoretic principles which underpin positive and negative assessments that journalists invoke to communicate conflict explicitly or implicitly in English and Runyankore-Rukiga across government and independent newspapers. The study also explores strategies that journalists use to establish attitudinal positioning aimed to engage the reader with the news event being communicated. It examines the techniques that authors employ to position themselves to align or disalign with the issue in a manner that seeks to enlist the reader to do likewise. 1.6 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Given the multiple facets that characterize news genres in regard to their discourse-linguistic nature, I advance a multi-perspective theoretical framework for the study. The thesis is, therefore, informed by a multi-linguistic approach comprising the two major theories of Appraisal (Martin and White, 2005) and Genre (Swales, 1990; Bhatia, 1993, 2004, 2008b; Eggins, 1997; Gillaerts and Shaw, 2006; Martin and Rose, 2008; van Leeuwen, 2008). Genre theory demonstrates how language works in specific institutionalized or professional settings and goes beyond language description to include the institutional context and culture within which a genre is practiced. The theory is employed to identify, analyse, and describe the properties that Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 6 characterize hard news and editorial genres related to conflict in English and Runyankore-Rukiga newspapers. Since genre is defined as a communicative event or text designed to achieve specific communicative goals in a conventionalized setting (Bhatia, 2004; van Leuween, 2008), the focus on hard news and editorial genres whose specific communicative purpose is associated with issues of conflict within the media profession is significant. The rationale for genre analysis is equally embedded in the dynamic nature of genres development (Ungererer, 2000; Bhatia, 2004; Martin and Rose, 2008) to acquire distinct features different from the conventional ones (the British, American and Australian prototypes) in another context. In this regard, the study argues that the need to establish generic properties of hard news and commentary in the context of a country like Uganda whose values and norms relating to war, corruption, land conflicts and power relations deviate from those of the Western world is vital. The study explores arguments that, despite their unique overlaps that identify them as such, genres often display subtle traces of modifications, generic bending as they cross languages and disciplines (Fairclough, 2003; Bhatia, 2004, 2008). The study also invokes the Appraisal theory (Martin and White 2005; Martin and Rose, 2008; Bednarek, 2006, 2008) which developed from Systemic Functional Linguistics (see Halliday, 2004/1994), and, specifically, theoretical work on the language of evaluation (Huntson and Thomson, 2000; White, 1998, 2006; Bednarek, 2006). The appraisal-theoretic framework explicates how speakers/writers exploit appraisal semantic domains to agree or disagree, approve or condemn on the basis of ?socially determined value positions? (White, 2002, p.1) and how they invoke linguistic resources to enlist a similar response from their listeners/readers. The theory is founded on the three major categories: attitude, engagement and graduation. Attitude deals with linguistic resources associated with feelings/emotional responses such as happiness, sadness, fear, etc. Engagement is concerned with the speaker?s/writer?s stance in respect of the propositions in the discourse through the use of modals, attribution or hedging; and graduation relates to resources that scale other meanings through blurring or amplifying. The theory therefore offers appropriate linguistic principles and mechanisms in terms of language of evaluation and discourse of appraisal suitable for this study. Focusing on the domain of attitude, the study invokes the sub-types of affect, judgement and appreciation to examine hard news and commentary (opinion pieces) concerned with conflict. The appraisal device of affect forms the basis for analysing texts of aberrant damage in which devices used to elicit emotional responses are significant. Judgement serves to describe resources writers inscribe and evoke while evaluating human behavior while appreciation serves to appreciate Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 7 writers? assessment of texts such as the procurement processes, government policies, and procedures. The study also examines questions of how writers adopt particular stances on value positions inherent in the texts and how they align/disalign their positionings with the reader. 1.7 RESEARCH QUESTIONS This study explored the following questions: 1. What defines the generic structure and properties of hard news and editorials dealing with conflict in Uganda? 2. What are the comparative generic structural features that exist between Runyankore-Rukiga and English hard news and editorial genres? 3. What is the nature of the appraisal-theoretic devices employed by hard news reporters and editorial writers to convey emotions on conflict in English and Runyankore-Rukiga by both government and independent newspapers? 4. What is the nature of inscribed judgement values invoked in Ugandan hard news and editorial genres by reporters and writers from newspapers with different political party orientations? 5. What is the nature and properties of appraisal-theoretic resources invoked by reporters and writers to communicate implicit judgement in Runyankore-Rukiga and English in both government and independent newspapers? 6. What is the nature of appraisal-theoretic devices that reporters and writers invoke to assess and appreciate the processes and products of human behavior associated with conflict in English and Runyankore-Rukiga across government and independent newspapers? 7. Which appraisal devices do hard news reporters and editorial writers in government and independent newspapers employ to signal their stance towards conflict issues in English and Runyankore-Rukiga , i.e., how do they agree or disagree with the value positions in the texts? 1.8 RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS The study employs the multi-dimensional and multi-perspective approaches to discourse analysis to examine news stories and editorials that communicate issues of conflict. However, the overarching approach comprises the genre-analytic and appraisal-theoretic principles. The two theories complement each other. Genre theory largely interrogates the rhetorical discourse structure and cognitive organization of texts while Appraisal theory is concerned with the discourse Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 8 semantic resources and provides techniques for attitudinal assessment and stance in different texts (White, 2002). These qualitative discourse-analytical approaches are used to examine a diachronic corpus of texts drawn from four selected newspapers. The purpose is to identify and describe in a comparative manner the features that characterize the structure of hard news reports and editorials in the print news media (Bhatia, 2004). The comparison involves a cross-linguistic approach of English and Runyankore-Rukiga and the government and independent newspapers. To achieve this, news articles reporting or commenting the same event across the media outlets and linguistic divide are selected. The study seeks to establish the variations and similarities across the ideological and linguistic divide of these newspaper stories and opinions (see also Richardson 2007, p. 106-107). 1.8.1 Genre Analysis A genre analysis describes the linguistic activities that language users employ to talk [write] about events in their social life. I will quote extensively Eggins and Slade (1997, p. 264) for purposes of understanding the need for this approach. Genre ? provides semantic and grammatical explanations for classifying and grouping texts with similar social purposes into text types, but it also gives us analytical tools for the explanation and description of why and how texts are structured in different ways according to the different social goals they are achieving. It provides us with the basis for critical evaluation of the meanings we make in conversation [writing], and their role in constructing systems of values, social reality and the social identities. Bhatia and Gotti (2006) observe that genre analysis is one of the most grounded frameworks for studying academic, professional, institutional and workplace genres. It offers grounded description of situated language use in conventionalised institutional and workplace contexts since genres reflect the practices and cultures of the disciplines and organisations within which they are practised (Bhatia, 2004). One of the ways that has been used to identify the structures of genres has been the examination of lexico-grammatical and discursive patterns of specific genres (Hyland, 2002). Also known as generic integrity (Bhatia, 2004), this exploration provides meaningful and better comprehension on how genres are produced and used (Hyland, 2002). However, Bhatia (2004) argues that the danger with this is that the analysis emphasises one aspect at the expense of examining the writer?s complex purposes and private intentions. In fact, Bhatia suggests genre analysis should go beyond mere textual analyses to include intertextuality and interdiscursivity, and advocates ?critical genre analysis? (Bhatia, 1993; 2008). Freedman and Medway (1994), Hyland (2002), Bazerman (2004a), and (Muntigl & Gruber, 2005) have also argued for integration of non-textual aspects in genre analysis. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 9 I acknowledge that genre research has adopted the triangulation methodology (Beaufort, 1997; Flowerdew and Wan, 2010; Bhatia, 2004; see also the American tradition Section 2.4.2), moving away from the text itself to the locale of its creation, the contexts where it is used, interacting with the expert members. This study, however, could not venture into ethnographic approaches because of time limitations related to field work activities. Secondly, a study of texts which have already been constructed over a period of time would not permit an ethnographic approach. However, comprehensive genre information can still be achieved through a multi-perspective and multi- dimensional approach to genre analysis advocated by ESP proponents (see Bhatia, 2004; 2008) by studying closely documents and discursive processes that inform the construction of newspaper genres, especially hard news genres related to conflict. Therefore, I examined other texts and had informal interactions with editors and news writers which provided contextual and insightful information on the nature of properties that define these genres. A detailed review of theoretical principles that underpins this method is dealt with in Chapter Two. 1.8.2 Appraisal framework The appraisal-theoretic framework provides detailed resources to analyse evaluative language and attitudinal propositions (Martin and White, 2005) in various fields and it has been considerably applied to media discourse with success. The appraisal-theoretic principles, in particular, offer an understanding of the lexical markers and semantic functions within the discourse of conflict. Since the study is multi-dimensional in that it explores questions about the communicative and rhetorical nature of discourse on conflict, I choose the appraisal framework that cuts across disciplines and which has been used before to analyse similar texts (White, 1997; White, 2000; Van and Thomson, 2008; Knox and Patpong, 2008; Hoglund, 2008; Thomson et al., 2008; Hood, 2004; Gales, 2010; Hommerberg, 2011; Vo, 2011). A more detailed description and review of appraisal-theoretic principles is explored in Chapter Three. 1.8.3 Delimiting the corpus Research on media texts requires describing the nature of language to be investigated as well as data collection techniques (Bell, 1991). Bell further explains that the researcher needs to clarify and delineate the data and limit it to a manageable but representative sample. The collection of data should be consistent and specific (for example, news broadcast/radio news/news on climate, indicating time period ? over six months/two years/a week, and the medium ? press/radio/television). However, since media language has the benefit of being easily accessible, there is often a tendency of gathering vaster amounts of data than is required (Bell, 1991). News reports are usually on varied topics (accidents, crime, disaster, court cases, politics, finance, and Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 10 business, leisure, real estate, travel, sports, fashion, food, music, etc.), so there is need to specify which areas one wishes to focus on (sub-section 1.8.3.1) rather than getting lost in a maze of different topics (Bhatia, 1993; Bhatia, et al., 2008). The time scope, 2001-2010, from which the corpus for study is drawn, is significant because these are major socio-political events that define the themes of study (Bednarek, 2006), that is, warfare, political conflict, corruption, and land conflict. The period has witnessed escalation of the war in northern Uganda, three major elections, corruption scandals, and an increase in cases of land conflict (Stremlau and Price, 2009; Nogara, 2009; Rugadya, 2009). It is also within this period that many media houses have been established and freedom of expression enhanced. Given the above considerations, it is therefore crucial to draw very sensitive and judicious criteria that delineate news articles for the study. The selection criteria are intended to ensure a sufficient, reliable, balanced and representative sample for classification and ultimate analysis. 1.8.3.1 Criteria for corpus selection The study is constituted by a corpus purposively selected from two newspaper genres, hard news stories and editorials. The choice for hard news is embedded partly in their being the core of the news product and their distinctiveness as news style (Bell, 1991) and partly in their nature of carrying the major themes the study seeks to examine. The study corpus is selected from news reports and editorials published between 2001 and 20102 with preference on news texts that cover the news event in order to examine the language of evaluation differentiates them (Bednarek, 2010). In order to delimit further the corpus and obtain a representative sample, the selection is guided by four themes: warfare, political conflict, corruption, and land conflict (see also Bhatia, 2008, p. 164 on selecting corpus for study). Since the themes are wide, they are further sub-divided into facets which were equally segmented into sub-facets (Figures 1.1 - 1.4). The ultimate articles for analysis are obtained from the sub- facets. I wish to state that the sub-facets presented for analysis here are not necessarily the definitive categories for each of the four themes of conflict in Uganda but they serve to delineate the diverse stories that recount conflict. 2 Bazerman (2004, p. 325) advocates the diachronic sample extension and argues that this approach leads to the understanding of ?how the genres understandings change as a field and historical context change. These changes may be so great that the names of the genres change or very different things count as genre?. The diachronic approach will help reveal the variation in structure and linguistic resources over time and explanations for any changes arising during this period. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 11 Figure 1.1: The sub-facets of Warfare Figure 1.2: The sub-facets of Political Conflict Figure 1.3: The sub-facets of Corruption W ar fa re Killings Killing of soldiers Killing of civilians Other Atrocities Destruction of property Abductions Po lit ic al C o n fl ic t Elections Electioneering Election violence Power Struggle Govt. vs. Buganda Kingdom Govt. vs. Opposition C o rr u p ti o n Embezzlement of Public Funds GAVI funds UPE funds Bribery Civil servants Police Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 12 Figure 1.4: the sub-facets of Land Conflict The study also sets other delineations to restrict the corpus. ? The study selects stories from the national and/or regional news sections reported by local (Ugandan) journalists/writers, it does not include reports emanating from wire agencies (Reuters, BBC, CNN, AP, etc.). ? Since genre variations are likely to occur with variations in content type (Le, 2009), content homogeneity of the corpus is paramount in the selection of news articles. Therefore, preference is accorded to stories and opinions reporting or commenting similar events across all the newspapers or at least carried by two newspapers. ? The news stories are largely selected from the front and national/regional news pages. This is to avoid choice of a genre that does not fall in the ?hard news? category. For example, a news item on corruption could appear both as a hard news but also as a business news item discussing adverse effects it has on a business community or investment (Freedman, 1994). The editorials are extracted from the editorial section. ? The news value of recency further delimits the articles, that is, articles that have been published ?since the previous edition? (Bell, 1991; Ungerer, 2000). However, the nature of the study deals with themes that attract uninterrupted coverage (continuity), necessitating gathering follow-up articles whose news content had a fresh angle. For example, reports on warfare, GAVI, UPE funds and Buganda land disputes are not only carried by most media houses but remained there for a long time because of the personalities involved and significance of the issues. Given the nature of news reporting which is largely dictated upon by news values (Galtung and Ruge, 1965; Bell, 1991; Ungerer, 2000), stories on the four themes do not continually occur across the ten-year time span. For example, whereas there was a deluge of hard news stories and editorials on elections during the presidential and parliamentary elections (2001-2002, 2005-2006, and 2009- La n d C o n fl ic t Property Rights Evictions Violent clashes Public vs. Private land Land grabbing Buganda land Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 13 2010), news reports on war were in saturation mainly between 2001 and 2005 presumably when the LRA rebel activities were at peak level. News reports on land conflict are scattered but tend to appear mostly between 2001 and 2004 and 2007 and 2009; periods which are characterised by clashes between immigrants and natives of one given locality and eviction of pastoralist communities. Therefore, the selection puts into account these periods to cater for the time scope of the study. For example, for comparative purposes, the news reports and editorials are selected from the same or adjacent year/period of publication. 1.8.4 Procedure Corpus generation entailed a systematic survey involving electronic and careful manual search3 of bound volumes of the four newspapers to obtain a representative sample of texts that bear similar textual arrangement and lexico-grammatical items from the news stories and editorials on conflict. The manual search was also intended to weed out news reports and editorials, especially in Runyankore-Rukiga newspapers whose content is at variance with the headline. For example, the following headlines appear to indicate that the story recounts political violence yet they are about election results: Tigefeera ahenzire Nuliat omugongo, Kakembo yaahonda Rutahigwa [Tigefeera broke Nuliat?s back, Kakembo hit/beat Rutahigwa] (Entatsi, November 9-15, 2005). The items obtained were photocopied and keyed verbatim to maintain originality. These were proofread, and each typescript was marked as ?Text? according to the theme and sub-facet number. For example, ?Text 1.3.2hn? refers to a story belonging to the first theme (warfare) and the third sub-facet (destruction of property), and it appears as the second story in the order of listing (see the List of analysed articles, p. xv). The letters ?hn? denote ?hard news? (hn) reports while ?ed? designate ?editorial? (ed) texts. The Runyankore-Rukiga news reports and editorials were translated into English. Both texts appear together (by segments) in the findings chapters (see also Thomson et al (2008) and Vo (2011)). In translating, efforts were made to provide a literal rendering of the Runyankore-Rukiga articles which reflects the lexico-grammatical properties and highlight those features that denote attitudinal values in the original version. However, the focus of analysis is on the Runyankore-Rukiga originals rather than the translated texts. Hence, the reading of these stories and editorials may reflect grammatical, orthographical, style and coherence errors because of inadequacy of the editing, emanating from the original versions. Where the original text exhibits errors relating to 3 Occasionally, the electronic copies do not entail certain phrases, which are significant for appraisal and generic analyses such as the secondary (sub) headlines. So the electronic copies are verified against the hard copies to eliminate these lacunae. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 14 tense, style, and coherence, these are approximated in square brackets to render the target text comprehensible. The final study corpus comprises 53 news reports and 27 editorials thus giving a total of 60 texts for genre and appraisal close analyses (Table 1.1 below and List of Analysed News Texts, p. xv). For each sub-facet, one news report is selected from the four newspapers. The same principle is applied to the selection of editorial articles. Excerpts of these stories and reports are incorporated in the main text for illustrative purposes. Examples to further illustrate the nature of linguistic devices Ugandan news writers employ to communicate issues of conflict are drawn from the remaining corpus and are attributed appropriately. Table 1.1: Statistical list of the selected news and editorial texts Daily Monitor New Vision Entatsi Orumuri Genre type News reports Editorials News reports Editorials News reports Editorials News reports Editorials Warfare 4 1 4 1 - 1 2 1 Political conflict 4 1 3 2 3 3 3 1 Corruption 4 3 4 2 4 3 3 1 Land conflict 4 2 4 3 4 - 3 2 Total 16 7 15 8 11 7 11 5 Bazerman (2004) proposes examining a larger sample that would reveal text variations of a genre considered to be within the same field or across fields to merit being called a different genre. However, other studies have examined a lesser number of texts; for example, White (1998) analysed 22 texts while Vo (2011) examined 50 news texts. The sample size for this study therefore is satisfactory to establish the nature of textual properties and linguistic resources employed by news writers in Uganda. The study also considers secondary sources of information such as documentation on Kony war, land disputes, corruption which avail background information to nature of conflict under study and inform the construction of news reports and editorial texts. These are further supplemented by informal personal interactions with editors, news reporters, and native speakers of Runyankore- Rukiga that provide interpretation of cultural and linguistic background of some of the lexico- grammatical items prevalent in the analysed texts. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 15 1.8.5 Corpus analysis Invoking Bhatia?s multi-perspective approach (1993, 2004, p. 160-168) and the staging/satellite technique (White, 1998; Martin and Rose, 2008), the study identifies the various components that constitute the construction and use of a hard news story and an editorial on conflict in English and Runyankore-Rukiga. The multi-perspective approach combines different frameworks of discourse, that is, textual features (especially/focusing on lexico-grammar, semantics and sentence organisation), generic structure, the professional culture as well as the social context within which the genre is practised. Each text is analysed for genre features and appraisal linguistic resources using the analytical key for the rhetorical moves and appraisal conventions provided in on page xviii. The sub-categories of appraisal are explicated within the appraisal resources analysis after the text. Following Eggins and Slade (1997) and Bhatia (1993, 2004), the study identifies the generic properties and move structure for each text before examining the semantic and lexico-grammatical features. The genre and appraisal analyses are reflected by the textual mark-ups. An interpretation and explanatory notes for each text are provided thereafter including comparative illustrations. For each sub-theme, two news reports and editorials from both government and independent newspapers recounting the same event are analysed. Additional examples are drawn from other texts within the same news corpus to enhance, particularly for appraisal analysis, lexico-grammatical illustrations. As indicated earlier, the appraisal analysis makes use of Martin and White?s (2005) appraisal domains and their respective sub-categories as well as Bednarek?s (2006, 2008) evaluative parameters. Since the present Runyankore-Rukiga lexicographic texts are not adequate in meaning descriptions, I engaged native speakers to establish the evaluative nature of lexis that is non-existent in the texts. The study acknowledges the crucial role that multimodality (topographical features such as visuals, layout, font, etc.) plays in text studies, especially media texts (Bhatia et al, 2008); however, this was outside the scope of this study. The study also recognises the existence and significance of automated discourse analysis tools; however, these have their own limitations. For example, data obtained through ethnographic understanding cannot be carried out by electronic analyses (Lee, 2008). Likewise Runyankore- Rukiga semantic resources cannot be recognised by the current and available software analytical programmes. Bednarek (2006) posits that evaluation cannot be adequately carried out by use of electronic devices/programmes because the lexical grammar with which evaluation is achieved is wide and infinite. She further observes that corpora comprise samples rather than full texts (which exclude context and co-text) and do not make a distinction between the various categories of news Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 16 (hard news, sports, features, etc). It should also be noted that invoked evaluation/tokens of judgement may not be detected by these tools. Needless to say that writers of news reports and editorial texts use certain linguistic instances of ?Ugandan English? (?) whose lexico-grammatical elements may be illegible to the automated discourse tools. All these, require close reading from a human analyst. 1.8.6 Limitations of the methods ? Whereas it was possible to obtain more news reports from the daily newspapers because of the competition value (Bell, 1991), editorial policies and the selection criteria, a uniform figure could not be obtained for all the four themes in the weekly newspapers. For example, the weeklies had no article reporting on Buganda land and most of the editorials did not conform to the selection criteria. Since editorial articles are limited (usually one in each issue), the number of topics they address are equally limited leaving out some of issues that this study addresses. It should also be noted that the Runyankore-Rukiga newspapers did not carry editorials in some of their issues especially those published between 2006 and 2010. For example, Redpepper publication stopped publishing editorials in Entatsi newspaper in 2006. ? The selection of Runyankore-Rukiga news reports was more cumbersome since these newspapers are published weekly and cannot therefore attract the same number of stories compared to the English dailies. Since both Entatsi and Orumuri serve readers of the same locality, their scope in terms of news values is majorly limited to the value of meaningfulness in which ?cultural proximity (reporting on people who are similar to the target audience (readers)) takes precedence. For example, there are hardly any articles on war (since this took place in northern Uganda which is far away from the readers who are located in the south-western region of the country). Whenever they appear, they summarise the event and exemplify limited moves; others are relegated to the news briefs section. Similarly, the news reports on electoral violence are limited to a given space whose readership interests of political events differ from those of the mainstream English daily newspapers. This explains the lower levels of similarity in (or lack of) stories drawn from Entatsi and Orumuri; however efforts have been made to select reports and editorials reporting events of a similar nature, i.e., from the same theme of the study. ? The distinction between news reports on abduction and fighting is blurred because news reports whose headlines indicate ?abduction? cover content on killing soldiers or civilians as well. Secondly, it may not have been possible to obtain a news report on abduction entirely Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 17 because such a news report would be inextricably linked to the killing of civilians or even the destruction of property. 1.8.7 Ethical considerations ? issues of copyright Although newspaper stories and commentaries are in the public domain, copyright issues had to be observed. Permission to use the newspaper?s reports and editorials was sought from each of the three media outlets (Daily Monitor, The New Vision, and Redpepper). I attach, in the appendices, letters of consent from the media outlets studied in conformity with international copyright laws. The texts are also correctly attributed in accordance with the relevant scholarly style of acknowledgement. 1.9 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY This study constitutes the first linguistic approach to the lexical and grammatical nature and properties of evaluative language in Runyankore-Rukiga, one of only a few African languages examined within this framework. It therefore contributes to the understanding of the kind of evaluative language that the print media in Uganda invokes to communicate issues of conflict. The study also contributes to further development and application of the appraisal-theoretical framework using an agglutinating Bantu language. Through a comparative investigation, the thesis establishes the linguistic similarities and differences that exist between English-language and Runyankore-Rukiga news and editorial genres. It also demonstrates the ideologies, conceptions, and shared attitudinal values related to issues of conflict in Ugandan society and how they are constructed, unravelled, and interpreted in the print media. The study provides an insight into hard news writing and reporting in Uganda vis-?-vis the contemporary hard news reporting practice obtaining in the Anglo-American world. 1.10 THESIS LAYOUT The present study is organised as follows: Chapter One provides the background and rationale to the study. It highlights the problem under investigation, research questions and the methods of the study employs to explore hard news reporting in Uganda. Chapters Two and Three review the theoretical and empirical approaches to genre and appraisal- theoretical framework. The two theories avail discourse analytical tools which are used to examine the news reports and editorials. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 18 Chapter Four explores the generic properties and appraisal resources invoked in hard news reports and editorials on warfare in Uganda, focusing on the war in northern Uganda while chapter Five examines the generic properties and the nature of appraisal resources of news reportage and opinion on elections and power struggle. Chapter Six addresses to news reportage and opinion relating to normative breach. It examines hard news stories and editorials on embezzlement of public funds and bribery. Chapter Seven explores hard news reports and editorials on aberrant damage, particularly the news recounts and editorials on land conflict in Uganda. Chapter Eight presents a summary of the main findings and contributions of the study to the appraisal theoretical framework and journalistic discourse. It also suggests areas for further research. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 19 CHAPTER TWO GENRE: THEORETICAL FOUNDATIONS AND EMPIRICAL REFLECTIONS 2.1 INTRODUCTION This chapter reviews genre theory and the applied developments in genre analysis within the contemporary literature. The preference for genre study lies in its potential to provide adequate description of texts and language use. It equally enables a discourse analyst to understand the discursive processes of the genre under study (Bhatia, 1993). Genre theory allows one to appreciate the construction of newspaper texts, configurations and attributes. Needless to say that genre analysis enhances appraisal analysis (see Chapter Three) by exploring the textual structures within which evaluative meanings particularly of news reportage are anchored and the probable rhetorical strategies that impact appraisal resources. Even recent discourse analytical studies on media discourse (Thomson et al, 2008) have combined genre analysis with appraisal-theoretical approaches. The chapter begins by examining various conceptions of genre in order to appreciate how different scholars perceive this concept. It then explores the rationale that underpins genre research and ultimately the study of Ugandan newspaper genres. The chapter also reviews the three traditions of genre that inform contemporary genre studies. It then examines some of the generic properties and the contexts within which genres are realised. Finally, the chapter reviews genre analysis by focusing on the generic move structures and the rhetorical strategies of narrative and argumentative genres from which instruments for the analysis of news reports and editorials derive. 2.2 THE CONCEPT OF GENRE The concept of ?genre? is construed in varied ways on the basis of disciplinary orientations. This trait makes it elusive, cumbersome and challenging to define and conceptualise (Swales, 1990); Kress, 1993; Johns et al., 2006). Besides the ancient rhetorical conception of genre (Gillaerts and Shaw, 2006), the notion of ?genre? has traditionally been associated with literary studies in which literary genres (sonnet, epic, epitaph, tales, legends, novels, and proverbs) are identified in terms of structure, subject matter, language use, and how they are produced (Corbett, 2006; Kress, 1993; Freedman and Medway, 1994). Although non-literary genres are much more concerned with organisation and textual features (Freedman and Medway, 1994), some of the literary genre attributes of form and content have Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 20 persisted in genre as a discourse/linguistic term. The term ?genre? therefore has, over a period of time, traversed other disciplines, gaining deep ground in linguistics, discourse analysis, academic and professional English, as well as first language and second language learning and teaching. Some scholars have defined genre in terms of the similarity of its features or discursive practices. Longacre (1976) posited that there exist different types of discourse and their distinctions and similarities4 can be noticeably observed. These include tales, novels, newspaper reports, written essays, homilies, recipes, political speeches among others. Gill and Whedbee (1997, p.163) define genre as ?a group of texts that share specific discursive features? while Ljung (2000, p. 132) describes it as ?groupings of texts which display some kind of similarity ? linguistic, functional ??, such as leading articles, sports writing, obituaries, feature articles, or reviews (see also Devitt, 2004). Others base their definitions on the distinctive features that distinguish one genre from other genre texts (Lee, 2001; Trask, 2007). Texts belonging to similar text types5 can be realised as different genres, e.g., recipes and operating instructions. Although novel and news articles belong to the narrative type they are different genres (Vestergaard, 2000). Genre texts are also recognised on the basis of their ?characteristic features of style or form ? specifiable through stylistic and text- linguistic/discourse analysis, and/or by the particular functions of texts belonging to the genre? (Malmkjear, 1991, p. 176). The above conceptions notwithstanding, genre comprehension is essentially rooted in the diverse traditions of its study (Section 2.4). First, genre has been defined from the perspective of language use in disciplinary or professional settings (English for Academic Purposes and professional training) foregrounding the notions of conventionalised setting and communicative goals (Swales, 1990; Bhatia, 1993, 2004; van Leeweun, 2008). For example, Bhatia (2005, p. 23) defines it as language use in a conventionalised communicative setting in order to give expression to a specific set of communicative goals of a disciplinary or social institution, which give rise to stable structural forms by imposing constrain[t]s on the use of lexico-grammatical as well as discoursal resources. Martin and Rose (2003, pp.7-8) and Martin (2009) conceive of genre as a staged, goal-oriented social process [emphasis mine] social because we participate in genres with other people; goal-oriented because we use genres to get things done; staged because it usually takes us a few steps to reach our goals. The staging structure also indicates the stages or moves through which a genre writer goes (Eggins and Martin, 1997). Therefore, the analysis of genres examines the text as it unfolds in distinctive 4 Longacre (1976) showed how, for example, food recipes resemble the how-to-do-it-yourself books; how a short story is shorter in length than a novel; and how first accounts and newspaper reports are characterised by factual material. 5 Genre and text type have been used concurrently by different scholars, however there has not been a collective agreement on whether the two terms share similar meanings or not (Biber, 1988; Vestergaard, 2000; Lee, 2001; Paltridge, 2002). Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 21 steps or phases (staged process) alongside the lexico-grammatical features associated with the moves (Hyland, 2002). This conception construes genre in terms of how people do things with language in certain contexts and how genre permeates peoples? ways of living (Devitt, 2004; Johns et al, 2006). Martin (2009) further locates genre in the cultural and social contexts where people use genre to describe the different ways in which they use language to accomplish things repeatedly, enacting more genres resulting from novel needs and abandoning those that are not useful. Relating to these views, Kress (1993) has argued that the concept of genre lends itself to the social theory of language where emphasis is laid on the text, which performs the social functions within various cultural communities. Whenever people meet on a regular basis to carry out certain activities, these activities become regularised and certain conventions are produced using language. Therefore, genre as a social process arises out of people meeting on a regular basis and using language. Miller (1994) defines genre as typification of rhetorical action. Rooted in the North American tradition (see 2.4.2 below), genre is interpreted as a primary social aspect which is embedded in the community and context of the author and audience (Freedman and Medway, 1994). In this tradition, genre is construed as a social action arising out of a recurring situation and is eventually reinforced as the situation continues to recur. This conception has been shared by other scholars such as Bazerman (2004), and Berkenkotter and Huckin (1995). Bell (1991, p. 12) defines genre as ?the particular kind of media content in which you [researcher/analyst] are interested?, for example, news, classified advertising, weather forecasts, etc. This study does not privilege one definition over the other(s); however, in the context of professional writing under which media discourse falls, genre will be understood as a way of doing things imposed by dictates of a discourse community (in this case, the journalistic community) that a writer/practitioner has recourse to in conveying messages, which is distinct from other modalities of communication. 2.3 RATIONALE FOR GENRE STUDY The primary justification for the study of genre relates to the inadequacy of the previous discourse approaches to address pedagogical needs, explain textual analysis, and categorise texts on the basis of their similarities and differences (Hopkins and Dudley-Evans, 1988). Swales (1990) has equally argued that traditional analysis of texts did not offer reasons to explain why ?genre texts? appear the way they do. Bhatia (1993, p. 5-10) contends that the rise of genre analysis is a result of previous approaches (register analysis, grammatical-rhetorical analysis, and interactional analysis) not providing adequate information for deep structure analysis or explaining ?why a particular variety Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 22 takes on the form it does??. Bhatia argues that genre analysis (applied genre analysis6) combines the socio-cultural, institutional and organisational explanations for English for Specific Purposes (ESP) and applied linguistics in general. This is ?a thicker description? of both lexico-grammatical properties and organisational features which borrows from several disciplines in order to arrive at a deeper and more insightful analytical description of texts and explanation of language use in professional and academic genres. Secondly, genre study has been crucial for many scholars, researchers and professionals. Trosborg?s (2000) conviction in genre study stems from genres taken as a medium through which scholars and scientists communicate with each other; therefore for one to be able to participate or understand the scholarly and scientific discourse, they need to be acquainted with the underlying functions and features of the genres involved. In an earlier study, Berkenkotter and Huckin (1995) argued that for writers to make things happen, that is, to publish, to exert influence on the field or to be cited, they must possess genre knowledge and know how to strategically utilise their understanding of genre. Johns et al (2006) and Trask (2007) also contend that the sound knowledge of a given genre is usually a prerequisite for participation in certain professions (law, academics, scientific writing, or journalism). The other significance of genre study lies in the ideological principle of genre theory. Hyland (2002) argues that texts comprise values and beliefs of discourse communities, and that there exist more powerful and influential genres. Therefore, those who have access to the powerful and dominant genres can influence and control values than those who do not. This concept underpins the genre literacy pedagogy which advocates empowering learners with knowledge that will enable them access ?genres and cultures of power? (Martin, 1993, p. 8) and fully participate in ?all aspects of social life? (Kress, 1993, p. 29; Feez, 2002; Adam and Artemeva, 2002). The proponents of this reason believe that genre theory enables people to accomplish something using a language, for example, succeeding in education, community and employment. However, Hyland (2002) counters that the mere provision of access to powerful and dominant genres does not necessarily lead to elimination of social or economic disproportions; however, failure to provide them propagates further the disparities. In the same vein, Hyon (2002) contends that genre knowledge can improve the reading of genres because it avails the content, context and purpose of writing as well as the role of the writer, and that it enhances the reading abilities especially of an L2 learner. She, in particular, argues that the explicit teaching of English especially English as a Second Language ?facilitates L2 reading? and ?reading speed? (Hyon, 2002, p. 137). 6 This nomenclature has been changing and has now shifted to ?critical genre analysis? (Bhatia, 2004, 2008). Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 23 The fourth motivation of genre study aims to assist a writer accomplish writing tasks in a conventional manner once s/he has understood how genres work (Bazerman, 2004). Bazerman (2004, p. 311) observes: Understanding the acts and facts created by texts can also help you understand when seemingly well- written texts go wrong, when those texts don?t do what they need to do. Such an understanding can also help you diagnose and redesign communicative activity systems to determine whether a particular set of documents used at certain moments is redundant or misleading, whether new documents need to be added, or whether some details of a genre might be modified. It can also help you decide when you need to write innovatively to accomplish something new or different. As Bhatia (2004, p. 10) aptly notes, genre analysis is significant because it allows one to ?understand how members of specific discourse communities construct, interpret and use genres in order to accomplish a communicative purpose and why they write them the way they do?. By the same token, genre knowledge enables one to comprehend the ?the social and cultural contexts in which genres are located? and understanding how such factors relate to the ?language choices? users make (Paltridge, 2002). Given the above grounds, it is clear that the justification for advancement of genre theory and knowledge does not only lie in describing and analysing texts but is also a tool to accomplish professional tasks. 2.4 GENRE TRADITIONS Researchers, pedagogues, scholars and theorists have approached the study of genre from diverse and distinct perspectives in different parts of the world. As I have already observed, the conception of genre varies from one research paradigm to another. In order to grasp further this diverse and fuzzy concept, let?s briefly recount the three traditions that inform the contemporary genre patterns. Hyon (1996) examined the three traditions: the English for Specific Purposes tradition, the North American New Rhetoric studies, and the Australian tradition, which is anchored in systemic functional linguistics. It should be noted that the Australian tradition and the American tradition developed independently of each other with different scholarly orientations (Freedman, 1994). Although Muntigl and Gruber (2005) recognise the German research tradition, they, however, observe that this tradition is inconsistent in the use of the concept ?genre? (vacillating from genre as a literary concept to text type) and exemplifies theoretical variability; this therefore renders it rather problematic to provide its theoretical developments here. 2.4.1 The Australian research Tradition Also known as the Sydney School, this approach stems from Halliday?s systemic functional linguistics (SFL) theory and has had significant influence on literacy programmes and the school Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 24 curriculum in Australia (Hyon, 1996). The approach?s main thesis is that various types of activities within different cultural contexts unfold in different linguistic configurations (Muntigl and Gruber, 2005). The tradition focuses primarily on elementary schools and adult literacy education especially for migrants (Hyon, 1996; Hyland, 2002; Adam and Artemeva, 2002; Flowerdew and Wan, 2010). Cope and Kalantzis (1993, p. 8) observe that the proponents of the tradition agree in principle to the power of genre-literacy pedagogy in enabling learners access powerful genres and values. They believe that such kind of literacy pedagogy aims to bring closer political and socio-economic resources to the learner (Kress, 1993; Hyland, 2003; Gillaerts and Shaw, 2006). In this regard, Kress (1993, p. 28-29) argues that ?if one assumes that access to social, economic and cultural benefits? accrues from high levels of literacy then innovative means by which these benefits can be accessed should be enhanced. The tradition therefore advocates explicit teaching of genres especially to the underprivileged students in order to equip them with linguistic skills for participating in school and the after-school life (Freedman, 1994; Macken-Horarik, 2002; Hyon, 2002; Gillaerts and Shaw, 2006). 2.4.2 New Rhetoricians (the North American Tradition) This tradition comes from the North American scholars and their focus has been on the discourse communities within which genres are enacted; they perceive genre as a social action (Fredman and Medway, 1994; Hyon, 1996). The tradition sought to recognise consistencies in discourses by paying attention to the social and cultural use of language, that is, what the genre is set to attain (social actions) rather than its textual and linguistic features (Bazerman, 1988; Hyon, 1996; Muntigl and Gruber, 2005). The new rhetoricians seek to analyse genre in terms of the social action it accomplishes in the society within which it is realised (Corbett, 2006). The tradition arose mainly from research on writing in schools and at places of work as well as academic writing. It involved expounding the socio-cultural, institutional and disciplinary issues in the course of generating texts (Freedman and Medway, 1994). This also explains the use of the ethnographic approach in analysing genres (Bazerman, 1988; Beaufort, 1997). Miller?s (1984) seminal work in which she accentuates social action has equally influenced the American tradition. But it has also been influenced by different perspectives, namely Rhetorical Turn, Social Construction, Rhetorical Version of Rationality in the field of argumentation, and the Speech Act Theory (Freedman and Medway, 1994). For example, the Rhetorical Turn which focused on the persuasive nature of a text, found its way in composition teaching in which students were exhorted to employ techniques of thinking about the ?audience, occasion and textual characteristics of good writing? (Freedman and Medway, 1994, p. 4). Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 25 The paradigm focuses on post-secondary and workplace contexts (Adam and Artemeva, 2002). Freedman and Medway (1994) point out how pertinent the approach is to teachers, especially in achieving the emancipatory role through the teaching of writing. However, unlike the Sydney school, the new rhetoricians question the explicit teaching of genres, arguing that accessing corridors of power is not achieved through the acquisition of powerful school genres (Freedman, 1994; Flowerdew, 2002). The New Rhetoric tradition emphasises the notion of intertextuality, that is, how texts relate to each other, and in relation to genre sets and genre systems (Bazerman, 2004; Flowerdew, 2010). 2.4.3 English for Specific Purposes (ESP) Tradition Propounded mostly by Swales (1990) and Bhatia (1993), the ESP approach emphasises communicative event and communicative purposes which characterise genre (Hyon, 1996). The ESP paradigm sought to analyse genres for purposes of teaching written and spoken English to L1 and non-native speakers, as well as developing training materials for university students and professionals (Hyland, 2002). For example, Hopkins and Dudely-Evans (1988), arguing from a pedagogical background, were concerned with a ?pedagogically motivated? approach that would provide a clear description of how texts are organised so that it would benefit both teachers and learners. They posited that a system of analysis that distinguishes one text from another and a description and taxonomy of genres and subgenres enhances understanding texts that students are required to produce and is equally useful to their teachers. The approach is pragmatic and addresses the specific needs on the basis of situational and discourse analyses. For example, the language teaching and testing may focus on the reading skill, writing skill or writing an academic research paper (Johns, 2002b). The acquisition of genre knowledge aims to provide learners with techniques that will enable them construct similar genres in their professional spheres (Shaw and Gillaerts, 2006)7. A significant similarity that cuts across the three traditions is their use moves and steps in the analysis of the generic structure (Swales, 1990; Bhatia, 1993; Flowerdew, 2002). Despite the diverse theoretical orientations and practices, these traditions have shared certain features and embraced multidimensional approaches to genre analysis and research (Bhatia, 2004; Freedman, 1994 Johns, 2002; Flowerdew, 2002; Johns, 2002b). 7 Studies have, however, indicated that there is a mismatch between what is taught in class and what actually happens at the workplace (Beaufort, 1997; Nordberg and Shaw, 2006). Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 26 This study takes cognizance of these research traditions in genre theory with divergent but at the same time convergent perspectives. However, it does not privilege one over the other. The study draws largely from the Australian tradition but also lends itself to substantial insights from the ESP tradition, especially the multi-perspective and multi-dimensional approach to genre analysis advocated by Bhatia (2004, 2008). The tradition also offers interesting values, which are pertinent to this study, such as the impact of society and context on the construction of genres, the influence of community constraints on textual conventions, and the institutional ideological effects on genre (Johns, 2002b, p. 12). 2.5 PROPERTIES OF GENRES Several scholars and genre analysts have expounded on features that define genres. It is important to note that genres have clearly recognisable features and structures and textual organisations that identify them as such. These features equally determine the distinctiveness of a genre. This section explores the underlying properties that define genres and those that delineate one genre from another as well as those that inform genre construction. 2.5.1 Communicative purpose Genres are primarily identified on the basis of their communicative purposes(s) or goal(s). The notion of communicative purpose(s) has largely been propounded by Swales (1990) and Bhatia (1993). In his definition of genre, Swales (1990, p. 58) explicates that ?a genre comprises a class of communicative events, the members of which share some set of communicative purposes?. The communicative event is set to accomplish a specific goal although this goal may be somewhat ambiguous in certain events. For example, news stories may be intended to provide recent information but could also aim to rectify unbecoming conduct. The communicative purpose is known to the discourse community members, constitutes ?the rationale for the genre? and defines the structural features of the genre because texts belonging to the same genre possess similar generic forms and readership. This notion was also recognised, earlier on, by Biber (1988), who argued that genres are recognised on the basis of the speaker?s [writer?s] purpose and topic, that is, function rather than ?form?. He gives an example of an academic article whose purpose is to communicate a conventional, academic presentation on a given topic. He further argues that the author may, however, choose to discourse in a style that may not necessarily conform to academic styles. Bhatia (1993) equally takes up the notion of communicative purpose in the identification and description of genre. Basing on Swales? (1990) definition of genre, he identifies genre on the basis Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 27 of ?the communicative purpose(s) that it is intended to fulfil? (Bhatia, 1993, p. 13). He contends that the shared communicative purpose defines and provides the structure of a genre and any major digression from or modification of this purpose would lead to another genre. Using the example of a newspaper report and an editorial, Bhatia elucidates that although these two belong to the same newspaper discourse, they belong to separate genres due to the variation in their communicative purposes, that is, reporting news events as they really happen and providing an argumentation respectively (see also Biber and Conrad, 2009). In his subsequent work, Bhatia (2004) posits that although news reports have a common communicative purpose, that is, reporting events, they display significant variations in terms of lexico-grammar and rhetorical aspects. He further explains that news reporters may display a different perspective or slant towards certain news events, the value of objectivity notwithstanding. News reports can also be hard news, soft news or features on different topics. This variation will dictate use of special lexis as well as different rhetorical structures (Bhatia, 2004). In another example of application and sales promotion letters, Bhatia (1993) further illustrates that although application letters are different from sales promotion letters, their communicative purpose is similar, i.e., to persuade and promote a product or service; a trait that renders them promotional genres with a similar move-structure. He also ascribes adverts, company brochures and leaflets to the same grouping of promotional genres. Bhatia also distinguishes a research article introduction as an independent genre from an abstract on grounds of their varying communicative purpose. He argues that an abstract is intended to provide a summary of the article?s contents in clear and candid terms. On the other hand, a research article introduction provides an introduction to a longer discourse (research article, a report, an essay) and its organisational structure depends on the discipline to which it belongs. Unlike the abstract, it does not provide a detailed account of the entire article. An introduction situates the current research within what has been done before in a specific study area and occasionally mentions methodological approach and research findings. Norlyk (2006, p. 45) opines that ?communicative purposes has assumed a taken-for-granted status in genre analysis and that the very concept of communicative purpose can be complex, multi- layered, and difficult to pinpoint?. Gillaerts and Shaw (2006) have also interrogated the notion of communicative purpose arguing that a genre is capable of achieving a number of functions at once. They provide an example of a patient leaflet which entails instructions on how the patient should use a given drug as well as safety issues in case of a legal proceeding. One may argue that that is a Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 28 clear case of genre mixing (Bhatia, 2004) in which private intentions are achieved, but nevertheless there is always a predominant communicative purpose. Although Vestergaard (2000) agrees that the differences in genre are established on the grounds of a text?s communicative purposes and register, she provides an example where the difference between a news report and comment lies between the journalist?s task of separating news events as they happen and giving an opinion. Nevertheless, media discourse scholars have varying views on the separation of objectivity from what is actually happening. Vestergaard explains that a news report is further distinguished from a comment on the basis of both linguistic and topographical features. It should be noted that expert genre writers purposely exploit linguistic strategies to attain specific effects without diverting from the conventions and changing the communicative purpose of the text (Bhatia, 1993, p. 19). In this respect, Bhatia contends that in newspaper reporting, reporters of broadsheets and tabloids can exploit linguistic strategies to achieve their private intentions. Apparently, what the literature does not seem to expressly address are issues of whether the communicative purpose is shared by the entire discourse community or some entities with the community to serve their private intentions. For example, does the entire discourse community of journalistic writing conform to the communicative purpose of a news report or is it only confined to a specific geographical and cultural setting? 2.5.2 Genre change Genres are relatively stable texts because they ensue from stable discourse communities whose discursive practices are stable; however, they never remain so (Myers, 2000). Once the communicative needs change, so do the genres (Ramanathan and Kaplan, 2000). Genres vary in various contexts: cultural, social, linguistic, etc. Therefore one may not with certainty talk of the uniformity of genres because the society within which genres are enacted is dynamic, responding to the needs of its inhabitants. Devitt (2004) equally argues that since genres are reflections of society?s beliefs, cultures or a group?s purposes and daily activities, which are subject to change, genres also respond to these changes. Tardy and Swales (2008) argue that textual structures of genres are only stable for a given period. The changes in society?s ideology, ?content knowledge, and discourse practices? equally affect genres related to these practices (Kamberelis, 1995 cited in Tardy and Swales, 2008, p. 568). Muntigl and Gruber (2005) concur that genres are dynamic because they are embedded in cultural practices and these are never stable. Trosborg (2000, pp ix-x) elucidates that genres change in response to the changing ?socio-cognitive needs of [the users of] genres? and that the evolving of Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 29 new genres arises out of ?social conflicts, social changes, invention of new technology, etc? (see also Berkenkotter and Huckin, 1995, p. 4-7). The notion of genre change can be also be traced to Miller (1994, p. 36) who postulate thus: ?genres change, evolve and decay; the number of genres current in society ? depends upon the complexity and diversity of the society?. Speakers/writers often stray away from the archetypal form, others produce the socially recognised ?ideal types? yet others create complicated ones. White (2000, p. 72) also argues that ?modes of journalistic textuality are not static but are in a constant state of modification and reformulation as they respond to changing social conditions?. Empirical research into genre change has been carried out particularly on genre changes associated with scientific research articles. Swales? (1990) seminal work on the scientific research article has focussed on the first scientific periodical, The Philosophical Transactions, published in 1665 by the Royal Society. It comprised letters written by scientists to other scientists. Swales found that over the years, the research article has undergone drastic changes in terms of length, references, syntactic and lexical features, non-verbal material such as tables, graphs, and organisation (see also Bazerman, 1988). Berkenkotter and Huckin (1995) also studied a corpus of 350 journal articles in physics, biology and general science between 1944 and 1989, examining the influence of the writer?s reading behaviour on his/her writing behaviour as an individual or as a group. They discovered that while reading, the scientist employed the newspaper reading techniques, searching for novel and attention-grabbing material in the article8. In turn, the scientists were applying this reading behaviour to their writing behaviour. Thus, they were loading the title with main results of their study so that the title became more informative. Likewise, abstracts were increasingly attracting more material than was the case in the early 1940s. The scientific article therefore has gradually adopted text features comparable to news reports where the most important information is accumulated in the title and abstract. Bhatia (1993, 2004) has also noted the promotional facets that the scientific research article has taken. The new electronic era has equally contributed to the change especially to scientific research articles published in electronic journals. For example, Ayers (2008) studied short texts which occur with research articles and has demonstrated the changing nature of the structure of research articles in Nature. These variations have ranged from the nomenclature related to titling to the length of the short texts. 8 Berkenkotter and Huckin (1995) note that because of the information deluge, scientists read selectively like newspaper readers, looking for the most surprising and newsworthy information in a given article. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 30 Kress (1993) provides an example of how the generic form of a job interview structure of 1932 is different from that of 1992. Other recent changes noted in genres which have been even adopted for other purposes relate to the change of traditional monologue lectures to PowerPoint presentations (Myers, 2000). Myers notes that PowerPoint expositions were designed for business-related purposes but have been adopted by academics. Genre evolution is also a result of the technological exigencies and the discourse community members? quest to adapt to the changes (Yates and Orlikowski (1992) in Ramanathan and Kaplan (2000). Yates and Orlikowski show how a business letter and a memo evolved as a result of the introduction of the typewriter and as businesses expanded. Ramanathan and Kaplan (2000) further indicate how electronic mail has created a ?new sub-genre? of letter writing which excludes the recipient?s address and date, the latter being generated automatically. Similarly, Gillaerts and Shaw (2006) observed that the letter genre has been overtaken by email and fax. However, one should note that genre change that is due to technological advancement apparently occurs in and is limited to discourse communities where technology has advanced and is frequently used as a means of communication. In the ?developing world discourse communities?, letters and institutional memos are very much still in use pending wider usage of Internet facilities. Genres are not only prone to change but they are also open to possible innovations and creativity (Kress, 1993). Bhatia (2004) elucidates that genres do not change and develop but they also become obsolete if they are no longer in use. 2.5.3 Genre-mixing The notion of genre mixing is closely related to genre integrity as reviewed below. Genre mixing involves the interloping of some other elements in a specific genre, e. g., the intrusion of promotional features in blurbs, news editorials, company reports (Hyland, 2002; Bhatia, 2004). The prerequisite for genre-mixing is that there are hybrid texts which are homogeneous but are permeated by, for example, persuasive elements (Hyland, 2002). Bhatia (1997, 2004) has extensively studied genre mixing across promotional genres. He explicates how the concept of ?introduction? manifests itself under different generic names within the same or various text(s). Drawing examples from academic introductions, Bhatia (1997) aptly demonstrates how ?introduction? though with an overlapping communicative purpose (to introduce), is realised differently in book introductions such as preface, introduction, foreword and acknowledgement. There are also blurbs, article introductions, and essay introductions that have a similar communicative purpose. Bhatia identified a subtle promotional communicative purpose within the underlying academic communicative purpose. The use of descriptive adjectives, establishing Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 31 credentials (Bhatia, 1993) and endorsement from established academics in these introductions9, linguistic features and practices common in advertising genres, corroborates the existence of the promotional purpose. This feature brings to the fore the twofold communicative target in textbook introductions, that is, to introduce and to promote the book. Genre mixing has also been identified in media discourse mainly in newspaper writing where news reports, which are expected to reflect objectivity and factual events, are fused with argumentative or editorial writing (Bhatia, 1997). Wang (2008, p. 362) also indicates that there is a hybrid form in Chinese media known as ?comprehensive news recast? in which journalists combine explicit opinion elements of evaluations and news elements from diverse news outlets. These news recasts differ from hard news reports and commentary articles. News reports have also been found to contain a hybrid of stories and reports (Murphy and Morley, 2006, White, 1997, 1998) (see section 2.7.2 below). Quoting from Sydney Morning Herald (15/11/1996), White (1998) demonstrates how a headline/lead at times contains an issues/event report hybrid where elements from an issues report mix with those from an event story. Wall of water kills miners ?Unsafe culture? attacked after four die in cave-in An unsafe culture exists in the mining industry, the Minister of Minerals and Energy, Mr. Martin, said yesterday after four men died in the worst mining accident in NSW for nearly two decades. Bhatia (2000, p. 148) also elucidates that ?Although genres are based on conventionalised, institutionalised, and to a large extent, standardised linguistic behaviour in various professional and academic settings, they have propensity for mixing and embedding?. Therefore, the expert discourse community members can exploit this flexibility to convey several communicative purposes or private intentions but within the conventions. Expert members can also mix genres and come up with hybrid genres albeit generic integrity. Bhatia argues that such innovations, however, have to be effected within the generic boundaries, or else one risks miscommunication or appearing out of the norm within the established conventions. In the same vein, Ramanathan and Kaplan (2000) show how experienced writers through creative writing deviate from the conventions and produce different textual forms. These new textual forms sometimes evoke debates on the existing discursive practices and the norms and may lead to recasting the genre in question. Similar views have been put forward by O?Keeffe (2006, p. 20-21): Discourse resources may become patterned in their use and sequential in their order, but they may also be changed, deconstructed, recreated and modified by the ?resourceful? user as long as the other participants share the same access to the resources. 9 The practice today is to enlist an endorsement from a celebrated academic, judge, social critic, renowned politician or archbishop, etc. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 32 Genre-mixing has also been identified in job advertisements. In order to appeal to the post-modern job advert, organisations and companies have had to mix persuasive narrative strategies with the traditional formal conventions of a job genre albeit incurring a clash of norms (Norlyk, 2006). Gillaerts and Shaw (2006) have also explored the notion that writers deviate from genre norms yet achieve the same results. Gillaerts (2006), in his study of a sales letter found that a genre writer can deviate from the expected norms to the extent of ignoring the compulsory moves propounded by Bhatia (1993) but achieve the communicative goal in tremendous ways. In this particular letter, which belonged to the category of promotional genres, the writer exploited the emotional approach in order to persuade the audience/readers. This example seems to prove true the ?knowledge practice gap? belief because as Gillaerts (2006, p. 36) defensibly puts it, ?in the world of practice it is foremost a matter of dynamism and innovation? that counts. Because of the consumerism culture that prevails in our societies today, most of the institutional genres contain elements of promotion. For example, university prospectuses, job advertisements, and academic introductions are some of the genres where mixing and embedding of promotional elements occur (Bhatia, 2000). 2.5.4 Genre integrity Genres often exist within their territorial boundaries with distinct recognised integrity by the discourse community and analysts. However, the ever-changing world (new technology and consumerism) and the growth of interdisciplinarity have impacted on territorial integrity (Bhatia, 2004). He further contends that the notion of pure genres does not exist because of the changing world and disciplines which impact the way members of a given discourse community carry out their activities. Bhatia (2004, p. 87) posits: ?? genres are socially constructed, interpreted and used in specific academic, social, institutional and professional contexts, and have their own individual identity?. Genre writers thus generate hybrid genres through mixing communicative purposes. They do this through appropriation of generic resources such as lexico-grammar, rhetorical or discoursal, to arrive at new generic forms. Bhatia aptly shows how marketing has invaded most of the territorial integrity of academic, political, journalistic and other genres. Writers of these genres use positive description and evaluation of products and services construed as providing information but in real sense they are mixing functions of information giving and promotion. The mixing involves the use of similar rhetorical moves or lexico-grammatical resources without necessarily creating language function conflict. Examples of genres that display promotional tendencies include job applications, reference Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 33 letters, and resumes. Bhatia also found the integration of persuasive elements in consultation papers, diplomatic communiqu?s, press releases and memoranda of understanding. Other examples of generic invasion include advertorials where advertising elements mix with editorial features, arguing for positive aspects and in favour of a product or service. However, they exclude the negative aspects on purpose because these would negate the communicative purpose, which is the promotion of the product or service. 2.5.5 Intertextuality Intertextuality is significant to genre study because, the construction of genres is predicated on the notion of repeated (recurrent/routinised) social action. It explains ?the relationship within and between instances of genres? (Paltridge, 1995). Intertextuality is defined as ?the explicit and implicit relations that a text or utterance has to prior, contemporary and potential future texts? (Bazerman, 2008, p. 84). Prior (2004) and Bazerman (2008) observe that writers are influenced by other writers and they position themselves in relation to these writers? theories, research ideas, and political ideologies inherent in their texts. They use other texts for purposes of evidence, clarification, or definition. Bazerman stipulates that in a newspaper report, a writer could use other voices such as government officials, critics, opposition politicians, policy documents, or the constitution as forms of intertextuality. introducing other voices or texts helps to reinforce beliefs, ideas or show the dominant ideology (Bloor and Bloor, 2007). Bhatia (2004, p. 126) refers to intertextuality as ?a number of relationships that the text in question may have with those which in some way have been used, referred to or exploited either directly or indirectly in the construction of the text in question?. These texts may include among others references, citations, surrounding texts (chapters in a book, news article in a newspaper), quotations, etc. Berkenkotter and Huckin (1995, p. 17) extricated thus: No act of communication springs out of nothing. In one way or another, all acts of communication build on prior texts and text elements, elements that exist on different levels, including words, phrases, discourse patterns, illustrations, and so on. The notion of intertextuality is particularly significant to this study because the nature and construction of news, especially news reports, are informed by reference to other voices, to external sources (White, 1997, 2000; Wang, 2008). This study argues that news texts are inherently intertextual because journalists and opinion writers constantly rely on other texts/utterances in the process of constructing news or opinions. Furthermore, a news reporter usually relies on other Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 34 peoples? utterances and texts from other reports such as annual reports, police reports and communiques, feasibility report, or audit report to tell a story. Needless to say that ?no genre exists without at least two texts, for no class can contain only one member? (Devitt, 2004, p. 55). Intertextuality is equally a requisite for locating a genre in its context and understanding what informs its construction. 2.6 CONTEXT Halliday (1985, pp. 5-8) defined context as the ?non-verbal goings-on-the total environment in which a text unfolds?. He also foregrounds the context of situation, that is, the environment of the text. Genres are realised in a specific context and genre analysis ought to take into account the context in which they unfold. Although he uses ?text? the discussion serves to appreciate the significance of context in interpreting the text/written word. Citing Bronislaw Malinowski?s research (1923) on context of situation, Halliday underscores the primacy of context of situation in understanding the language (Kiriwinian) used in a fishing expedition of the Trobrianders of South Pacific, especially ?the meaning of particular instances of language use?. He argues that in practice context exists before texts. Halliday illustrates context of situation using the concepts of field (what kind of activity the participants are involved in), tenor (participants and the relationship between them) and mode (the medium of interaction - spoken or written - in which the interaction unfolds). All these determine the context of the situation in which a text is realised. Halliday argues that this enhances the comprehension of the rationale behind what is written or said at a particular stage and to predict what is likely to follow (see also Bakhtin (1986) and Bednarek (2006) on the significance of social context in understanding genre). The context also comprises instances of customs, epistemologies, and ideological positions upheld by the discourse community or the locale of genre construction (Berkenkotter and Huckin, 1995; Macken-Horarik, 2002). By the same token, Devitt (2004) explicates that genres bring to the fore what constitutes society and genres users, i.e., their values and power relationships. The existence and continued use of genres reinforces and reaffirms these values and ideologies. He further posits that ?A genre develops from the actions of the people in the group in the context of a perceived situation, the genre will show how most people in the group act or are expected to act and what most of its members believe, or think they should believe? (Devitt, 2004, p. 78). Context entails both the immediate and broader environments in which the genre is embedded (Bhatia, 2004). Bhatia further explicates that immediate environment includes the participants? (writer/speaker and audience) roles, related texts as well as the linguistic traditions associated with genre. The broader context, on the other hand, entails historical, socio-cultural, ideological or Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 35 occupational aspects on which the genre is realised; the beliefs, values, goals of the concerned profession, institution or discourse community among others. In his earlier work on genre analysis, Bhatia (1993) demonstrated how job applications in the context of Asia manifested self-glorification, adversary-glorification or self-deprecation. He attributed such behaviour to cultural practices and attitudes. For example, he explicates how Asians have high ambitions of what they want to achieve rather than what they can actually do. Bhatia further shows the cross-cultural issues at play within the legal discourse by comparing French and British laws. The former are general and shorter in text length whereas the latter are particular and long. Hyland (2002) equally expounds on how genre variability is dictated to by the cultural context. He contends that genre variation occurs across cultures, over time, within social communities and according to communicative setting. For example, he shows how research has revealed that there are different forms of argument, exposition and interaction based on different cultures and language. He points out that cross-linguistic and cross-cultural studies in genre have exposed a wide range of differences that are evidence of generic variation. Hyland further explains that the community, language, institutions, and disciplines influence writing and therefore have a bearing on genres. Hyland (2002, p. 121) argues that: ? argument, content, structure, and interactions are community defined and that genres are often the means by which institutions are constructed and maintained. It shows that by focusing on the distinctive rhetorical practices of different communities, we can more clearly see how language is used and how the social, cultural, and epistemological characteristics of different disciplines and professions are made real. In this regard, the aspect of discourse community becomes significant and serves to highlight the notion of social action and that genres are social practices (Hyland, 2002). Authors operate from a social milieu and their writing is informed by the social practices; therefore, the genres they produce and are engaged in are socially formed (Ramanathan and Kaplan, 2000). On the assumption that context is pivotal to genre analysis, De Groot (2006) examined the genre of annual general reports in both the Dutch and UK business communities. The study revealed numerous similarities in communicative purposes but also subtle differences accruing from context- related aspects such as the specific requirements of the target readership, which inform the content that an annual report will carry. Context is construed in this study as the social and cultural dictates of a discourse community and the environment within which a particular genre is constructed and used, and its potential impact on genre study. Context is important to this study because the analysis of newspaper genres is Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 36 underpinned by a cross-cultural context which consists in comparing Ugandan hard news reporting with the Anglo-American hard news reporting as well as English-language news reporting with Runyankore-Rukiga news reporting. The study equally examines hard news reporting across the government-private newspaper contexts. 2.7 GENRE ANALYSIS O?Keeffe (2006) observes that most of the media discourses unfold within ?socially recognisable formats within which a certain type of communicative activity takes place? (p. 19), for example, a news report, a chat, a fly-on-the-wall, a documentary, etc. Texts are, therefore, characterised by ?culturally preferred shapes?, which define internal and external organisation (Tardy and Swales, 2008, p. 565). These patterns and shapes that written texts take are not haphazard; they help readers and writers in navigating the texts. Tardy and Swales further argue that educational research has shown that understanding the generic structure is not only significant to teaching writing but also to understanding reading. The structure of a genre is usually derived from the professional members of a discourse community (genre users) who through accumulated experience, use or training define it in order to achieve specific goals (Bhatia, 1993). 2.7.1 The move structure The analysis of texts as genres is informed by the socio-cognitive structures that expert members of a discourse community employ in constructing and understanding the genres they regularly use in their specific institutions or workplaces. These analyses are realised in form of move structures (Bhatia, 2004). A description of genre is also perceived in terms of stages, move structure or rhetorical moves in which the structure?s regular pattern varies from one specific genre to another (Bhatia, 1993, van Leeweun, 2008). Moves also indicate textual boundaries. Eggins and Slade (1997, p. 271) define a move as ?the basic semantic unit of interaction?. Each stage fulfils a communicative function that leads to a communicative goal (van Leeweun, 2008). Dudley-Evans (2002, p. 228) equates moves with phases and describes phases as ?strands of discourse that recur discontinuously throughout a particular language event and, taken together, structure that event?. Muntigl and Gruber (2005, p. 3) employ the term ?phase? and describe it as ?a stretch of a text that reveals a certain measure of consistence in terms of its linguistic realisations?. Earlier studies by Hasan (1985, p. 59-64) indicate the structure of a text showing elements that constitute a text (genre). Hasan foregrounded the optional, non-optional and iterative (recursive) Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 37 elements of a sales encounter, the order they follow and their semantic functions. The obligatory elements in a generic structure provide a text?s completeness (accomplishing its linguistic functions) and their absence renders a text incomplete; obligatory elements must therefore occur in a text?s structure. The optional elements on the other hand, do not impact the text?s structure; these ?can occur but ... not obliged to occur?. The elements can also be perceived in terms of nuclear meaning which refers to obligatory steps that enable the structure of an utterance to function; elaborative meaning, which is optional and iterative/recursive. In this regard, Hasan proposed the following as the generic structure potential (GPS) of a sales encounter: [(G). (SI)?] [(SE.) {SR ? SC ?} ? S ?] P ? PC (? F) The Greeting (G), Sale Initiation (SI), Sale Enquiry (SE) and Finis (F) are optional elements enclosed in round brackets, whereas Sale Request (SR), Sale Compliance (SC), Sale (S), Purchase (P) and Purchase Closure (PC) are obligatory. Other scholars have also shown that certain moves can be non-obligatory whereas others are obligatory (Bhatia, 1993; van Leeweun, 2008; Martin and Rose, 2008). Swales (1990) proposed eight moves for a research article: background information, statement of results, unexpected outcome, reference to previous research, explanation, exemplification, deduction and hypothesis, and recommendation. Focusing on the introduction to a scientific research article, Swales (1990) proposed the following four-move structure: Move 1: Establishing the research field; Move 2: Summarising previous research; Move 3: Preparing for the present research; and Move 4: Introducing the present research. Bhatia (1993) studied another related genre, an abstract, and identified four moves: Introducing the purpose, Describing methodology, Summarising results, and Presenting conclusions. Bhatia has also examined the generic structures for non-academic genres. His analysis of a sales promotion letter reveals seven moves: Establishing credentials, Introducing offer, Offering incentives, Enclosing documents, Soliciting response, Using pressure tactics, and Ending politely. However, Bhatia observes that the move positioning which relates to the property of optionality and non- optionality varies from one promotional text to another and is dependent on the cultural context. For example, in a job application letter, the ?Offering incentives? and ?Using pressure tactics moves? are rare (optional) whereas they are not in a sales promotion letter. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 38 For an editorial, Bhatia presents a four-move structure: Case, Argument, Verdict, and Action. However, other scholars have come up with varying structures as illustrated in 2.7.4.2 below. Bhatia argues that the cognitive structuring determines the generic identity; if the structures are different then we are dealing with two or different genres altogether, for example, a news report and a feature. Recently, Camiciottoli (2006) identified a five-phase macro-structure for a corporate call earning. She illustrates that a corporate call begins with an Opening of call by the operator. It is followed by Presentation of earnings by company executives, Opening of questions and answers by operator, Questions and answers, and Closing of the call by the operator. van Leeweun (2008) demonstrates that a story begins with a brief of what the story is about (Abstract). The Abstract stage provides the reader/listener with a summary of the story in order to enlist the listener?s interest. This is followed by Orientation (the setting), which describes the setting of the story by providing the protagonists, the spatio-temporal context as well as the ?initial event? that sets the story in motion. The Complication stage entails the core events of the story by introducing a disruption or a threatening action. The Evaluation, which may occur at different points in the text, assesses the justification for the story. The Resolution marks the last event, the result and the import of the story. The Coda is an optional stage in which the storyteller signs off (see also Labov and Waletzky (1997) cited in Martin and Rose (2008)). Fairclough (2003) has, however, argued that because of genre mixing, the analysis of generic structure may not necessarily be supported by staging. He posits that staging would work well with the highly ritualised texts. 2.7.2 Identifying the move-structure Martin (1993) explicates that grammar is important to genre because it allows identifying the staged process in a genre. Citing Fries (1983), Martin shows that the theme of a clause serves in the development of a text; this development is systematic and corresponds to the different construction stages of a genre. In addition, passive clauses have also been identified as another source for stage identification in a genre (Martin, 1993). Martin also shows how the paragraph heads along with their topic sentences are other examples that denote stages; however, this is not always the case. Bhatia (1993, p. 86) emphasises that in analysing genre, the analyst should be in a position to locate that level where one move is separate from the other and ?? which moves the authors conventionally make in order to realise their communicative purpose(s) effectively and the relative importance of these moves?. The realisation of moves can be achieved using a diversity of linguistic Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 39 devices or styles. For example, different moves can be manifested within a single sentence and a common example is the introductory paragraph of an application letter (Bhatia, 1993). Although Bazerman (2004, p. 317) acknowledges identification of genres on the basis of features as valuable, he argues that it provides ?an incomplete and misleading view of genres? because it portrays genres as static and ?timeless?, yet they are realised in dynamic contexts and factors that influence their construction change with time. 2.7.3 Story genres Stories (narrative genres) recount people, actions or events that have already occurred (past time) in a sequential order using first or third person (Longacre, 1976); van Leeweun, 2008). They play a central role not only in cultures but also in ?almost every imaginable situation and stage of life? and are among the widely studied genres (Martin and Rose, 2008, p.49). An earlier study by Grabe (2002) contends that the discourse of narratives is primarily concerned with the recent or past occurrence of events. The major defining characteristic of narratives being the ?causal sequences chaining together to provide a coherent interpretation? (Grabe, 2002, p. 252). Grabe identified examples of narrative discourse as recounts, historical events, biographies and autobiographies, and fictions among others while Martin (1997) and Martin and Rose (2008, p. 51) classify narratives into four groups: recounts, anecdotes, exemplums, and observations. Recounts describe ?a sequence of events without significant disruption? and exhibit attitudinal values as the event unfolds. Anecdotes equally recount a sequence of events but events that are extraordinary. Anecdotes are usually comic and are told in humorous or jocular manner. They recount an outstanding incident which is amusing or pitiful and seek to share it with a listener. Anecdotes negotiate solidarity by presenting an emotion evoking incident in order to draw the listener?s attention. Exemplums front a moral judgement. They entail an evaluation of an important event in which the listener is required to agree or disagree with the actions of the actors or the events. Observations describe an event and the writer/narrator provides judgement, negative or positive. Supplying examples from Indigenous Australians, Martin and Rose (2008) illustrate how these different types are realised. They also argue that these types are realised not only in oral, written and song modes but also in the different pre-modern and contemporary cultural contexts in Australia and Europe. 2.7.3.1 The contemporary news story: generic properties Newspaper items are classified into the service information, news (reports) and opinion (comment) clusters (Bell, 1991; Vestergaard, 2000). A news story (news report, herein after) offers an account Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 40 of events in the real sense of their occurrence (Vestergaard, 2000). However, news reports could perform another communicative function, as Van Leeweun (2008, p. 356) explains: Many news stories (or parts of news stories) deal with opinions rather than events. Such stories often have a double structure. They are at once a narrative, a ?story?, a report, an expository, an ?argument?. This is possible because, in journalism, all opinions must be ?attributed?, to signify that they are the opinions of spokespeople, and not of the journalist him or herself. The contemporary news story as viewed from the Anglo-American and other continental European media studies is an evolution from the nineteenth century chronological story in which events were reported in the progressive manner of their occurrence (Bell, 1991; White, 1998). Modernity has, however, led to changes in patterns of stories as well as other genres across a number of disciplines (Martin and Rose, 2008, see also section 2.5.1above). One such kind of evolution is the modern news story, a new kind of story. A news story does not lend itself to the conventional norms of narrative accounts in which events or actions unfold in a progressive structure. News stories are short, precise and straight (Bhatia, 1993; van Leeweun, 2008; Martin and Rose, 2008). In addition, the opening (Lead) can be identified but it does not have an end, that is, a culmination into a resolution or a coda (van Leeweun, 2008). Besides starting with a lead, a news story can start from ?any point of the sequence, and jump about in time as it presents different aspects of the events? (White, 1998; Martin and Rose, 2008, p. 74). Because of the different speakers and issues a news story carries, the sequence of events does not necessarily follow a chronological arrangement (like in other narrative genres); the organisation of the genre is textual rather than temporal (text- structured) (Bell, 1991, Martin and Rose, 2008; Thomson et al, 2008). News stories are further classified into hard news and soft news (Bell, 1991). The communicative intention of hard news texts is to convey information (news) in a clear and neutral manner, making use of attributions in order to avoid explicit value judgements and interpersonal meanings (White, 1997, 2000). White (1997, 1998) explicates that stories and reports that fall under the category of the English- language hard news share a similar generic structure of non-linear, orbital organisation. White has identified two types of hard news: an event story and an issues report, whose properties I shall presently and briefly review. An event story ?describes what happened in the event of some adventure, act of political violence, crime, economic setback and so on? (White, 1997, p. 102). However, it may equally contain attributions (statements and opinions) from the news sources/news actors to qualify, clarify and Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 41 appraise instances of the event. An event story is also characterised by an irregular (counter- expectational) circumstance, that is, a crisis point or a disruption of the normal trend of events in society. Its newsworthiness is derived from this transformation of the normal succession through an accident, a hold-up, outbreak of disease, robbery or murder. White argues that the counter- expectation must be ?socially significant? (a breach of moral order) to warrant attention. An issues report, on the other hand, describes ?the criticisms, accusations, demands, warnings, discoveries or announcements of some authorised source? ? (White, 1997, p. 102-104). The report is grounded in such communicative events as speeches, debates, interviews, press releases or research findings which communicate controversial issues and contentious or alarming points. An issues report is expressed by (using the third person) reporting the utterances, arguments, opinions, explanations, predictions of significant personalities (political leaders, religious leaders, government officials, experts, lobbyists, celebrities). It contains a strand of argumentation in which attribution is employed to justify or support issues of contention or controversy. The argument, however, emanates from the attributed source, not the writer (journalist). White further elucidates that there are also event/issue hybrids in which elements of describing an event conglomerate with a communicative event. This study takes note of this categorisation (event/issues story), nonetheless, the news reports selected for close analysis resonate with to the event story type. 2.7.3.2 The generic structure of an English-language hard news report The generic description in this sub-section pertains to English-language news stories in the Anglo- American contexts (van Dijk, 1985, Bell, 1991; White, 1997, 2000; Thomson et al., 2008), but it also cuts across other linguistic contexts such as French, Japanese, Chinese, Spanish and Vietnamese (Thomson et al, 2008; Thomson and White, 2008). A hard news report is composed of two major stages: the nucleus and the body. The nucleus entails a headline and an opening lead also known as an ?intro? in the British media discourse. This opening nucleus provides the story/report?s core information. The lead encapsulates the heart or gist of the event or the most recent event in an article (Van Dijk, 1985, Bell, 1991; Mencher, 2008; Thomson et al, 2008). It provides textual summary by recapitulating the most significant elements and answering what, who, where, when, why and how. It should be noted that not all the 5Ws+H ought to occur in the lead; their occurrence depends on the nature of the story and what it intends to focus on (Hicks et al., 2008). White (1998) describes the lead as the point/peak of disruption of Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 42 social order (meta-phenomenon)10 around which the story revolves. The lead engages the reader by attracting his/her attention to the central issue of the story. The headline derives from the lead (Bell, 1991). However, there could be a secondary headline that covers causes or consequences (van Dijk, 1985). White (1998) found out that the lead is the point where interpersonal meanings are localised and intensified. Bell has indicated that a lead contains a main event, and may contain a secondary event, in which information on actors, setting of the news event, attribution and evaluation are explicated. This study will, however, demonstrate that whereas the lead/nucleus structure applies to most English-language news reports and those in other languages, that does not seem to be the case with the Runyankore-Rukiga leads. Apparently these do not seem to conform to the Western canonical standards of journalistic writing in which leads act as summaries of the entire news report, and neither do the Runyankore-Rukiga leads necessarily embody the most significant of the news elements. The order of the phase (satellites) is commutative, that is, reordering cannot disrupt the flow of the news story (Fairclough, 1995). White (1998) further explains that the elements of a news story appear according to importance, following the decreasing importance arrangement; the greater the importance, the earlier the position of the appearance of an element. This pyramid structure, Ungerer (2000) argues, is prompted by the proliferation of newspapers and the time-consuming effort in reading everything, and thus, the need to focus on the major issues. The lead, which is compressed in a single complex sentence (micro-story) covering two or three events, is the most distinctive feature of news discourse (Bell, 1991). It is ?the lens through which the reminder of the story is viewed? (Bell, 1991, p. 152). Bell found that most of the leads began with ?who?, and employed the passive to identify the protagonists. However, ?different types of newspapers use different types of leads according to their assessment of readers? interests? (Bell, 1991, p. 185; Hicks et al., 2008). The head/lead is also composed of the counter-expectational point and it takes prominence in the nucleus (White, 2000). It offers ?a selective synopsis and/or abstract of the event at issue, to single out points of social salience or significance from the activity and, frequently, to associate the focal point with the values of intensification? (p. 193-4). Thomson et al (2008) have identified the synopsis and abstract leads; the synopsis opening/lead condenses the major elements of the story whereas the abstract lead takes a general view of the 10 This is in reference to the aberrant damage, power relations or normative breach news stories. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 43 events in the story. In the latter, the choice of the headline/lead is dependent on the ?ideological judgements about which aspects of the event under consideration have the greatest social significance and about which aspects are likely to have the greatest impact for the intended audience? (Thomson et al, 2008, p. 214). The nucleus is the ?hyper theme? from which elements of subsequent body satellites are generated, that is, each satellite reaches back to the nucleus to pick an element and expound it (White, 2000). Although White?s study (1997; 1998), which is central to news reports, did not delve significantly into headlines, I will briefly review them because they constitute a significant component in this study. Headlines are derived from the story or the lead alone. They carry one main event/action/actor. Bell (1991, p. 189) argues that headlines ?appear to be very regular across languages?. However, the conclusion he draws was based on Kniffka?s study that compared only German and English news texts. Van Dijk (1985) argues that headlines recapitulate the gist of the text; however, they may have a slant and be considered subjective especially in instances where they do not provide an adequate summary of the text. Nonetheless, this study demonstrates that the headlines in the Runyankore-Rukiga newspapers do not necessarily summarise the content of the text, and neither are they subjective. The news writers usually employ them for certain effects: to attract the attention of the reader or for sarcastic effect. This feature seems to align with the headlines? ?surprise value? which is described in the lead (Kinneary, 1971 cited in Bhatia, 1993). The second phase of the news report comprises the body phase sub-components. The boundary of the nucleus and the body is between the first and second sentences of the news story. The body does not lend itself to the chronological sequence that is often observed in other narratives. The text progresses in decreasing order of importance (diminishing significance). The argument is that the text starts by providing elements of maximal significance and ends with the least important. According to White (1997), the body comprises episodes/satellites that elaborate, contextualise, justify, explain and appraise the meanings presented in the nucleus. These are textual groupings and they entail the following: elaboration or reiteration, causes, consequences, contextualisation, justification, and attitudinal assessment (White, 1997, 1998; Thomson et al, 2008). The elaboration sub-component entails sentences which describe or exemplify information from the nucleus in details or different ways. Another paragraph or sentence describes the causes and effects of the meta-phenomenon. The justification episode, which is peculiar to the issues report, validates the reasoning and justifies the argumentation, that is, the point of contention/controversy which appears in the headline/nucleus. Contextualisation comprises events/actions in their temporal, spatial or social setting. The appraisal sub-component includes an external voice?s views on the significance Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 44 of the event or action. As already pointed out, these episodes do not follow a chorological order; each of the satellites reaches back to explain the lead elements in a discontinuous manner. So, there is interdependence between the nucleus and the body phase, which is a significant feature of generating news. The story moves in a forwards and backwards pattern, always returning to the point of maximal social-order disruption (see Figure 2.1below). Figure 2.1: Orbital Structure of a hard news story In an earlier study, Bell (1991) demonstrated how the news structure consists of the categories of attribution, actors and setting (temporal-spatial). He also mentioned that the structure equally includes follow, commentary and background. The Follow stage describes actions that succeed the main event; Commentary includes the observations on the action by the writer or news actors; and Background describes other events prior to the on-going action, for example, previous episodes which may have been reported. However, it should be noted that although the illustrative texts used to describe the structure of news stories are those of the hard news category (van Dijk, 1985; Bell, 1991), the description is not based on a hard news story. The comparative analysis in this study departs from the generic description proposed by White (1997, 1998). Bell (1991) compared the personal narratives structure (abstract, orientation, complication, evaluation, resolution and coda) to the news story structure. He found out that the contemporary Nucleus (headline + lead) Elaboration Attitudinal assessment Causes/effe cts Elaboration Contextuali sation Elaboration Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 45 news story structure deviates from the personal narratives in a number of ways. For example, whereas the abstract is optional in the personal narratives, it is not the case with a news story if the abstract is equated with the position of the lead. Secondly, the news story recounts events in a reverse order, beginning with the most recent or important actions. And news stories do not run into a resolution; ?they finish in mid-air?, and neither do they possess a coda (Bell, 1991, p. 154). The orbital textual arrangement lends credence to radical editability of the body phase (White, 1997; Kitley, 2008): it enables shuffling the episodes without breaking down the communicative functions of the text or producing a different genre. Ljung (2000) has noted that besides the hard news, other news genres do not necessarily possess a distinctive and consistent structure analogous to the hard news one. However, a preliminary study of news reporting across cultures (Thomson et al., 2008) indicates that news reports in other cultures display a textual architecture that deviates from the English-language prototype (Thomson, Fukui and White, 2008; Patpong and Knox, 2008). For example, Patpong and Knox?s (2008) study of two articles reporting the same event in Thai and English reveals deviations from textual structure suggested by White. The Thai news report had the following rhetorical structure: Highlight, Antecedent, Report, and Reaction. The Highlight stage provides the gist of the story by flagging how important the event is to society. The Antecedent contains background information to the event without reference to external voices; information is conveyed as facts. The Report deals with how the event unfolds according to the reporter?s observations and investigations. The stage also contains several reports. The Reaction is an optional element and entails viewpoints of significant external voices on the event. This thesis therefore posits that the generic structure of the English-language news report has been adopted by Ugandan media texts but there are varying considerations in textual organisation of hard news reporting in Uganda, which merit further observation. 2.7.4 Opinion genres Opinion genres in the print media especially newspapers include opinion, commentary or comment articles, reviews, letters to the editor and editorials (Bell, 1991). The comment comprises ?the newspaper?s analysis, discussion, opinion or verdict on the issues of the day [usually issues that appear in the same edition]? (Bhatia, 1993, p. 170). Under this category, the author sets out to ?offer up subjective interpretations in which a central role is played by explicit value judgements, aesthetic evaluations, theories of cause and effect?? (White, 1997, p. 107). Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 46 The distinction between commentary articles and news reports lies in the writer?s communicative function: a commentary aims to persuade the reader of an event or issue whereas a news report conveys information on events as they unfold (Murphy and Morley, 2006). Commentary articles convey opinions of individuals (who may share similar ideologies with the media outlet), who may be affiliated to the newspaper or are specialists in a given field, academics, researchers or government officials (Wang, 2008). Iedema et al (1994) contend that the journalistic commentary (media exposition) is akin to argumentative writing. They proposed the following as the structure of media exposition: Orientation ? Thesis Arguments 1-n ? Conclusion. The thesis contains the writer?s position followed by supporting arguments (which are explained) in favour of the stated position. At the end, the thesis is restated. A media exposition has a clear conclusion while a hard news story summarises the issues elaborated earlier on. This is a significant stage because it brings the exposition to an end. Media exposition makes use of conjunctions that serve to link and build arguments in a logical manner. News stories do not possess such cohesive devices, hence satellites can be swapped without losing the overall meaning or organisation. The next section reviews the genre of editorials, which fall under the comment category. 2.7.4.1 Editorials: generic properties The editorial, also known as the lead or leading article, appears under the newspaper?s name and logo and by occupying this prime place, it implies that it is the paper?s voice (Vestergaard, 2000). Editorials express the value positions or official position of a given media outlet (Wang, 2008; Lihua, 2009). ?An editorial is intended to provoke some reaction by expressing a strong opinion? (Bhatia, 1993, p. 170). So, an editorial writer employs linguistic techniques that ?create favourable or unfavourable bias in his [her] arguments?. Bhatia explains that editorials use specific linguistic devices to argue in favour of or against a sensitive issue with an intention of eliciting response from the readers. An editorial makes use of nominal expressions to refer to prior events which are reported variously in news reports or taken as shared knowledge (common issues of concern in that particular society). For example, the lead presupposes that the event being written about is familiar to the readers having been reported in the antecedent editions (Vestergaard, 2000). Vestergaard further explains that editorials have explicit evaluations emanating from the writer and not attributed to some significant source. These evaluations describe things/events in terms of goodness, badness, desirable or undesirable. In fact, Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 47 editorials are blatantly opinionated (Conrad and Biber, 2009). Editorials engage in argumentation because they want to ?pronounce opinion about the current events? (Vestergaard, 2000, p. 161). They are concerned more with the present consequences of the event than the description of the event. They also engender proposals which suggest what should be done about the prevailing undesirable status quo. The writers make pronouncements, i.e., human assessment of what is likely to happen given the prevailing circumstances (see also Murphy and Morley, 2006). These assertions and predictions are marked by modal verbs (shall, will, must, should, ought). Murphy and Morley (2006) found that the predictive, necessity and probability modals had a higher occurrence in commentary than in news reports. They also found that editorials and op-eds had personal pronouns (I, we, you, my, me, our, your), a key feature that distinguishes the writer?s identity and ideology with the assumed readers. Also significant to their study, were the mental verbs such as ?know?, ?think?, ?see?, ?suppose? which indicate the opinions and beliefs of the writer. Lihua (2009) in a study of editorials in the China Daily, demonstrates that editorials have a high frequency of explicit evaluations of events but less in human behaviour evaluation; and that editorials hardly attribute attitudinal values to sources. Editorial discourse has modality as one its canonical characteristics. She further found out that editorials use modal expressions of certainty, necessity and obligation (will, should, need to, have to, must). 2.7.4.2 The move-structure of editorials Bhatia (1993) has proposed a four-move structure for lead articles and editorials in newspapers: Case ? the writer provides the present status of events in the world in which an issue of concern is defined; Argument ? the writer offers different possibilities; in the Verdict move, the writer offers a desired status, what should be achieved or done; and the Action move entails means of how to accomplish the desired status/goal. This move is characterised by a tense shift from verdict to recommended action. Other studies on editorials and their structures include those of scholars such as Bolivar (1994) and Riaz and Asar 2000 cited in Le (2008). In her analysis of British editorials, Bolivar identified a triad structure containing the following phases: Lead, Follow, and Valuate. A similar study carried out by Riaz and Asar 2000 on Persian editorials confirmed the same triad structure. Another significant study is that of Ansary and Babaii (2005) which focussed on English newspaper editorials using the Systemic Functional (SF) theory of genre. Ansary and Babaii identified the following non-optional structural moves: Headline, Addressing an Issue, Argumentation, and Articulating a Position. In addition, three optional moves were identified: Background Information, Initiation of Argument, and Closure of Argument. Ansary and Babaii, however, caution that their Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 48 findings are only exploratory. Given the notion of private intentions (Bhatia, 1999), they suggested that further studies should consider carrying out interviews with editorial writers in order to generate a faithful account on the construction of editorial genres. Sano (2008) studied the persuasive strategies unfolding in four Japanese editorials on a similar news item and found that each editorial adopted a specific argumentative approach. Sano?s study identified the use of the following rhetorical structure: Inducement, Empathetic Construction, and Position. Inducement, in a subtle manner, provokes readers by alluring them to the text. This is followed by the Empathetic construction, which is used to enlist empathy of readers on a given positioning. Position conveys the writer?s stance implicitly or explicitly and provides the major arguments. Sano concluded as follows: Inducement occurs at the beginning of the editorial and of necessity precedes Empathetic Construction and Position. Both Empathetic Construction and Position are iterative and either of them follows Inducement. I shall return to these rhetorical structures in Chapter Three to expound the attitudinal values the rhetorical moves evoke. It should be noted that studies on editorials are still limited and even the above move-structures have not been confirmed on other corpora (Ansary and Babaii, 2005) and across languages. A study of editorials of Ugandan English-language and Runyankore-Rukiga newspapers therefore goes a long way to contribute to this scholastic inquiry. 2.8 CONCLUSION The foregoing review of the literature testifies to significant research in the study of genres particularly with regard to news story genres. Nonetheless, research in genre studies has tended to exclusively explore genres in the Anglo-American, European and Asian contexts. There is limited genre study especially of story genres originating from the African context, yet Africa has abundant narrative genres. The literature indicates that although the hard news reporting prototype obtaining in the Anglo- American world is largely replicated in other cultures, there are interesting and considerable varying concerns which are at variance with this model (Thomson et al., 2008). For example, radical editability, which emanates from the non-linear progression of a news report and is associated with the orbital structure (White, 1998) does not permeate other news stories (Kitley, 2008; see also Vo, 2011). This study therefore seeks to contribute towards this nascent genre research. It particularly explores the generic structure of the Ugandan hard news report in comparison to the Anglo-American hard news report. The study also explicates the extent to which the rhetorical moves in an English Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 49 editorial proposed by Ansary and Babaii (2005) apply to the rhetorical strategies adopted by Ugandan editorial writers. In the next chapter, I review the appraisal-theoretical approach. Genre theory and appraisal framework have been preferred because of their close association. Appraisal emerges from the genre-based studies (White, 2002). White expounds that in their quest for genre taxonomy, scholars such as Martin and Plum (1997) discovered that narrative types of anecdote and exemplum (mentioned above) exhibited affectual judgemental values respectively. Similarly, scholars such as Iedema et al (1994) observed a correlation between evaluation and stance (an appraisal resource) and journalistic styles and voices, which emerge out of genre-based considerations. Needless to mention that a number of studies have used genre theory and analysis alongside appraisal resources (see contributions in Thomson et al., 2008). Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 50 CHAPTER THREE APPRAISAL RESOURCES AND JOURNALISTIC DISCOURSE 3.1 INTRODUCTION In this chapter, I review the appraisal-theoretical framework which also avails discourse-analytical tools for the news reports and editorials. The chapter begins with a brief review of the language of evaluation within which appraisal as a tool of evaluation is positioned. It traces evaluation in the works of Huntson, Conrad and Biber, and Thomson and Huntson. It also reviews the contributions of Monica Bednarek to evaluation in media discourse and emotions. The chapter then provides an overview of the appraisal framework (from the early 1990s) along the axes of attitude (affect, judgement, and appreciation), engagement, and graduation. Since the study?s main theoretical focus is on appraisal, the review locates the attitudinal values within journalistic discourse. The chapter goes on to review stance taking in journalistic texts, particularly the nature of and resources used in authorial positioning in news reports and opinion (editorial) writing. It concludes by pointing out the gaps within the literature and the contributions of literature to the current study. 3.2 LANGUAGE OF EVALUATION: AN OVERVIEW The concept of evaluation or expressing one?s opinion is a significant aspect of language. It has been studied under different labels such as attitude, stance, affect, modality, and appraisal. Scholars and researchers have also examined texts and corpora, and defined linguistic techniques writers use to evaluate a speaker/writer?s stance using diverse criteria, for example, Francis? (1995) parameter- based evaluation and Lemke?s (1998) dimensions of attitudinal meaning cited in Bednarek (2006). Other studies related to writer/speaker attitude were carried out by Huntson (1994), Labov (1984), Holmes, (1988), Hyland (1996), and Barton (1993) cited in Conrad and Biber (2000). However, I confine my review to studies by Huntson (1994, 2011), Thompson and Huntson (2000) and Bednarek (2006). 3.2.1 Huntson (1994; 2011) Huntson conceives evaluation as bad or good opinion on something. She argues that evaluation is impacted by the social, cultural, and ideological standards. Although evaluation is a mental process, it is manifest in linguistic terms. Evaluation in a discourse involves a writer/speaker conveying individual assessment and entreating a reader/listener to partake of the norms and values enshrined in this judgement (Huntson, 1994, p. 191). Huntson further notes that assessment of values is dependent on the community goals within which a text is constructed. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 51 3.2.2 Thompson and Huntson (2000) Thompson and Huntson?s work has been significant to the language of evaluation. They construe evaluation broadly as ?the expression of the speaker/writer?s attitude or stance towards, viewpoint on, or feelings about entities or propositions he or she is talking about? (Thompson and Huntson, 2000, p. 5). Their seminal work is grounded in the significance of evaluation: its capacity to express a speaker/writer?s opinion, which manifests the value system of his/her society within which the utterance or text is constructed. Evaluation also reveals people?s understandings about what is being evaluated, and it espouses the value system inherent in a community and its ideology. Huntson (2011) and Hyland (2009) share similar views; they posit that most evaluation is rooted in the values of a social entity and what it considers as positive or negative. However, ?ideologies do not exist in silence, but neither are they usually expressed overtly. They are built up and transmitted through texts, and it is in texts that their nature is revealed? (Thompson and Huntson, 2000, p. 8). Therefore an examination of texts reveals these ideologies in which values (good or bad) are couched. Thompson and Huntson recognise evaluation as a linguistic device for constructing and upholding a relationship between the reader and writer. Evaluation can be used to persuade the reader to view/accept things the writer wants. This is usually achieved by manipulating linguistic resources to assess people or things negatively or positively (see section 3.3.2 on engagement resources). The third significance relates to organising discourse, indicating the various levels a text goes through before it reaches completion. Thompson and Susan suggest comparative, subjective, and social value indicators within the text as some of the evaluation resources required for identification of evaluative language, for example, lexis which ranges from nouns, verbs, to adjectives and adverbs. They note that it is challenging to identify words as evaluative or non-evaluative. For example, some of the supposedly neutral (non- evaluative) words can be used evaluatively. In the following sentence, ?Jane is a student?, the word ?student? [considered a neutral term] can carry a negative connotation related to ?courageous intelligentsia? or a negative one ? ?lazy, unkempt appearance, and heavy drinking? (Thompson and Susan, 2000, p. 15). Finally they identify the following as some of the parameters for evaluation: bad or good (negative/positive), certainty, expectedness, and importance, which relatively compare with Bednarek?s (2010) parameters discussed below. 3.2.3 Bednarek (2006, 2008a, b, 2009a, b, 2010) Bednarek (2009a, p. 148) construes evaluation as ?the linguistic expression of speaker/writer opinion? (see also Bednarek, 2010, p. 15). She argues that when speakers/writers evaluate, they Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 52 make negative or positive assessments (Bednarek, 2006). She provides an alternative approach to media discourse which at the same time seeks to combine with the prevalent approaches such as the appraisal-theoretic framework. She contends that appraisal bares resemblance to evaluation. Appraisal ?reveals the significance of context and the interpersonal character of evaluation as well as the communicative importance of evaluation itself? (Bednarek, 2006, p. 31). She, however, faults appraisal on grounds of its rootedness in Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL) which alienates those who are not acquainted with the structure. She also argues that appraisal lacks a parameter to flag importance. Importance does not carry bad or good values, which are apparently reflected in the facet of appreciation. Bednarek (2008a, p. 8) agrees that the choice of appraisal avails an analyst ?a systematic, detailed and elaborate theory of evaluative language? while other approaches do not attend to issues of evaluation in their entirety. Although appraisal provides an excellent taxonomy of attitudinal values, she further criticises it on the numerous sub-categories which, she argues, blur the distinctions. Bednarek maintains that since attitudinal values can be classified as either positive or negative, a single parameter (Emotivity) would suffice. These and other criticisms notwithstanding, it should be noted that the appraisal- theoretic framework is on-going especially with other languages besides English and open to refinement (Martin and White, 2005, p. 46). Bednarek proposes an approach that synthesises the different evaluation approaches by underscoring similarities and differences. Her parameter-based framework assumes different evaluation criteria for assessment of world entities by speakers/writers. The framework does not exist in isolation of other varieties of evaluation and this trait renders it an ?open-ended? approach; in fact, Bednarek herself has revisited the parameters (see Bednarek, 2009a, b). The framework is composed of nine parameters classified into core and peripheral evaluators. These parameters are ?standards, norms, and values according to which we evaluate something through language? (Bednarek, 2010, p. 18). The core evaluators which are assigned to entities, situations or propositions are assessed on a cline of low to high force and include Comprehensibility, Emotivity, Expectedness, Importance, Possibility/Necessity, and Reliability (Bednarek, 2006). Comprehensibility deals with entities, situations, and propositions which are within or beyond human judgement. Emotivity takes into account evaluators of good or bad events expressed in terms of the locutor?s approval or disapproval. Expectedness refers to the writer?s assessment of the world?s expected or unexpected aspects. Importance relates to evaluating aspects of the world in regard to their relevance and significance. Possibility/necessity deals with evaluations of aspects of Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 53 what is (not) necessary or (not) possible. Reliability is similar to possibility but employs epistemic modality locutions. The peripheral evaluators exist in evaluative stretches of texts by referring to sources of propositions. They do not lend themselves to evaluative clines or evaluation of entities, situations, or propositions like core parameters. They entail Evidentiality, which relates to evaluations dealing with evidence; Mental state, which evaluates other social actors? mental states ranging from beliefs and emotions to expectations, knowledge or wishes; and Style that assesses language use such as the manner in which information is conveyed and deals with reporting expressions. Given the new developments in the field of evaluation, Bednarek (2010) has recently proposed 12 parameters (Comprehensibility, Emotivity, Expectedness, Genuineness, Importance, Necessity, Possibility, Reliability, Causality, Sourcing-evidentiality, Sourcing-style, and Mental state). For example, Causality deals with evaluations of causes and effects, that is the reasons and consequences, and discourse effects. Sourcing ? evidentiality relates to ?how do we know?? ?What is the basis of the writer?s and others? knowledge?? Sourcing ? style is concerned with various kinds of attributing: neutral, illocutionary, declarative, discourse signalling and paralinguistic expressions. Whereas Bednarek has identified these parameters, Huntson (2011, p. 3) argues that evaluative language has challenges in analysis ?because there are no set of language forms, either grammatical or lexical, that encompass the range of expressions of evaluation?. 3.3 APPRAISAL THEORY: AN OVERVIEW This section provides a generic review of Appraisal resources that are used to analyse hard news reports and editorials in Chapter 4, 5, 6 and 7. Appraisal is one of the analytical tools for the language of evaluation (White, 2002) and is anchored in systemic functional linguistics (SFL). Appraisal avails tools for analysis at the level of texts where speakers/writers use formulations to convey interpersonal meanings thus seeking to align or disalign with listeners/readers. It is a tool for negotiating solidarity. Martin (2004) argues that appraisal resources make the readers/listeners feel and identify with the subject being written or talked about. He further explains ?? affect negotiates empathy (sharing emotions), judgement negotiates character (sharing principles), and appreciation negotiates taste (sharing preferences)? (Martin, 2004, p. 329). The choice of appraisal framework therefore lies in its detailed approach in evaluating interpersonal meanings especially in newspapers and in its social function (Bednarek, 2006). Appraisal framework is hinged on two major resources: evaluation (attitudinal values) and stance (interpersonal meanings). Martin and White (2005) define appraisal as that resource which is Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 54 anchored in SFL and concerned with the interpersonal meaning, that is, interaction between people through sharing of their feelings. It is also concerned with discourse semantics, i.e., meaning of the clause ? texts. It is focussed on various aspects of discourse organisation, including the question of how people, places and things are introduced in texts and kept track to one another in terms of time, cause, contrast and similarity (conjunction); how participants are related as part to whole and sub-class to class (ideation); how turns are organised into exchanges of goods, services and information (negotiation); and how evaluation is established, amplified, targeted and sourced (appraisal). (Martin and White, 2005, p.9) Figure 3.1 below illustrates appraisal resources as propounded by Martin and White (2005). Figure 3.1: Appraisal resources 3.3.1 Attitudinal values Attitude relates to feelings especially emotions, judgement of human behaviour and assessment of objects. Attitude is revealed through a wide range of grammatical structures especially adjectives and is in turn constituted by three semantic regions, namely emotions, ethics and aesthetics corresponding to the dimensions of affect, judgement, and appreciation respectively. Attitude is majorly realised through adjectival use for: feeling happily (affect), acting in a silly manner (judgement), and a lively performance (appreciation) (Martin and White, 2005). A P P R A IS A L Attitude - construes emotions, assessment of human behaviour and things affect judgement appreciation Engagement - how attitudes and opnions are expressed proclaim disclaim entertain attribute Graduation - resources for amplifying or blurring attitudinal values focus force Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 55 3.3.1.1 Affect Affect deals with positive and negative feelings for reacting to behaviour, processes, or phenomena. It is usually exemplified in the following: sad, happy, sorrow, grief, fear, anger, disgust, sympathy, surprise, or shame (Martin and White, 2005, p. 46). The meanings are conveyed through ?a verbal process undergone or experienced by a conscious human participant.? Meanings are construed around the value of things ? aesthetics, people, or institutions. Affectual meanings are realised as qualities (adjectives ? happy), as processes (this pleases me), as comment adjuncts (happily) or as virtual entities (happiness) (White, 2002). Affect can be construed in terms of cultural positivity or negativity (Bednarek, 2008a, 2008b). Bednarek postulates that emotions are dependent on cultural norms and are governed by principles which regulate their manifestation and expression in social settings. The emotions can also be realised in behavioural processes (smiling, weeping) or mental processes (liking/disliking someone) or relational (feeling sad/happy with someone); they can also be construed as ?directed at or reacting to some emotional trigger or as a general on-going mood?? (Martin and White, 2005, p.47). Bednarek (2009a) has, however, questioned the emotion of ?surprise? arguing that it is not quite definite because linguistic expressions with which to categorise it are perplexing in evaluative language. She suggests that it should be assigned to the evaluative parameter of Expectedness. She also advocates an additional sub-categorisation of affect into overt affect in which direct labels for emotional response of emoters such as fear, love, and hate are used. For example, It makes me feel happy that they?ve come/He felt guilty about ?.; and covert affect in which the resources do not directly label emotional response, for example, I find it frustrating that they did not come on time/This is quite distressing for her mother (Bednarek, 2009b, p. 169-172). Affect is one aspect that is used for stance taking in discourse since it provides formulations that a writer/speaker can use to express emotions negatively or positively. Affect seeks to solicit empathy by sharing emotions; writers share their emotional response and invite their audiences to sympathise or empathise with them, thus establishing solidarity with them (White, 2001; Martin, 2004). 3.3.1.2 Judgement Judgement pertains to the institutionalised benchmarks of people?s conduct, that is, how they should or should not conduct themselves. Judgement assesses moral or immoral, legal or illegal, socially acceptable or unacceptable, normal or abnormal behaviour. Human conduct can be admired, criticised, praised, or condemned. Judgement is categorised into two facets: social esteem and social Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 56 sanction associated with the church and state realms respectively (White, 2000, Martin and White, 2005; White, 2006). Social sanction deals with issues of morality (sins) or legality (crimes). It is concerned with values of truthfulness (veracity) and ethical issues (propriety). White (2002) contends that attitudinal meaning of social propriety of human behaviour oscillates according to social norms. Meanings revolve around correct behaviour, that is, what is right or wrong behaviour is codified in rules and regulations, which may correspond to the legal system, morality, or religious conduct. Social esteem deals with values which can lower or raise a person?s esteem in society without legal or moral implications. It relates to values of appropriateness or inappropriateness. It entails the sub- categories of normality (custom), i.e., whether a person?s behaviour is unusual, special or normal; capacity, that is, whether one is competent, capable; and tenacity (resolve), which relates to one?s dependability or civility. 3.3.1.3 Appreciation Appreciation deals with semiotic and natural phenomena and avails resources to assess texts, artefacts, performances, processes and natural phenomena ?in terms of how they are assigned value socially?, for example, their aesthetic values, potential for harm or benefit, their social significance, etc. (White 2002; 2006, p. 39). It is categorised into reactions (impact on us - did it grab me?) or the quality of these things - did I like it? (good or bad)); composition, that is, balance ? are they hanging together or are they complex? ? easy/hard to grasp; and value (worthwhile or not). Appreciation also flags values of concrete and abstract constructs such as states of affairs, plans, and policies. Some challenges have been encountered in distinguishing appreciation from judgement. In this regard, Bednarek (2009b) argues that attitude should be categorised in terms of attitudinal lexis with evaluative standards. She suggests another category of attitudinal codes, which would give rise to judging lexis used to appreciate things, importance lexis for judging people or appreciating things, appreciating lexis for judging behaviour, etc. She contends that examining two aspects, though not necessary, would enable an explanation of rhetorical mechanisms and semantic change (Bednarek, 2009b, pp. 180-181). In her analysis of Le Monde?s editorials on politics, Le (2010, p. 23) observed that although differences between affect and judgement and appreciation were not challenging, distinguishing ?evaluation of situations (appreciation)? from those of human beings (judgement) was not evident because ?individuals are involved in situations and situations result from actions of individuals?. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 57 3.3.2 Engagement The second sub-system of appraisal, engagement, attends to attitudinal sourcing and how opinions are formed; those resources a writer/speaker uses to express, negotiate and naturalise particular intersubjective and ultimately ideological positions (White, 2001). Hyland (2005, p. 176) construes engagement as ?an alignment dimension where writers acknowledge and connect to others, recognizing the presence of their readers, pulling them along with their argument, focusing their attention, acknowledging their uncertainties, including them as discourse participants, and guiding them to interpretations?. Engagement deals with the ?rhetorical potential? of texts, i.e., resources for overt persuasion as well as those used to bear upon attitudes, beliefs, and assumptions indirectly. This perspective is anchored in Bhaktin?s notions of dialogism and heterglossia, which are summarised thus: ?all verbal communication, whether written or spoken, is dialogic in that to speak or write is always to reveal the influence of, refer to, or take up in some way, what has been said/written before, and simultaneously to anticipate the responses of actual, potential or imagined readers/listeners? (Martin and White, 2005, p. 92; see also Section 2.5.6 on intertextuality). Engagement involves alignment and disalignment, that is, ?agreement and disagreement in respect to both attitudinal assessment and to beliefs or assumptions about the nature of the world, its past history, and the way it ought to be? (Martin and White, 2005, p. 95). This occurs when a speaker?s/writer?s attitudinal assessment implores their audiences to partake in these assumptions. There is, however, the un-dialogised view - monoglossia (as opposed to heterglossia existing in binary/binarism), which refers to the bare assertions that do not overtly recognise a diversity of voices or refer to alternative viewpoints. I will now briefly examine the dialogistic resources for intersubjective stance, which this study continually refers to while exploring news writers? stance in editorial texts on conflict and their inherent effects on the reader?s interpretation. Martin and White (2005) have identified the following resources for dialogistic positioning: disclaim, proclaim, entertain, and attribute. These locutions are further categorised as dialogic contract or dialogic expansion. Expansion refers to the degree to which a locution permits alternative viewpoints whereas contraction is the degree to which the scope of alternative voices is restricted. Disclaim is used to reflect or disagree with a contrary position. The alternative viewpoint is explicitly rejected or supplanted or is represented as not applying. Proclaim aims to contain the alternative viewpoint in face of a plausible position. It presents propositions as highly reliable in Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 58 order to subdue alternative viewpoints (White, 2002). Formulations of this nature limit the dialogistic space in the discourse. Entertain invokes alternative viewpoints; it entails ?wordings by which the authorial voice indicates that its position is but one of possible positions? (Martin and White, 2005, p. 104) and opens up the dialogic space. It is also known as evidentiality and epistemic modality in other studies. Finally, attribute reaches out for alternative positions through external sources (voices). It involves use of formulations that isolate external voices from the author?s voice through attributions. 3.3.3 Graduation Graduation is fundamental to appraisal and deals with up-scaling and down-scaling negative or positive values and cuts across the attitudinal values. Graduation is oriented to amplifying feelings and blurring of categories. It is realised through force and focus. Force is concerned with gradability of intensity or amount, that is, assessment on the scale of negative and positive values as well as size, vigour, extent or proximity. Focus functions on proto-typicality, that is, on the basis of a core or exemplar value such as true, real, genuine, but also using expressions such as sort of, kind of, effectively, etc (Martin and White, 2005). Upscale (sharpening), known earlier as intensifiers, boosters or amplifiers is achieved through formulations such as ?true?, or ?real? whereas downscaling (softening) known earlier on as hedging or vague language, embraces such constructions as ?sort of?, or ?kind of? (Martin and White, 2005). 3.4 ATTITUDINAL ASSESSMENT IN JOURNALISTIC DISCOURSE In this section, I examine how appraisal resources unfold in journalistic discourse, particularly the print media. The literature illustrates how the Anglo-American news writers employ appraisal resources to express attitudinal meanings. There are several resources that journalists have recourse to in assessing human behaviour 3.4.1 Realisations of affect In a comparative study of emotions and emotional language in English and German news stories, Ungerer (1997) argues that although newspaper texts are not included among emotion-provoking genres, many news articles invoke strong emotions among readers. For example, sports news can provoke diverse emotions among football enthusiasts while news on election results can equally trigger negative or positive emotions among voters. He explains that emotions of news events can be construed from the actors in the news story or the actions; for example, a distressed minister, or striking workers yelling at the minister. Bednarek (2010, p. 35) has also demonstrated how evaluation of third parties in a news report provides ?colour and human interest? to the story. She posits that the technique of describing the emotions of news actors is significant to media discourse Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 59 because it does not only evoke affection from the reader but also dislike or sympathy (see also White, 1998). Ungerer (1997, p. 309) argues that although English has a wide range of lexical items to express emotions, the described emotions do not correlate with the invoked emotions. The former can be explicitly identified while invoked emotions are covert and can only be ?invoked in the reader?. Ungerer further shows how an emotion-generating event that took place far away in Japan, is localised in European newspapers (English and German) in order to make the reader apply him/herself to the event. The news reporter focussed on individual victims and conjured up a similar threat locally. He contends that an inference that negative assessment would invoke emotion is quite complicated. However, on the basis of the animacy principle, negative assessment through use of disaster vocabulary (kill, rape, murder) would evoke compassion in the reader. While the event occurred in a faraway location, the technique of relocating it to the reader?s immediate context evokes fear of a similar danger occurring in their locality. The heightening of emotions is often realised via a ?detailed description of human pain and misery? (Ungerer, 1997, p. 323). Stenvall (2008) has shown how journalistic texts resort to the external voice in communicating emotions via verbatim account of the person experiencing the feelings. This is not only limited to individual feelings but journalists equally describe group emotions, exhibited in unusual behaviour at assemblies (of rallies, funerals, or congregations) though within these there would be many others not experiencing the emotion. Journalists usually convey sorrow by means of unusual silence; this, he argues, originates from Western culture where moments of silence are associated with mourning. Stevenvall postulates that signals that evoke emotions which refer to an individual emoter?s behaviour are infrequent in hard news stories. Thomson et al (2008, p. 222) have equally expounded that ?authorial affect appears incompatible with reporter voice? because news reporters usually write about emotions of other people. In her study of news reportage, academic discourse, fiction, and conversation, Bednarek (2008a) observed that fiction contains more affect terms than the others because fiction comprises, by nature, describing people, how they relate and interact as well as their emotions. She posits that largely speakers and writers express emotion in negative terms, and that language possesses more negative emotion terms than positive ones (Bednarek, 2008b). In comparison to fiction, Bednarek (2008a) found that news reportage recount emotional reactions of news participants and use a nominal-adjective affect style. Affect is conveyed by use of first person but it occurs in external voices via attribution (Bednarek, 2008a). Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 60 Affect is also realised in non-authorial locutions to express emotions of emoters, who are usually metonymic (country, world, nation, etc.), for example, The appointment of the vice-president surprised the nation (Bednarek, 2008a). Nonetheless, Holmgreen and Vestergaard (2009) in their study of biotech news texts, found less evaluation relating to affect and judgement but more instances of appreciation. They also established that writers do not express their personal emotions. The news texts also indicated instances where writers express others? emotions in depersonalised ways such as metonymy, nominalisation, and presupposition. Studies on affect have so far been limited to news reports and realisations of affect are drawn from this corpus. This study therefore extends the scope of emotions study to Runyankore-Rukiga news reports and explores how emotions are realised in opinion articles. 3.4.2 Realisations of appreciation In journalistic discourse, news writers are cagey in explicitly assessing processes and phenomena (Holmgreen and Vestergaard, 2009). White and Thomson (2009, p. 15) have observed that evaluations of products and processes do not occur in texts where there is authorial judgement and affect. They also note that their occurrence in news reports is limited. In her analysis of Le Monde?s editorials on politics, Le (2010, p. 23) observed that although differences between affect and judgement and appreciation were not confusing, distinguishing ?evaluation of situations (appreciation)? from those of human beings (judgement) was not straightforward because ?individuals are involved in situations and situations result from actions of individuals?. 3.4.3 Realisations of inscribed and invoked evaluation White (2002) and Gales (2010) illustrate how attitudinal meaning can be activated directly (inscribed) or indirectly (implied). In implicit assessment, the reader/listener construes the negative or positive attitude on the basis of the value system in that society, in which the text/utterance is constructed, that is, the cultural and ideological positioning. Inscribed judgment instantiates the lexical elements that carry judgement values (wrongly, lazily, noisily, etc.). Implied evaluation (tokens of judgement) does not encompass any attitudinal lexis; it is realised through neutral significations that carry judgemental values within the context (White, 2001) of the utterance/text. Bednarek (2010) similarly posits that in implicit evaluation, language is used to denote negative and positive meaning; however, the interpretation is contingent on the reader?s background. In the following examples, Martin and White (2005, p. 65), argue that there is no explicit evaluation of inhumanness on the part of the actors; however, the act of regarding ?people as commercial goods? calls forth negative assessment: Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 61 ? We [were] bought like a market. We was [were] lined up in white dresses, and they?d come around and pick you out like you was for sale. ? I remember all we children being herded up, like a mob of cattle, and feeling the humiliation of being graded by colour of our skins for the government records. White (2006) has demonstrated how attitudinal inscription unfolds in hard news through authorial stance. This occurs frequently in commentary stories where specific viewpoints are presented explicitly. In hard news, such inscriptions are limited to attributed sources (see section 3.5 below). Thomson, et al. (2008) have argued that texts with inscribed authorial appreciations are associated with texts that do not bear inscribed authorial judgement and affect or occur less frequently. Thomson, et al. (2008, p. 221) demonstrate how invoked attitude (invocation) is flagged through association and implication, for example, He only visits his mother once a year, even though she is more than 90 years old. In their comparative analysis of ?objectivity? and ??hard news?? reporting in English, French, Japanese and Indonesian, Thomson et al argue (2008, p. 222) that There is a very high probability that any explicit (inscribed) positive or negative judgements (assessments of human behaviour and character by reference to notions of ethics and social acceptability) will be confined to material attributed to outside sources. Thus there will be no or very few instances of the journalistic author explicitly, in his/her own words, passing judgment on human actions and behaviours. They, however, found out that a number of the news texts they analysed exhibited considerable instances in which the news reporter?s formulations are likely to elicit interrelated attitudinal positions. Against the backdrop of ?objective reporting?, they maintain that journalists conceal the explicit use of attitudinal meanings and approaches while constructing hard news reports. Richardson (2007, p. 63) also talks of ?hidden or presupposed meanings?, for example, the use of ?belligerence? in ?ending Iraqi belligerence? presupposes that Iraq is belligerent. He also explains that the definite article ?the? invokes the existence of certain things. The other example to mark hidden meaning is the use of ?wh-questions?. Whereas journalists have reservations in overtly assessing human behaviour, such is not the case with assessment of things, situations, or states of affairs. The biotech news texts has less judgement; however, considerable examples in which judgement through metaphors was realised abounded (Holmgreen and Vestergaard, 2009). Lastly, in a comparative study of Vietnamese hard news articles, Van (2008) found that the Vietnamese hard news article had high overt instances of attitudinal (judgement and appreciation) values and the news reporter explicitly expressed attitudinal values especially negative values against America. However, as he rightly points out, the sample (one article) may not have been adequate to guarantee generalisation and representability. Thomson and Fukui (2008) also observe Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 62 that the attitudinal arrangement in Japanese lead stories is compatible with English language broadsheet reporting. 3.5 RESOURCES FOR EVALUATIVE POSITIONING IN JOURNALISTIC DISCOURSE This section is premised on the presumption that hard news reporting is objective and refrains from communicating the writer?s viewpoint. Although substantial research has indicated that there is considerable restraint on the explicit use of evaluative meanings that detaches them from stated material (White, 1997, 1998, 2006; Martin and White. 2005; Van, 2008), subjectivity often creeps in. White (2006) posits that there are other linguistic techniques (instances of authorial endorsement) that facilitate expressions of alignment or disalignment and which reveal that the author is aligned or disaligned with the stated position thus bidding to make the reader align with that value position. Stenvall (2008) argues that factual and objective reporting is ideal and almost an impossible task. Pounds (2010) and Jaffe (2009 have equally underpinned the challenges encountered in achieving objective and impartial reporting in newspapers. Value judgment pervades even the discursive processes such as gathering and writing news, choosing the story, editing, and presentation (Richardson, 2007; Jullian, 2011). Martin and White (2005); White (2006) and Thomson, et al. (2008) have identified three voices that operate in English-language broadsheet journalism according to evaluation positions they portray, namely reporter voice, correspondent voice and commentator voice. Relatedly, White (2006) identifies three mechanisms at the disposal of a writer in transmitting evaluative meaning via attribution. These include authorial endorsement, authorial distancing, and evidential standing. Against this background, I will now turn to literature that reviews those formulations that the writer uses to align or disalign with the value position in the text as well as those appraisal resources that reveal his/her positioning vis-?-vis the text?s values/position across English and other languages. 3.5.1 Authorial alignment Authorial positioning is concerned with texts/propositions in which the author takes position through explicit or implicit evaluation and thus taking responsibility of the use of attitudinal values. Although authorial positioning is found to exist in commentary, opinion and editorials (Martin and White, 2005), it permeates hard news as well where objectivity and neutrality are expected. Pounds (2010) also contends that authorial stance has been clearly identified in hard news, thus rendering journalistic writing opinionated. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 63 One observable strategy of signalling authorial alignment, which I wish to focus on, is attribution. News reportage is usually limited to attributions and speculation on past or future events, or analysing people (Conrad and Biber, 2000). White (2006) construes attribution as a news reporting feature in which a news writer refrains from using overt evaluating language but attributes locutions to external voices. Quotations are used among other purposes to provide credence to the story and shield the author from shouldering the liability of attributions (van Dijk, 1985; Fairclough, 1995; Hsieh; 2006; Bednarek, 2010; Jullian, 2011). However, there are instances of authorial endorsement in which the reporter?s locutions present an external value position in a manner that aligns with his/her viewpoint. These occur via reporting verbs such as ?reveal?, ?demonstrate?, ?show?, ?indicate?, etc (Martin and White, 2005; Richardson, 2007). Martin and White (2005, p. 103) distinctly postulate that By such ?endorsing? formulations, the authorial voice presents the proposition as ?true? or ?valid? and thereby aligns itself with the external voice which has been introduced as the source of that proposition. By indicating in this way a heightened investment by the author and by co-opting some authoritative second party to the current rhetorical cause, such formulations set themselves against, or at least fend off, actual or potential contrary positions. Richardson (2007) also posits that in quoting directly the utterances of the external source, the writer may select verbs that frame the reader?s interpretation of the quotation, for example, in the following examples: ?John revealed??, or ?John admitted??, (Richardson, 2007, p. 102). While distinguishing averral (averral being the locution of the writer who assumes the responsibility of the locution) from attribution, Huntson (2000) posits that attribution uses words that indicate approval or facticity of the attribution on the part of the writer, for example, ?show?, ?demonstrate?, ?disclose?, etc. The use of ?say? lowers the credibility of the source. In this way, the writer manipulates attribution to evaluate positively the proposition, thereby enlisting his/hers readers to do likewise. Coulthard (1994), however, argues that the technique of quoting does not exclude the writer from the truth value assessment present in the proposition. It boils down to revealing the writer?s position despite transmitting it via some external voices. Similarly, White (2006) explicates that in attribution authors can align with or disalign from the external source. He argues that even attribution itself bears value positions and ideological inclinations. Authors can also use the strategy of high or low integrity in society or field. The credible sources are intended to covertly position the reader to regard the material as plausible and authoritative, whereas the less credible source invokes values of less reliability (Martin & White, 2005, p.116; Elorza, 2009; Bednarek, 2010). Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 64 Julian (2011, p. 769) argues that attributions may serve purposes of evaluation in very subtle ways. This material is very often used to praise, condemn, discredit, etc. the events or the people involved in such events. However, quotations may also serve to appraise the sources themselves, in such a way that the journalist?s skilful use of quotations may equally make the speaker sound sharp, considerate or attractive or, if used sarcastically, the speaker may appear unintelligent, cruel, naive, etc. This view is equally shared by White (2006), who contends that although a writer/speaker may provide a quoted source, which is not explicitly evaluated, the citation of that source and the choice of those words and not any other grouping in what the source said or wrote is a clear indication on the part of the writer that s/he upholds similar views. Another instance of authorial alignment has been identified by Stevenvall (2008, p. 233) who found that most sources used by Reuters and AP (Agence Presse) were anonymous, for example, ?police, officials, military, sources, witnesses, and analysts?. The use of ?source? is generic and he argues that whereas it may not be understood as ?authoritative and credible?, it provides an impression of heightening ?the newsworthiness of the quoted information, especially as the word is often pre- modified by the nouns intelligence, security, or military?. Besides providing credibility, the unnamed sources are employed to induce emotional feelings among the audience. In a comparative study of Thai and English news reports, Knox and Patpong (2008) established that the Thai report used neutral verbs in attributing the journalistic voice. Events are presented as true accounts ensuing from the writer?s observations. Knox found that the report made use of invoked judgement to assess the affected (protesters) and their acts in a negative manner whereas the agents (police) were positively assessed. Jullian?s (2011) comparative study of attributed material of online news reporting in China and the Western world reveals that the reporting exhibits abundant appraisal resources inherent in the external sources, a subtle strategy that journalists employ to evaluate an event, process, or people. White (2006) argues that studies have demonstrated that news reporting is a form of rhetoric in which the use of evaluative language is likely to change readers? expectations and views on the unfolding events. He, however, counters that not all news reports are generated with this potential and function of ideological consequences. Similarly, Richardson (2007) argues that in order to compile an objective report, a journalist detaches him/herself from ?the truth claims of the report?. However, this does not mean that the report is devoid of the value judgements. He points out that objectivity can be achieved through verbalisation of external voices, providing background information, ?scare quotes?, and inverted pyramid structure and non-authorial voice through Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 65 narrative style (Richardson, 2007). Section 3.5.2 below identifies some of those instances in which authors attempt to provide objective reporting. 3.5.2 Non-authorial positioning Non-authorial positioning entails circumstances where an author reverts to external sources/voices for evaluation; the reporting is unmediated. The writer?s formulations of the external voice are detached from his/her voice, that is, the author?s voice is removed from the cited material in a manner that signals other alternative viewpoints. Formulations realised through the verb ?claim? and use of ?scare quotes? distance the writer from potential support of the attributed material rendering his/her viewpoint neutral (White 2006). Richardson (2007, p. 55) identified another feature, agentless construction, and explains that agentless constructions appear ?very frequently in newspapers?. This aims to efface specificity and precision rather than attributing the action to an agent. When using transitivity, i.e., the process of representing actions in a text, journalists portray entities as either the sufferer/oppressed or as agents/executor/perpetrator of the action. Thorne (2006) and Kitley (2008) expound that the use of ?middle voice? (bad voice) or agentless passives in journalistic texts especially those recounting armed conflict appear to portray events occurring by themselves. For example, such propositions as ?bombs are dropped on places? or ?bullets kill someone? conceal negative acts associated with the agent. This technique blurs the agent behind the violent action; human agency is backgrounded. The middle voice was also found in headlines functioning as a weakening technique of dangerous events in ?an information war? while the active voice depicted an agent as ?concerned, responsible and in charge of events? (Kitley, 2008, p. 207). In order to comply with martial law, journalists wrote the reports aimed at achieving objective reporting during the political struggle in Indonesia. However, Kitley (2008) found that radical reordering of satellites in order to maintain the orbital structure in this news report rendered the texts unintelligible. Such linguistic options nonetheless deny journalists the traditional newspaper practices of news construction. 3.5.3 Nature of editorial positioning Since positioning by default exists in editorials, this section seeks to examine the nature of positioning taken by different news writers from diverse contexts to communicate their value positions. Unlike hard news reports, opinion writing, especially editorials, has not received Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 66 extensive and comprehensive research and the study samples in this section are largely located in the Western world. Editorial writing is characterised by subjectivity wherein editorialists overtly display their leaning on a given matter (Bhatia, 1993; White, 2006; Hsieh, 2008). Editorials reflect media?s construction of socio-cultural milieu and how they view it, thus presenting the newspaper?s stance (Le, 2010). Editorial writers usually have at their disposal several strategies to express their stance. Maddalena and Belmonte (2010) contend that editorials as leading articles are aimed to alter readers? stance. In their research, they found that American newspaper editorials are more sensitive to readers? not taken for-granted awareness, hence they ?justify, explain, exemplify and reformulate? in order to persuade the reader to align with the premise of their argument (Maddalena and Belmonte, 2010, p. 899). In another study, Sano (2008) examined the persuasive strategies unfolding in four Japanese editorials recounting the same news event and found that each editorial adopted a specific argumentative approach. Sano?s study identified the use of three common elements in Japanese editorials: Inducement, Empathetic Construction, and Position. Inducement, in a subtle manner, provokes readers by alluring them to the editorial; it is an introduction that attracts readers. This rhetorical strategy evokes invoked attitude. Empathetic construction is used to enlist empathy of readers on a given positioning. Through relativisation, the writer reduces the ?ideological gap? in order to persuade the reader to his/her viewpoint. The meaning behind the text evokes empathetic attitude on the value position put forward: ?behind the scenes of bombing terror, there is dark shadow of radical Muslims. If Islamic nations fall under the control of terrorist groups, that will be a serious threat to the world too? [emphasis mine] (Sano, 2008, p. 107). This example is intended to elicit the reader?s empathy. Position conveys the writer?s stance implicitly or explicitly and provides the major arguments. For each of the elements, a specific attitudinal sub-type is used to achieve its rhetorical strategy. For example, Inducement makes use of invoked attitude to attract readers. Sano argues that by starting with invoked attitude, the writer subtly establishes solidarity with the reader who may have a different ideological orientation. This typical approach is cultural; it is linked with the Japanese culture of homologisation (Sano, 2008, p.114). In her extensive research on Le Monde?s editorials, Le (2010, p. 174) describes editorials as those text types that take stance in an elaborate manner using negative assessments while addressing Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 67 socio-culturally coded values. She argues that editorials go beyond the function of comment and act as communicative acts aiming to ?influence people and get them to agree or disagree?. In fact, in an earlier study, Le Monde?s editorials that were subjected to appraisal analysis displayed acclamatory as well as analytical instances using ?reason and emotions? to lure its readership (Le, 2009, p. 1733). Le also established that these editorials express negative evaluation through cultural-coded values rather than locutions of emotions. These codes, however, are likely to evoke emotions given their inherent negative or positive dispositions (Le, 2010). In Lihua?s (2009) research on Chinese editorials in China Daily, she observes that there were more instances of judgement and appreciation than affect. She observed that the editorials preferred explicit appreciation and implicit judgement. She argues that the use of modals and non-attribution of sources enhances the power of authority in editorial writing. Editorial writing involves negotiating solidarity from the target readership. However, as Martin (2004) argues, negotiation of solidarity is intricate because it entails a variety of feelings unfolding in diverse social communities. When writing an editorial, therefore, the writer should [emphasis mine] take into account the diverse nature of readership community. 3.6 CONCLUSION This chapter has highlighted linguistic resources employed in the language of evaluation by underscoring the significance of evaluative language in written discourse particularly appraisal resources in journalistic writing. The literature apparently does address the criteria used to classify the attitudinal values (Bednarek, 2009, p. 148). The other significant challenge that Appraisal framework is faced with is its application to other languages besides English, Japanese, French, Indonesian, Vietnamese, Spanish, and Chinese on which considerable preliminary research has been carried out. For example, the functioning of attitudinal values may not apply to other languages and cultures. This study argues that whereas such parameters can function in English texts, they may not apply to Runyankore-Rukiga texts with the same exactitude. Various authors and researchers have apparently not shown a correlation or lack thereof between attitudinal values and aspects of news such as accidents, disasters, wars, corruption, power struggle, etc. This study therefore seeks to establish the nature of attitudinal values that correlate with the themes of the study across the English and Runyankore-Rukiga linguistic divide in the context of journalistic discourse. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 68 Finally, the literature has identified variations regarding attributions vis-?-vis authorial alignment and disalignment. In this regard, the study addresses the similarities and dissimilarities obtaining in stance taking across English and Runyankore-Rukiga. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 69 CHAPTER FOUR NEWS RECOUNTS AND COMMENTARY ON KONY WAR 4.1 INTRODUCTION This chapter explores the generic properties and appraisal resources invoked in hard news reports and editorials on warfare in Uganda focusing on the ?Kony War?. Initially referred to as ?the war in the north? (Leopold, 1999), the label ?Kony War?, derives from the name of the leader of the Lord?s Resistance Army (hereinafter LRA), Joseph Kony. The war traces its beginnings to the remnants of the Holy Spirit Movement of Alice Lakwena in 198611. Kony assumed the leadership of the remnants and started waging war against the government in 1988. LRA, who claim to fight and institute a government based on the Ten Commandments, operated in the northern parts of Uganda mainly in Acholi, Lango, Teso and West Nile regions. The war raged on in the 1990s and through the 2000s. Attempts to resolve the conflict through peace talks at various epochs and levels were thwarted by accusations of mistrust from either the government or the LRA side. LRA was driven out of northern Uganda in 2008 but continued its operation in South Sudan and later on in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo and Central African Republic to-date. The war has been unique in regard to the military strategy and tactics manifested in the atrocities committed, such as abductions of children, looting, burning houses, mutilations, and mass killings of civilians among others. The corpus for this study is selected from newspaper reports on the Kony War in conformity with the following sub-themes: killing of soldiers, killing of civilians, destruction of property, and abductions (see also Figure 1.1). The choice was purely intended to draw a representative sample of Kony War news stories rather than a precise categorisation of atrocities committed during the war. Since the war has not been a continuous event, the news reports are drawn from those periods when war activities were at peak level during the last decade and therefore reported in newspapers. Secondly, Orumuri and Entatsi newspapers, because of their regional scope, had very limited articles on the Kony War; a few were relegated to the commentary sections. The comparative analysis is therefore largely limited to reports from the two English dailies. 11 A number of studies have traced the actual origins of this war to the colonial times and past governments in Uganda; for a detailed account of these, see Gersony, 1997; Leopold, 1999; and Clark, 2010. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 70 The discourse analysis in the next four chapters is grounded in three levels: the first level involves the examination and identification of text-internal features of genre and appraisal resources invoked by reporters and editorialists while communicating issues of conflict; these are displayed by the textual mark-up (see Analytical key, p. xviii) on each analysed text. I then explicate the nature of generic properties and appraisal resources exemplified by the news reports and editorials. This analysis is based on comparing news reports and editorials from the government and independent newspapers as well as carrying out a cross-linguistic comparison. The third level of analysis reflects on the established features in respect of what is available in the literature and what the theories need to do. For each sub-theme, I closely analyse two news reports from both government and independent newspapers recounting the same event and then draw examples from other news reports and editorials to enhance the illustration. However, where reports narrating the same events are non- existent, the exploration is confined to analysing news reports and editorials of similar nature. For example, since Entatsi had no single report on Kony war conforming to the selection criteria, the analysis is limited to her editorials. Similarly, comparative investigation in argumentation across the newspapers was not possible because there were no editorials debating identical issues. 4.2 KILLINGS 4.2.1 Recounting the killing of soldiers The hard news reports explored under this sub-facet recount how soldiers from either the Uganda Peoples Defence Forces (hereinafter UPDF) or LRA were killed. Because of the news value of eliteness, the reports entail recounts involving army commanders or other soldiers of high rank. The first two reports from DM and NV recount the killing of a UPDF spokesperson in an ambush by LRA, while the Orumuri news report narrates the killing of an LRA soldier. The section therefore explores the three reports by examining the generic properties: move structures and the nature of appraisal devices reporters invoke to communicate stories on aberrant damage. Text 1.1.1hn Headline Top [j] UPDF shot dead [j] in Sudan Captain Magara fell in ambush Lead 1Uganda People?s Defence Forces 4th Division spokesman Capt. Khelil Magara was yesterday killed in an ambush [ap] inside the Sudan. Satellite 1: consequences - post-death event 3Capt. Magara?s body was flown by air [j] back to Gulu. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 71 Satellite 2: elaboration - circumstances of death 4Deputy Army Chief of Staff, Col. Fred Tolit said that the army still does not know the actual circumstances under which the captain died. Satellite 3: attitudinal assessment ? confirming one of the elements in the headline 6?He died in an ambush and his body has already been flown back to base, I do not know the circumstances under which he died,? he said. Satellite 4: elaboration - more details of ambush 8Reports in Gulu town say another captain - one Nsereko could be the other UPDF officer who died in the same ambush while pursuing rebels [j] inside Sudan. Satellite 5: elaboration ? reporter?s efforts to obtain more information 10The division commander, Col. Geoffrey Muhesi was not readily available for comment. Satellite 6: consequences of the war 11Kitgum RDC Samto Okot Napolo said there were at least 70 wounded UPDF officers in Kitgum hospital. (Daily Monitor, 22.03.2002, p. 1) Generic features and generic move structure ? Text 1.1.1hn Text 1.1.1hn exemplifies a textual structure similar to the contemporary news reporting obtaining in the Anglo-American journalistic practice. It exemplifies a move structure that equally follows the ?traditional? English journalistic reporting canons. The report is laconic compared to the NV version (Text 1.1.2hn below). The headline/lead presents the crisis point and provides a summary of the news event. It indicates ?what? (death of a UPDF soldier), ?who? (Captain Magara), ?when? (yesterday) and ?where? (inside Sudan). Although the present DM nucleus exhibits a close connection between the lead and the headline, the leads of other hard news report from the same sub-theme reveal a summary that does not entirely capture the contents that are carried in a subsequent lead. For example, there is no close link in the following headline and lead: Rebels kill UPDF Captain Army detains LRA negotiator, impounds food The stalemate over peace talks between government and Kony rebels could have worsened yesterday after the LRA killed UPDF Captain on Tuesday. (Daily Monitor, 19.10.2006, p. 1) The body satellites of Text 1.1.1hn oscillate from one stage to another through elaboration, contextualisation, consequences, attitudinal assessment in a non-linear move. They reach back to specify an element of the lead, thus conforming to the description of a contemporary hard news report by White (1997, 1998). However, Satellite 6 contains an attitudinal assessment that does not stem from the nucleus to imply that the ?70 wounded UPDF officers in Kitgum hospital? were a consequence of the present ambush. This property appears to deviate from the key function of the satellite phase - reaching back to the lead to specify an element rather than evolving fresh material (White, 1997). Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 72 Radical editability, propounded by White (1997; Kitley, 2008), was found incompatible with this news report. Radical editability applies to the body component of the news report and it consists in the reordering of the body satellites without creating a new genre or affecting the news report?s functionality (White, 1997). Thus, inserting a satellite between Satellite 2 and 3 would pose problems on the ?functionality of the text?. Similarly, Satellite 6 would not easily fit between the lead and Satellite 1 because of lack of textual relationship between the two segments. Appraisal resources The text exhibits very limited attitudinal assessment. Some of the negative inscriptions include ?shot dead? in the headline and ?rebels? in line 9 while the positive values include ?Top? in the headline, which flags social esteem of capacity and ?flown by air? (line 3) indicates the honour accorded to the dead officer. Although the report is largely objective, slippages of subjectivity are exemplified in the headlines. The inclusion of ?Top UPDF? subtly implies a considerable loss to the government forces. Arguably, it presupposes the vulnerability of the rest of the rank and file soldiers. In lines 11-12, the reporter quotes the Resident District Commissioner, a credible source, to indicate the effects of the war. It should be noted that an RDC represents the Executive (the President) in the district and oversees the implementation of government policies. Through the use of the middle voice, ?Top UPDF shot dead in Sudan? in the headline and the passive, ?Capt. Khelil Magara was yesterday killed in an ambush inside the Sudan? in lines 1-2, the agent is shadowed. The report further backgrounds the agent behind the ambush, that is, the LRA, only implicitly referring to the agent as ?rebels? in line 9. The NV and Orumuri reporters, however, explicitly articulate, in their headlines, ?Kony? and ?UPDF? as agents respectively (see texts 1.1.2hn and 1.1.3hn below). The Daily Monitor reporter refrains from assessing human behaviour or the processes and actions related to the reported event, and attributions to external voices are largely introduced using the ?impartial? reporting verb, ?say?, (lines 4, 7, 8 and 12). Text 1.1.2hn Headline Capt. Magara dies in Sudan Kony rebels [j] kill Sudanese colonel in raid [ap] Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 73 Lead 1A Sudanese army colonel and UPDF's Fourth Division Public Relations Officer, Capt. Khelil Magara, died on Wednesday in southern Sudan during a raid [ap] by the Lord's Resistance Army rebels, [j] reports Emmy Allio. Satellite 1: contextualization ? where and when the incident occurred 4The LRA rebels raided [j] four Sudan government army units between Nisitu and Jabeleni, about 30 km southeast of Juba city, the army confirmed yesterday. Satellite 2: elaboration ? details on death of news actor 6At least nine rebels died on the spot, but Magara collapsed and died [af] as he fled from the rebels, the Sudanese Charge d?Affaires in Kampala, Muhammad Sirajidin, said yesterday. Satellite 3: elaboration ? details of other who died in ambush 8Unconfirmed reports said about two dozen [ap] soldiers of the Sudan People?s Armed Forces (SPAF) could have died, among them a colonel, a major and a lieutenant. More, SPAF soldiers could have sustained injuries or were missing. The late Magara was among a few UPDF liaison officers deployed among the SPAF as observers. Satellite 4: attitudinal assessment ? rationale for fighting the rebels 12?We send our condolences [af] to Khelil?s family and the UPDF. He died for a noble cause of fighting terrorism. His death should be a reminder to the international community about the agreement between our countries and our resolve to fight terrorism,? the Sudanese envoy said yesterday. Satellite 5: effects ? retaliation after attack 16The Sudanese envoy said the rebels, estimated to number about 150 and commanded by Vincent Otti, were pursued and many guns recovered from them. Satellite 6: effects ? post-event details 18Magara?s body arrived at Entebbe Airport yesterday afternoon aboard plane chartered from Juba by the Sudan government. The body of the Sudanese Colonel was flown to Khartoum. Satellite 7: effects ? funeral arrangements 20Family sources said that the soft-speaking officer will be laid to rest at his ancestral home in Kei sub-county in Yumbe district. Satellite 8: contextualization ? information on location of ambush 22Nisitu and Jabeleni which are located in the Sudan government controlled area, were home to Joseph Kony?s camps before he shifted to Lubanga Tek, near Torit and closer to the Uganda border. Satellite 9: contextualization ? prior events leading up to current news event 24Sources said LRA has since quit Lubanga tek (a Luo word meaning God Is Great) camp and split into smaller groups following the agreement between Sudan and Uganda on March 5. The agreement allowed UPDF to hunt LRA inside Sudan. Satellite 10: attitudinal assessment of the event 27UPDF spokesman Maj. Shaban Bantariza said UPDF casualties were minimal because there were a few Uganda soldiers among the SPAF. Satellite 11: effects ? measures to counter future attacks 29Meanwhile, the UPDF has intensified helicopter gunship patrols along Sudan-Uganda border since Monday in an attempt to crack Kony. (New Vision, 21.03.2002, p. 1) Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 74 Generic features and generic move structure ? Text 1.1.2hn The NV report in Text 1.1.2hn exemplifies a similar move structure encountered in the DM report (Text 1.1.1hn above). The headline/lead reveals more details compared to the DM report, however with greater intensified interpersonal meanings. It provides extra information (another news actor killed alongside Magara), specifies the location and date, identifies the rebel group, and indicates the name of the news reporter, a peculiar aspect of the report (lines 1-2). Although the reporter recounts the story in a non-chorological order, close observation indicates a close link between specific satellites. Radical editability therefore does not equally appear to apply to this hard news report. For example, the lead and Satellite 1 seem to be closely linked such that an insertion of Satellite 9 between them poses difficulties in the report?s communicative functionality. Similarly, Satellites 4 and 5 hang together as well as Satellites 8 and 9; and the use of an acronym ?SPAF? links Satellite 10 to Satellite 3. Therefore, the reshuffling of satellites that positions Satellite 10 before 3 would disrupt the current move structure. While Satellite 11 can be inserted anywhere in the report, it seems a suitable segment to close the report. Following White (1997) and Kitley (2008), I illustrate the incomprehensibility that comes along with the radical editing of Text 1.1.2hn in table 4.1 below. Table 4.1: Radical ?ineditability? of Capt. Magara dies in Sudan (Text 1.1.2hn) Original Version ?Unintelligible? edited version Capt. Magara dies in Sudan Kony rebels kill Sudanese colonel in raid A SUDANESE army colonel and UPDF'S Fourth Division Public Relations Officer, Capt. Khelil Magara, died on Wednesday in southern Sudan during a raid by the Lord's Resistance Army rebels, reports Emmy Allio. (Nucleus) Capt. Magara dies in Sudan Kony rebels kill Sudanese colonel in raid A SUDANESE army colonel and UPDF'S Fourth Division Public Relations Officer, Capt. Khelil Magara, died on Wednesday in southern Sudan during a raid by the Lord's Resistance Army rebels, reports Emmy Allio. (Nucleus) The LRA rebels raided four Sudan government army units between Nisitu and Jabeleni, about 30 km southeast of Juba city, the army confirmed yesterday. (Satellite 1) Nisitu and Jabeleni which are located in the Sudan government controlled area, were home to Joseph Kony?s camps before he shifted to Lubanga Tek, near Torit and closer to the Uganda border. (Satellite 8) At least nine rebels died on the spot, but Magara collapsed and died as he fled from the rebels, the Sudanese Charge d?Affaires in Kampala, Muhammad Sirajidin, said yesterday. (Satellite 2) Sources said LRA has since quit Lubanga tek (a Luo word meaning God Is Great) camp and split into smaller groups following the agreement between Sudan and Uganda on March 5. The agreement allowed UPDF to hunt LRA inside Sudan. (Satellite 9) Unconfirmed reports said about two dozen soldiers of the Sudan People?s Armed Forces (SPAF) could have died, among them a colonel, a major and a lieutenant. More, SPAF soldiers could have sustained injuries or were missing. The late Magara was among a few UPDF liaison officers deployed among the SPAF as observers. (Satellite 3) UPDF spokesman Maj. Shaban Bantariza said UPDF casualties were minimal because there were a few Uganda soldiers among the SPAF. (Satellite 10) Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 75 ?We send our condolences to Khelil?s family and the UPDF. He died for a noble cause of fighting terrorism. His death should be a reminder to the international community about the agreement between our countries and our resolve to fight terrorism,? the Sudanese envoy said yesterday. (Satellite 4) At least nine rebels died on the spot, but Magara collapsed and died as he fled from the rebels, the Sudanese Charge d?Affaires in Kampala, Muhammad Sirajidin, said yesterday. (Satellite 2) The Sudanese envoy said the rebels, estimated to number about 150 and commanded by Vincent Otti, were pursued and many guns recovered from them. (Satellite 5) Unconfirmed reports said about two dozen soldiers of the Sudan People?s Armed Forces (SPAF) could have died, among them a colonel, a major and a lieutenant. More, SPAF soldiers could have sustained injuries or were missing. The late Magara was among a few UPDF liaison officers deployed among the SPAF as observers. (Satellite 3) Magara?s body arrived at Entebbe Airport yesterday afternoon aboard plane chartered from Juba by the Sudan government. The body of the Sudanese Colonel was flown to Khartoum. (Satellite 6) Meanwhile, the UPDF has intensified helicopter gunship patrols along Sudan-Uganda border since Monday in an attempt to crack Kony. (Satellite 11) Family sources said that the soft-speaking officer will be laid to rest at his ancestral home in Kei sub-county in Yumbe district. (Satellite 7) The Sudanese envoy said the rebels, estimated to number about 150 and commanded by Vincent Otti, were pursued and many guns recovered from them. (Satellite 5) Nisitu and Jabeleni which are located in the Sudan government controlled area, were home to Joseph Kony?s camps before he shifted to Lubanga Tek, near Torit and closer to the Uganda border. (Satellite 8) Magara?s body arrived at Entebbe Airport yesterday afternoon aboard plane chartered from Juba by the Sudan government. The body of the Sudanese Colonel was flown to Khartoum. (Satellite 6) Sources said LRA has since quit Lubanga tek (a Luo word meaning God Is Great) camp and split into smaller groups following the agreement between Sudan and Uganda on March 5. The agreement allowed UPDF to hunt LRA inside Sudan. (Satellite 9) Family sources said that the soft-speaking officer will be laid to rest at his ancestral home in Kei sub-county in Yumbe district. (Satellite 7) UPDF spokesman Maj. Shaban Bantariza said UPDF casualties were minimal because there were a few Uganda soldiers among the SPAF. (Satellite 10) ?We send our condolences to Khelil?s family and the UPDF. He died for a noble cause of fighting terrorism. His death should be a reminder to the international community about the agreement between our countries and our resolve to fight terrorism,? the Sudanese envoy said yesterday. (Satellite 4) Meanwhile, the UPDF has intensified helicopter gunship patrols along Sudan-Uganda border since Monday in an attempt to crack Kony. (Satellite 11) The LRA rebels raided four Sudan government army units between Nisitu and Jabeleni, about 30 km southeast of Juba city, the army confirmed yesterday. (Satellite 1) Appraisal resources The report displays positive inscriptions of the deceased in line 20, ?the soft-speaking officer? and the government forces? strength in dealing with the rebels, ?nine rebels died on the spot?; ?the rebels ? were pursued and many guns recovered from them? and ?the UPDF has intensified helicopter gunship patrols? in lines 6, 17 and 29 respectively. Lines 27 and 28 exemplify explicit judgment revealing the reporters? subjective propositions that evaluate the government army Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 76 positively, and explicitly show the reporter?s alignment with the value position carried by the propositions. Unlike the DM version, the NV headline identifies the agent, the rebels who killed a Sudanese colonel. Note that the locution ?Magara dies in Sudan? equally shadows the cause of death ? what he died of. Like the DM reporter, the NV reporter invokes neutral reporting verb ?say? to refer to external sources. However, we note covert alignment with external source through the use of ?confirmed? (line 5), implying that the reporter restricts the dialogic alternative by holding the external voice [the army] as a reliable source. The report also exemplifies unspecified sources (lines 8 and 24), attributing the locutions to anonymous sources (Martin and White, 2005; Stenvall, 2008). Notice that there is another property that characterises this report, the unattributed attitudinal assessment (lines 29-30) that ends the report, a feature shared by the Orumuri report (Text 1.1.3hn below). Text 1.1.3hn Headline Kony?s Commander was killed by UPDF Kamanda wa Kony aba UPDF bamwitsire Lead 1The one who has been Jospeh Kony?s a renowned trusted commander [j] in the rebel army of LRA rebels [j], Capt. Odongo Murefu was fired bullets [shot] [j] in Pader district. These were said by the UPDF army spokesperson for the fifth division, 2nd Lt. Chris Magezi on Thursday when he was conversing with [addressing] journalists in Pader district. Obaire ari kamanda wa Joseph Kony omwesigwa rurangaanwa omumahe g?ekiheekyera aga LRA. Capt. Odongo Murefu ateirwe amasasi omuri disturikiti ya Pader. Ebi bigambirwe omugambirizi w?amahe ga UPDF ahabwa division ya kataano 2nd Lt. Chris Magezi orwa kana obu abaire naagaaniiraho n?abany?amahurire omuri Disiturikiti ya Pader. Satellite 1: contextualisation ? time and location of the killing 5Magezi said that Capt. Odongo Murefu and other five rebels [j] were killed on Sunday in Pajure 30 kilometres on the north of Pader district. He continued and said [added] that it is the 65 and 85 battalions that discovered these dead bodies in the home of Murefu found in Pajure sub-county on Thursday. Magezi agizire ngu Capt. Odongo murefu hamwe n?abandi baheekyera bataano bakeitwa aha sande omuri Pajure kilomita 30 omumatemba ga distirikiti ya Pader. Ayongyeire yagira ngu za batariyoni eya 65 hamwe n?eya 85 nizo zazoire emitumbi egi omumaka ga Murefu agari omu gomborora ya Pajure orwakana. Satellite 2: attitudinal assessment ? illustrations of victory for government forces 9Fifty six people, three guns, six guns that fight tanks [anti-tank guns] and 170 bullets were removed from the rebels [ap]. He said that they did not lose a single soldier [j] except three soldiers were injured; one of them is very bad [in a critical condition] [af]. UPDF has done a big job [commendable] in fighting Kony [j]. (Orumuri, September 22-28, 2003, p. 22) Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 77 Abantu 56, embundu ishatu, embundu ezirikurwanisa za tanka mukaaga hamwe n?amasasi 179 nibyo byaihirwe omu mikono y?abaheekyera. Agizire ngu tibarafeereirwe omuserikare n?omwe okwihaho abaserikare bashatu nibo baahutaaziibwe omwe ahari bo ari kubi munonga. UPDF ekozire omurimo muhango aha kurwanisa Kony. Generic features and generic move structure ? Text 1.1.3hn The Orumuri news recount (Text 1.1.3hn) presents a shorter recount of the news event. A significant comparative difference associated with the report is its detailed lead, cast in two long winding sentences of 45 words12. Satellite 2 combines the consequences of the attack and the reporter?s attitudinal assessment of the institution of the army, UPDF. Appraisal resources One significant comparative difference between Text 1.1.3hn and the previous texts is the overt positive evaluation of the government forces and their actions. The tokens in lines 9-10, ammunition and people rescued from the rebels and the absence of human loss, evoke the success of the attack and effectiveness of the army. This compares with the positive attitudinal assessment in line 17 of Text 1.1.2hn above. The positive inscription in lines 12-13, ?UPDF has done a big job [commendable] in fighting Kony?, reflects authorial alignment; the reporter lauds and recognises efforts of the government forces in fighting the rebels. Whereas the expression ?fired bullets? (line 2) could be socially construed as carrying negative affectual value, in this context it appears to evoke a sigh of relief and feeling of happiness after a ?trusted and renowned? rebel commander (line 1) whose army has been terrorising civilians, is killed. 4.2.2 Opinion on the killing of soldiers This section examines how newspaper editorial writers appraise issues arising out of the Kony War in Uganda. The issues are limited to questions of peaceful and military options in ending the war. Although there were no editorials that explicitly disputed a military action to ending the war, most editorials engaged in argumentation against the procedure of peaceful means. The three editorials examined overtly or covertly advocate military means to ending the war and restoring normalcy in northern Uganda. Although the arguments pertain to military action, they arise out of news events on killing of soldiers, and thus being categorised as such. Text 1.1.1ed Headline Time to finish Kony Background Information (BI1) ? whereabouts of the rebel leaders 12 The word count of Orumuri report lead is based on the original Runyankore-Rukiga text which reflects the authentic representation of the reported event. However, the English translation equally shows a lengthy lead. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 78 1JOSEPH KONY and his deputy Vincent Otti have reportedly moved back into a remote part of Kitgum district. Presenting Grounds for Argument (PGA) ? an opportunity to end the war 3This is a blessing in disguise [ap]. If the reports are correct, Kony should not be allowed to leave Uganda again. Background Information (BI2) ? a weakening rebel force 5Operation Iron Fist has put immense pressure [j] on the Lord?s Resistance Army rebels in southern Sudan. They were pinned down [j] in the Imotong Hills and five of their six camps have been occupied by the UPDF [j]. Background Information (BI3) ? casualties suffered 8Last week the LRA attempted to ambush three UPDF armoured vehicles and took 67 casualties including Kony?s chief signaller [j]. Kony was apparently not far behind this group. Argument 1 ? supporting examples to show UPDF?s capability 10Although Khartoum has indicated that the UPDF can stay as long as necessary in southern Sudan, it is obviously better [ap] if Kony can be dealt with inside Uganda. The UPDF is capable [j] of wiping out rebel groups [j]. The ADF is now an insignificant threat [ap] in the Rwenzori where farming and tourism have now resumed [ap]. Argument 2 ? reason to end protracted suffering 14The insurrection [ap] in northern Uganda has been going on since 1986. Argument 3 ? circumstances leading to peaceful means 15Negotiation worked with the UPDA rebels in 1987 but these were rational ex-army officers [j]. They came out of the bush and joined the NRA [j]. Argument 4 - ineffectiveness of peaceful means 17Negotiation with Kony and the LRA failed [ap] in 1995. Kony only used the opportunity to regroup, recruit and rearm [j]. Argument 5 ? tactics used by rebels for survival 19Since then, when the LRA is under military pressure, it retreats to the Sudan. When the heat is off, they come back. Closure ? urging UPDF to pursue the rebels 21Now there is a chance [ap] to finish Kony for good. Both the Sudan and Uganda should prove too hot for him. Let us hope that the UPDF can conclude this great opportunity [ap]. (New Vision, June 11, 2002 p. 8) Generic features and generic move structure ? Text 1.1.1ed The NV editorial (Text 1.1.1ed) above exhibits the following structural elements: Headline (H), Background Information (BIn), Presenting Grounds for Argument (PGA), Argument (An), and Closure (C). The first element, the Headline, states the subject of the argument. The Background Information element, which is recursive, provides a brief introduction of the subject of argument, often referring to a latest occurrence or a contemporary issue in society that the editorialist is set to address. This occurrence could have been carried by the NV or other media outlets (intertextual reference). The third element presents grounds for argument - it sets the premise/issue of contention. This appears to evoke a similar function of Addressing an Issue move suggested by Ansary and Babaii (2005). The Argument element provides propositions as reasons, justifications or Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 79 evidence in form of examples to support the propositions. The Closure concludes the argument either by stating a position or giving a recommendation. Thus in the PGA phase, the writer urges government to seize the opportunity to deal with the rebel and re-echoes the headline. The Background Information element (lines 5-7, 8-9) makes reference to UPDF?s military achievements in dealing with the rebels and the LRA?s inability to fight government forces now. The argument element is iterative: the first argument (lines 10-13) provides the advantages at the disposal of government forces and their capability to deal with the rebels while the second argument (line 14) entails the urgent reason to end the protracted suffering. The third and fourth arguments (lines 15-16, 17-18) present the reasons why peaceful means are ineffective with LRA. Argument 5 (lines 19-20) is about the tactics the rebels use to sustain their existence. The last element, the Closure, recommends an action via the modality function ?should?. The argument phase is delayed and comes after preparing the ground with sufficient background information. The arguments are juxtaposed one after the other without explicit transition or the traditional logical or cohesive markers. Appraisal resources The editorial presents overt positive values which applaud Operation Iron Fist and the actions of UPDF (see also Text 1.1.3ed below). Operation Iron Fist was a massive military attack launched in 2002 by UPDF against the LRA rebels who were operating from southern Sudan. The editorialist clearly articulates optimism in regard to the current issues via the following locutions: ?a blessing in disguise?; ?it is obviously better??; ?Now there is a chance??; and ?this great opportunity? in lines 3, 11, 21 and 22 respectively. The writer thus aligns with the value position carried by the positive locution. In the Background Information elements the editorialist expresses overt positive attitudes that portray one side (UPDF) as capable (strong) ? ?Iron Fist [UPDF] has put immense pressure??; ?rebels were pinned down?; and ?The UPDF is capable of wiping?? in lines 5, 6 and 11 respectively; and invoke attitudes of incapability of the other side - a weakened rebel force suffering heavy casualties in lines 6-7 and 8-9. In a way these locutions sanitise the actions of UPDF (see also Carter and Weaver (2003) and Wright (1998)). In the argumentation phase, the editorialist employs a rhetorical strategy that equally evokes positive appreciation of the previous military accomplishments (lines 12-13) and negative judgement of the LRA (lines 14, 17-18). In lines 15-16, the editorialist invokes implicit evaluation ? Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 80 UPDA13 rebels are ironically assessed as ?rational ex-army officers? (perhaps to suit the editorialist?s current argument) who came out of the bush, implying that negotiation is only effective with rational people. Since the LRA are ?not rational?, they cannot be negotiated with. This attitudinal invocation is further validated in argument 4. Below, I explore another editorial text that advocates a military option. Text 1.1.2ed Headline - subject of debate, disregard of peace talks with Kony Discussing with Kony will not bring about peace Okutensa na Kony tikyo kiraareete obusingye Background Information - violation of cease-fire agreement resulting into deaths and abduction of government forces 1Although after about one week Kony and his LRA rebels [j] announced a ceasefire [ap] in northern Uganda in order to find a method of bringing about peace [ap], the number of UPDF soldiers and residents of the region who die and others abducted keeps on increasing [ap] almost every day. Bwanyima y?esabiiti nk?emwe Kony n?abaheekyera be aba LRA baherize kurangiirira kuhabaho okwemereza okurwana omu matemba ga Uganda hakarondwa omuhanda ogwakubaasa kureetaho obusingye, omubaro gw?abaserukare ba UPDF n?abatuuzi b?ekicweka ekyo abarikufa n?abandi bakanyagwa nigugyenda nigweyongyera haihi buri izooba. Background Information - additional information, an act that aggravates cease-fire violation 4What was surprising [af] is the murdering and killing of two top army officials [ap] at the level of Major who were killed in Pader going for a meeting in Kitgum. Those top officials are said [reported] to have died with their bodyguards and the number of other people who were killed and injured is not yet known. Ekitangaarize n?eky?okutemura n?okwitwa kw?abanyamahe bakuru babiri abari aha rurengo rwa Meeja (Major) abeitiirwe omuri Pader barikuza omu rukiiko Kitgum. Abakuru abo nibagambwa ku bafiire n?abakuumi baabo n?omubaro gw?abandi bantu abafiire n?abandi bakahutaazibwa ogutakamanyirwe. Background Information - a listing of previous atrocities 8This act adds on other abominations [atrocities] [ap] which include burning houses, raping women and girl children, cutting off people?s body parts which include lips, sexual organs, and taking the people into captive [ap]. Ekikorwa eki nikyongyera aha bihagaro ebindi ebirimu okwosya amaju, okuhamba abakazi n?abaana b?abaishiki, okusharaho abantu ebicweka by?emibiri yaabo ebirimu eminwa n?ebicweka by?enshoni oteebirwe n?okutwara abantu omu bukwatwa. Argument 1 ? reason for disregarding negotiations with Kony and caution about him 11Meanwhile, it is the duty of the Ugandan Government and the army that protects its people and property not to abide by Kony?s beliefs because it is clear his main intention is that of killing and finishing off the lives of Ugandans [ap]. They say that if you ignore a prick from a shrub, it makes you limp [P]. Beitu n?obu biri bityo n?omurimo gwa gavumenti ya Uganda n?eihe erikugirinda n?abantu baayo n?ebintu byabo okuteikiriza kugyendera aha biteekyerezo bya Kony ahakuba nikyeteegyerezibwa ku 13 UPDA stands for Uganda People?s Democratic Army, another rebel group that fought the government in 1986 in northern Uganda. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 81 ekigyendererwa kye ekikuru kiri okwita n?okumaraho amagara g?abantu ba Uganda. Bagira ngu ku ogaya akatojo kakucumbagiza. Argument 2 - rationale for distrusting peaceful means to resolve conflict 15The death of those top army officials during the time when Kony declared a cease-fire is a sign that shows and confirms that LRA had another intention rather than seeking peace. Eky?okufa kw?abanyamahe bakuru abo omu bunaku bwa Kony arangiriire ku bemereza okurwana n?akabonero karikworeka kandi kakahamya ku aba LRA babaire baine ekindi kigyendererwa beitu kutari kusherura obusingye. Closure ? recommendation & position statement 17The Government has to [should] know that discussing with Kony might not be the way of bringing peace to the people in northern Uganda except [but] that there can be peace if Kony is not there. (Entatsi, September 5-11, 2002, p. 4) Gavumenti eine kukimanya ngu okutensa na Kony nigubaasa okutaba mubazi gw?okureetera abantu b?omu matemba ga Uganda obusingye okwihaho nihabaasa kubaho obusingye Kony yaaba atariho. Generic features and generic move structure ? Text 1.1.2ed Text 1.1.2ed displays similar structural elements that unfolded in Text 1.1.1ed. The Background Information takes up much of the textual space leading to a shorter section of the argument phase (lines 11-14 and 15-16). In lines 4-5, there is implicit intertextual referencing of previous news reports (refer to Texts 1.1.1hn and 1.1.2hn). The last element is a hybrid of recommendation and position statement that invokes elimination of the rebel leader as a means of attaining peace. Appraisal resources In this editorial, we observe that the Headline articulates the position of the writer/newspaper with a negative inscription. The build-up to the Argument element (Background Information elements) display negative judgement of the rebels: the increasing number of atrocities committed by the rebels (lines 2-3); the death of high-ranking government soldiers (line 4) and the mutilation of the civilian population (lines 8-10). The editorialist employs a rhetorical strategy of accentuating negative attitudes of the adversary in the Background Information so as to prepare the reader?s disposition to accept reasons presented in the subsequent phase of Argument. These negative inscriptions demonise LRA and position them as killers; therefore, negotiating with Kony will not generate peace because he is not honest (lines 15-16). A similar rhetorical technique abounds in George Bush?s description of Sadam Hussein to justify US invasion of Iraq in 1991. Sadam was described as ?guilty of heinous acts of barbarism, including mass hangings, pulling babies from incubators, shooting children? unleashing a horror on the people of Kuwait? (Carter and Weaver, 2003, p. 26). The editorialist invokes a cultural norm in line 13-14 to justify the argument; Kony is equated with a prick from a small shrub, akatojo, which once ignored (if it is not removed from one?s foot/leg), it Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 82 can cause an inflammation to the foot/leg and lead to limping. Similarly, Kony, who is seemingly a small enemy, can be dangerous, if ignored. In the last element (lines 17-19), the editorialist rejects the current proposition that discussing with Kony would bring peace and supplants it with an implicit proposition of eliminating [killing] Kony, an indication that s/he does not endorse peace talks as a means to resolve the conflict. Text 1.1.3ed Headline Iron Fist did a [good] job [ap] Iron Fist ekozire omurimo Stimulating Issue (SI) ? assessing positively aspects of the argument 1The way the rebel soldiers of Kony are getting out of the bush others being killed and others captured like goats [M] gives strength [ap]. Omuringo ogu abaserukare babahekyera ba Kony barikurugira omu kishaka abandi bakaitwa oteireho n?abandi kukwatwa mabuzi niguhaisa amaani. Background Information 1 - the outcomes of Amnesty Act and military pressure from government forces 3Last week, president Museveni met distinguished guests [j] from outside the country and showed them about 14 loyalists [rebel loyalists] [j] who were in rebel activities [ap] in northern Uganda fighting the Movement government for 17 years [j] and decided to surrender [j] for many reasons including the law of forgiving rebels [ap] (Amnesty Act) and the increasing fire from the UPDF [M, ap] who [UPDF] are growing stronger every night pushing forward Iron Fist arrangement [j]. Esande ehweire, Purezidenti Museveni abugaine amafura garikuruga aheeru y?eihanga yaagoreka ebikongi nka 14 ebyabeire biri omu buhekyera omu matemba ga Uganda barikurwanisa gavumenti ya Muvementi kumara emyaka 17 bakasharamu kurekura ahabw?enshonga nyingi ezirimu ekiragiro ky?okusasira abahekyera (Amnesty Act) hamwe n?omuriro kweyongyera gurikuruga omu ba UPDF abarikweyongyera amaani buri kiro obwo nibatwara omumaisho entekateeka ya Operation Iron Fist. Background Information 2 ? recounting the president?s description of the Amnesty law 8Since the way and procedure of Movement is not to pay revenge [not to revenge], Museveni confirmed [j] to the guests [j] that those who came out of rebel activities whether they have brought themselves or were captured, will be assisted to stay with local people by receiving support from the government which they have been fighting against [ap]. Nk?oku enkora n?entwaza ya Muvementi eri obutahoora nzigu, Museveni ahamiize amafura ngu abarugire omu buhekyera yaaba beeretsire ninga bakwatsirwe nibaija kuhwerwa okugaruka kutuura n?abantu ba buriijo obwo batungire obuyambi kuruga omu gavumenti ei batwire nibarwanisa. Background Information 3 ? details of Amnesty law benefits 12Those who are disciplined [j] will be registered to join the UPDF soldiers and the children they took by force [abducted] [j] into rebel activities will receive support through schools and acquire other skills to sustain themselves. Abaine emicwe bahandiikwe kuza omu mahe ga UPDF kandi abaana abu batweire kifuba omu buhekyera batungye obuyambi kuraba omu mashomero n?okutunga endiijo myoga y?okwebeisaho. Argument ? the payoff accruing from the work of Amnesty Commission Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 83 15This arrangement of Amnesty Act which is being implemented by the Amnesty Commission, headed by the Supreme Court Judge P.K.K Onega did a great job and yielded good fruits [ap] starting with the time of the ADF when it had disorganised [ap] parts of western Uganda. Entekateeka egi eya Amnesty Act erikuteebwa omu nkora Amnesty Commission akarikukurirwa omuramuzi wa Kooti nkuru P.K.K Onega ekozire omurimo gw?amaani yaayana ebijuma birungi kutandika n?obwire bwa ADF obuyabeire yaateganisa ebicweka bya bugweizooba. Recommendation ? urging rebels to surrender/comply with Amnesty law 18It is up to those who came out of the bush if they have communication and working relationship with their comrades [j] who are still there to show them that there is still an opportunity to be forgiven [j] and once they surrender they will be handled well [j]. Kiri ahari abo abarugire omu kishaka baaba baine empurizana n?enkoragana na bataahi baabo abakiriyo kubooreka ngu bakiine omugisha gw?okusasirwa kandi bayerekurira nibatwazibwa gye. Closure ? why surrendering is desirable 21Others like Lakwena who is in exile and the son of late Idi Amin Taban are good examples [j] for the other rebels to surrender. (Orumuri, July 12-14, 2004, p. 4) Bamwe nka Lakwena otwire omu buzaahe na mutabani w?Omugyenzi Amin Taban n?ebyokureberaho birungi by?abandi bahekyera kurekura. Generic features and generic move structure ? Text 1.1.3ed Text 1.1.3ed deviates from the editorial texts (1.1.1ed and 1.1.2ed) above in its structural presentation and communicative purpose. Its headline is, however, similar to others because it states the subject of debate in unequivocal terms, revealing the position value of the newspaper. The Stimulating Issue element apparently presents positive aspects of the argument. It presents an attitudinal assessment of issues that invites the reader to read on. A fairly similar strategy was identified by Sano (2008) in Japanese editorials, in which the Inducement element is used to attract the reader to the editorial. Similar to previous editorials, this editorial equally presents an extended Background Information phase and a single episode of the Argument phase. The Background Information elements exemplify the writer?s positive assessments of the institution of the army as well as the Amnesty law. There is only one ?semi-argumentation? phase (lines 15-17), which applauds the Amnesty Commission. The text deliberately deviates from the expected structure in order to achieve a private intention (Bhatia, 2008), that is, to extol government forces? actions and government policies via a series of Background Information phases (see appraisal resources below). Appraisal resources The headline exemplifies attitudinal invocation which triggers positive appreciation14 indicated in the square brackets. The original Runyankore-Rukiga version ?Iron Fist ekozire omurimo? [Iron Fist did/has done a job] carries implicit evaluation without necessarily attaching an epithet to a 14 The interpretation is dependent on the context since the editorialist does not explain what ?Iron Fist? is (see text 1.1.1ed above). Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 84 noun. Other instances of invoked judgement/appreciation from Runyankore-Rukiga to illustrate this category include ?ogu n?omushaija/omukazi? [this is a man/woman]; ?aguzire motoka? [s/he bought a car]. In all the above cases, the speaker/writer positively evaluates the person/item mentioned without necessarily providing a modifier that carries evaluative elements such as ?a great/brave? man/woman; ?a nice/big? car. The editorial is also dominated by positive inscriptions beginning with the editorialist?s optimism in lines 1-3 and 21, i.e., the killing and capture of rebels, which implies the end of the war. While the Stimulating an Issue element exhibits negative values (?rebel soldiers of Kony?, ?killed?, ?captured like goats?), the editorialist evaluates them as positive (thus the italicised mark-up) because they point towards resolving/ending the war. The simile of kukwatwa mabuzi [captured like goats] is a realisation of the intensification process that graduates the locution. The writer assumes that the putative reader shares similar attitudes (a compliant reader) and therefore aligns with the value position, that indeed the killing of rebels at that time is desirable. A resistant reader [a human rights activist or a resident of northern Uganda] would probably construe it differently, associating it with negativity (see Martin and White, 2005, p. 62 on various reading positions). Other positive inscriptions unravel in the headline and lines 5-7, ekozire omurimo [did a job] and n?omuriro kweyongyera gurikuruga omu ba UPDF abarikweyongyera amaani buri kiro obwo nibatwara omumaisho entekateeka ya Operation Iron Fist. [the increasing fire from UPDF who are growing stronger? pushing forward Iron Fist arrangement] which realise the victory and determination of the government forces; and in lines 10-11, 16 and 19-20, which portray the benefits of Amnesty law and the president?s benevolence towards rebels and those who will surrender. This editorialist?s rhetorical strategies offer the reader positive cases that demonstrate the returns of a military solution to ending the conflict as well as the benefits of surrendering. 4.2.3 Recounting the killing of civilians In this section, I examine hard news reports and an editorial under the sub-facet of killing of civilians. There were no news reports or editorials from the Runyankore-Rukiga newspapers conforming to the selection criteria, in this category. Therefore, the comparative exploration examines only the news reports from the two English dailies. Texts 1.2.1hn and 1.2.2hn recount the same event, the dreadful killing of civilians who were living in one of the Internally Displaced Peoples? (IDPs) camps by LRA. Text 1.2.1ed is an editorial that ensues from the previous day?s news event on the killing of civilians by LRA rebels narrated in Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 85 texts 1.2.1hn and 1.2.2hn. The editorialist interrogates the government army?s resolve to protect civilians. Text 1.2.1hn Headline Rebels kill 47 in Lira Lead 1At least 47 civilians died in yesterday?s gruesome rebel attack [ap] on Abia internally displaced people?s camp here. Satellite 1: Elaboration ? identifying news actor + temporal details 3Suspected rebels of the Lord?s Resistance Army struck the camp early yesterday morning. Satellite 2: Contextualization ? location of news event 4The camp is located in Moroto County 25km north of Lira town. Satellite 3: Elaboration ? details of attack and death toll 5The LC I Chairman of Apaka Village, Mr. James Okeng, told The Monitor that about 47 bodies had been counted by last afternoon. Satellite 4: Elaboration ? more details on death toll 7?We counted 47 corpses [ap] and we have buried 17 so far,? he said. Satellite 5: Attitudinal assessment ? speculation, i.e., rise of death toll 8Okeng said the death toll is likely to rise because some people could have died either in the bushes or burnt in their huts. Satellite 6: Attitudinal assessment of rebel?s behaviour 10Survivors said the rebels clubbed their victims to death [j]. Satellite 7: Elaboration ? more details on gruesome killing 11?They told the women to line up separately from the men. Then they used clubs and machetes to kill people [j]. Some of us then decided to run away but some were hit by bullets,? a survivor said. Satellite8: Elaboration ? other details on death toll 14The army, however, has put the death toll at more than 20. Satellite 9: Attitudinal assessment ? conditions of victims 15?Over 20 are dead. Twice the number is wounded and women are in a critical condition,? the army 5th Division publicist 2nd Lt. Chris Magezi said. Satellite 10: Elaboration ? details of rebels 17Magezi said rebel commander Odhiambo led the attack on the camp. He said the rebels outnumbered [j] the government soldiers at the camp. Satellite 11: Attitudinal assessment ? retaliation by government forces 19?The rebels had come in a sizeable number. But we immediately dispatched a group of forces [j] to pursue them. We also managed to kill some of the attackers,? he said. Satellite 12: Consequences of the attack 21The Medical Superintendent of Lira hospital Acheng Ochero told The Monitor that 50 people are admitted there. Satellite 13: Consequences more details on victims of the attack Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 86 23?We have 50 admitted here they are very sick with bullet wounds, burns and cut wounds [af],? Acheng said yesterday. Satellite 14: Attitudinal assessment on causes of the attack 25Area MP Alex Okot said the massacre [ap] resulted from a lapse in the security [ap]. Satellite 15: Attitudinal assessment ? more details on causes of attack 26?The army received salary a day before. So the soldiers left to receive salary. The place was vulnerable. So the LRA attacked. It is so bad,? he said. Satellite 16: Consequences of the attack 28When The Monitor visited the scene yesterday afternoon, bodies were still littered all over [ap]. Satellite 17: Consequences of the attack ? death toll and number of wounded 29By last evening the Missionary Service News Agency (MISNA), whose reporter drove to Abia in the afternoon, said the death toll had risen to 51 with at least 70 injured. (Daily Monitor, 06.02.2004, p. 1) Generic features and generic move structure ? Text 1.2.1hn The DM report?s move structure on the killing of civilians in Text 1.2.1hn conforms to White?s (1997, 1998) the description of Anglo-American news structure. The headline/lead captures the ?who?, ?what?, ?where?, ?when? and ?how? elements of a typical lead of a news report (Bell, 1991). The report unravels in 17 short satellites in the second phase of the body sub-components. The news report does not permit radical editability. For example, Satellites 3, 4 and 5 hang together such that separating them and placing Satellites 4 or 5 before 3 poses functional and ?coherence? challenges. Attributions in which anaphoric references in a subsequent satellite are employed to refer to antecedents in the preceding satellite seem to constrain radical editability. For example, the personal pronoun ?he? (line 7) references the antecedent nominal ?Mr. James Okeng? in line 5. Appraisal resources The report exemplifies negative attitudinal inscriptions in lines 1, 10, 11-12, and 25 ? ?gruesome rebel attack?; ?the rebels clubbed their victims to death?; and ?they used clubs and machetes to kill people? respectively, which assess the moral behavior of LRA rebels. These inscriptions are attributed to external voices except two (lines 1 and 28) that originate from the author?s voice. The report reaches out to external voices to recount the event, using the reporting verb ?say?. The reporter?s recourse to an external voice appears to essentially specify information, that is, confirm the death toll. However, we note that there is highlighting and maintaining the issue of the death toll throughout the report (lines 1, 5, 7, 8, 14, 15 and 30). Quantification via the number of the dead and identification have been found to be common features characterising news reports in this sub-facet of killing of civilians across both the government and independent newspapers. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 87 Highlighting the death toll appears to be regarded significant when reporting the death(s) of civilian population. The corpus also revealed occasional disputes within the media outlets regarding the death toll. For example, in the following extract the reporter, via attribution makes an implicit correction of what DM had reported the previous day: The UPDF 4th division commander Col. Geofrey Muheesi, said, ?I can?t only confirm that at least 40 huts were burnt by the rebels of the LRA at Attiak displaced persons camp last Saturday, but not 100 as it was reported in the press yesterday. [Emphasis mine] (New Vision, 07.12.2001, p. 4) We now examine a news report from the New Vision recounting the same event in Text 1.2.2hn below. Text 1.2.2hn Headline MASSACRE [ap] Kony rebels hack 25 refugees [j] in Lira camp Lead 1KONY rebels [j] on Wednesday massacred [j] at least 25 people at Abia internally displaced people's camp [ap] in Apala sub-county, Lira district. Satellite 1: Elaboration ? number of wounded 3About 40 others were wounded. Satellite 2: Elaboration ? dispute on death toll 4The army had put the figure of the dead at 20 but a source said the number could even reach 40. Satellite 3: Attitudinal assessment ? the atrocities of the attack 6Second Lt. Chris Magezi, the UPDF 5th Division spokesman, said the rebels suspected to be under Col. Odhiambo came in a large number [ap] and killed, hacked and burnt several people in their houses [j]. Satellite 4: Elaboration ? promise to deal with the killers 9"There is nothing we can do, but to catch up with them. Our major objective is to hunt for Odhiambo and group so that they pay for the sins they committed,? Magezi said. Satellite 5: Elaboration ? identification of the dead 11Those killed were identified as Ogwal Omara, Julio Okwir Jaspher Okullo, Yuwentino Odongo, Paul Ogwang, Opong Alobo, a student of Aloi SS, Okeng Ayok and Apolo Odyek Okello. Satellite 6: Elaboration ? identification of the dead 13Others were Paul Okello Kasilina Akoli, Eseza Amolo Obua, Omara Odongo, Paul Oramo, Filda Opio, Paul Alyela, Ogwang Okello, Ogwok Aron and Wilberto Okeng. Satellite 7: Elaboration ? intervention 15Magezi said the injured were admitted in Lira Hospital [j]. Satellite 8: Attitudinal assessment ? manner of killing 16A survivor John Obong, told The New Vision that some people were hacked with pangas [j/af] and 17 people he counted were hit on the head using a pounding stick [j/af]. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 88 Satellite 9: Consequences ? speculation on death toll 18?I saw 17 bodies scattered in the compound [ap] with my eyes. We still expect more deaths because the rebels abducted several people and we fear they might have been killed [af] in the bush as they were retreating,? Obong said. (New Vision, 06.02.2004, p. 1) Generic features and generic move structure ? Text 1.2.2hn The headline/lead exhibits a concentration of interpersonal meanings (White 1998) highlighting the point of crisis (?massacre?, ?Kony rebels?, ?hacked 25 refugees, massacred? and ?internally displaced people?s camp?). Both news reports (texts 1.2.1hn and 1.2.2hn) present identical move structures. Radical editing does not equally apply to this report because of similar reasons pointed out in Text 1.2.1hn. The structure of Text 1.2.2hn, however, exhibits subtle generic differences in lines 11-14 where two of the elaboration satellites provide a listing of the dead. This is genre mixing in which the news reporter combines recount with information giving, that is, identification of the dead or the whereabouts of survivors/victims. Hard news reports of this nature usually provide names of the dead or accident victims, a move that is intended to inform the next of kin and friends who may not be aware. This is a common practice in news reports of aberrant damage in Uganda (see also Text 1.31hn). This move is a complete departure from the Anglo-American news reporting culture where permission of the next of kin would probably be sought before publishing names of the dead in a public domain. Appraisal resources The text presents an array of negative inscriptions which, like text 1.2.1hn, evaluate the conduct of LRA rebels. While the current text exemplifies a concentration of negative attitudinal assessments in the headlines, Text 1.2.1hn?s headline exemplifies a single negative value, ?killed? and possibly a slightly higher number of the dead. The NV report heightens the scale of the attack through verbal intensification, ?massacre? and ?hack? in the secondary headline. We also observed that impact would be realized through capitalization and bold type of ?massacre? against a sinister background of black, graphic features that are beyond the scope of this study. The text exemplifies implicit modes of realising affect at the same time intensifying the negative value carried by the expression. While both NV and DM reports in this sub-theme exemplify inscribed judgement by way of attributions that describe the behaviour and processes of rebels, these attitudinal assessments, at the same time, appear to evoke emotions (lines 5-6, 16-17). For example, the choice of lexical elements such as ?massacre?, ?hacked to death? over ?killing? does not only flag negativity but equally triggers feelings of agony and pain the victims went through, thus exemplifying invoked affect (see Bednarek, 2008b and Ungerer, 1997). In Table 4.2 below, other examples reported in both English daily newspapers illustrate this journalistic description (invoked affect is highlighted in bold-type). Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 89 Table 4.2: Instances of implicit affect in The New Vision and Daily Monitor Daily Monitor New Vision Rebels used hoes and axes to hack the villagers to death. ? Eyewitnesses said that the rebels rounded up the residents and killed them. Some were hacked to death using pangas and hoes while others were shot dead. (Daily Monitor 20.09.2002, p. 1) At least a dozen babies and children aged below 10 years were hit on trees, crushing their skulls to pieces, a witness said. ? Survivors said hands of elderly people were tied behind their backs before the youthful rebels hit them on the necks and heads with hoes and pangas (New Vision, 26.07.2002, p. 1) This further validates Martin and White?s (2005, p. 62) argument on covert realisations of attitude that ?? the selection of ideational meanings is enough to invoke evaluation, even in the absence of attitudinal lexis that tells us directly how to feel? (Martin and White, 2005). The reporter?s description of the manner in which the victims met their death suffices to provoke the reader?s emotional feelings of anguish. 4.2.4 Arguing against the government forces? conduct This section analyses opinions on government?s policies and processes and the army?s capability and astuteness to protect the civilian population from the rebels. Text 1.2.1ed interrogates the army?s laxity that led to the killing of internally displaced people living in a protected camp. The editorial comprises propositions that evaluate UPDF?s social esteem in terms of their resolve to contain the enemy and defend a civilian population. The arguments revolve around negative values of negligence, unreliability and incompetence. Text 1.2.1ed (see also texts 1.2.1hn & 1.2.2hn) Headline Lira tragedy exposed army Stimulating Issue (SI) ? negative evaluation of an aspect of debate 1Thursday was another Black day for the victims of the rebel Lord?s Resistance Army (LRA) insurgency [ap/af] in northern Uganda. Background Information ? intertextual details on the subject of debate 3Suspected LRA are reported to have stormed [j] an internally displaced people?s camp [ap] in Abia, Lira District. They clobbered, hacked and shot more than 47 civilians to death [j/af]. Presenting Grounds for Argument ? the cause of the tragedy, negligence 5The blood of innocents flowed [af] because the army unit that was supposed to protect these Ugandans was below optimum strength [ap] at the time. Most of the soldiers are said to have gone to pick their salaries [j]. Argument 1 ? inexcusable error on the commander?s side, problematic proposition Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 90 8It must baffle [af] even the most lay of people that a commander of an army unit allowed most of his troops to leave their positions when he must be aware that unfriendly elements are lurking about [j]. Argument 2 ? other consequences of error 12Such a commander firstly endangered [j] the lives of the few men under his command who stayed behind in the event that they had to engage an enemy who attacked in numbers. In fact, preliminary information indicates that this is precisely what happened. [Conceding] argument 3 ? justifying the probable circumstances that lead to the attack 15It is understandable that the army is presently grappling with the scandal of ?ghost soldiers? [ap] who have cost the taxpayer billions of shillings in fraudulently pay claims made by corruption officers [j]. This may be the reason the soldiers had to physically go and pick their money from a given point. [Counter] argument 4 ? trashing the mitigating rationale 19But does the existence of the ghost soldier menace [ap] warrant the mass withdrawal [ap] of troops from a unit at one time? Argument 5 ? incompetence of the commander, what s/he would have done 21One would imagine that it would have been wiser for the unit commander to release his men in batches so that at no one time are his defences vulnerable to attack [ap]. The fluidity of the situation in this theatre of operations requires more imaginative responses that are tailored to respond to almost any contingency [ap]. Argument 6 ? what needs to be done to avert an occurrence of similar nature 25This perpetual state of preparedness must be backed by a stricter intelligence gathering operation that makes sure the foot soldiers are not ?surprised? by a rebel incursion [ap]. Closure ? attack on rebels? intentions 27That said, it is time to ask the rebels again: What do you expect to achieve by drenching the soils of northern and eastern Uganda in the blood of innocents [j]? For these many years the rebels have sown terror in this part of the country, but to what end (Daily Monitor, 07.02.2004, p. 6) Generic features and generic move structure ? Text 1.2.1ed The generic pattern obtaining in Text 1.2.1ed is similar to the rhetorical pattern of Text 1.1.1ed above. It begins with a rhetorical move, Stimulating Issue, which seeks out the reader?s attention. Since the present editorial comments on a news event published the previous day, 06 February 2004 in Text 1.2.1hn, by the same newspaper, the Background Information highlights the issues and the spatio-temporal context of on-going social-order interference by implicit intertextual reference. In this case, Background Information implicitly references excerpts from the previous day?s main news event (lines 3-4). The Stimulating Issue element (lines 1-2) articulates negative attitudinal values which aim to capture the attitudinal disposition of the reader. Besides the Orientation, the Conceding argument and Counterargument elements (lines 15-18, 19-20), are considered as non- obligatory elements. Note that the present rhetorical structure may not be an archetypal of editorial argumentation across the NV editorial writing or for editorial writing in Uganda; it needs to be validated by examining other editorials. Appraisal resources Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 91 The Stimulating Issue element in lines 1-2, ?another Black day for the victims of the rebel Lord?s Resistance Army (LRA) insurgency?, conveys negative attitudes, that is, the attack by LRA rebels while instantiating emotional feelings for the sufferer thus inviting the reader to share in this value position. A similar technique was found to operate with Japanese editorials (Sano, 2008; see also text 1.1.3ed above). Another hybrid realization (Martin and White, 2005) is displayed in line 4, ?They clobbered, hacked and shot more than 47 civilians to death?, which evaluates the cruel conduct of LRA rebels as well as conjuring up emotions of pity, anger or even sadness. The Stimulating Issue (SI) and Background Information elements exhibit negative inscribed appreciation (lines 1-3) and judgement of LRA (lines 3-4). It is also interesting to note that the mitigating argument (lines 15-18) that seeks to justify the probable circumstances that lead to the tragedy is also flagged by negative inscription. The expression, ?It is understandable?? in line 15 shows the editorialist concurring [conceding] with the underlying reason (?the scandal of the ghost soldiers?) for the present point of contention. However, the counter-argument in the subsequent element rejects this proposition. The writer invokes both negative implicit and explicit evaluation of human behaviour and process/plans wherein both UPDF and the government?s actions and behaviour are suggesting values of insensitivity, carelessness and incompetence (see lines 8-10, 12, 21-24, and 25-26). Following White (2006), the text also exhibits provocations of counter-expectations and satirical propositions (lines 6-7, 8-10, 21-24, 25-26) that seem to prompt ?negative reaction from the reader?, of the inexcusable error committed by the commander and his incompetence in executing military judgement. The writer, equally, presents what should have been done in such circumstances and creates an impression that this is common knowledge that a military commander should be endowed with. The editorialist employed the technique of conceding argument (lines 15-18 and lines 27-28) not only to eschew my side bias of the argument (Wolfe et al, 2009) but also to balance the argumentation. However, the propositions are supplanted in the subsequent counter-arguments via the conjunction ?but? (lines 19 and 29). 4.3 DESTRUCTION OF PROPERTY 4.3.1 Recounting the destruction of property This section explores hard news reporting on destruction of property during the Kony War. The sub-facet comprises news reports involving burning huts, buses and radio stations and shops. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 92 The news reports examined below (Texts 1.3.1hn and 1.3.2hn) recount the same event carried by DM and NV, in which huts in an Internally Displaced Peoples camp were burnt by LRA rebels. The DM report appeared on the front page, on 6 December 2001, whereas the NV story appeared the following day and was relegated to page 4. The Orumuri story (Text 1.3.3hn) recounts the burning of a church and a radio station and recounts other atrocities committed by LRA prior to this event. This sub-category does not present analysis on editorial genres because there were no editorial texts conforming to the selection criteria of the study. Text 1.3.1hn Headline Kony rebels burn 100 huts [j] in Gulu Lead 1The Lord?s Resistance Army rebels over the weekend set ablaze [j] 99 grass thatched houses [ap] in camps for Internally Displaced Peoples (IDPs) [ap] in Gulu in two separate incidents. Secondary Lead [number of people killed] 3The rebels also killed [j] two people. Satellite 1: Contextualisation/elaboration ? spatial context + details of attack 4The first incident took place at Anaka camp in Nwoya County Friday night where 39 houses were burnt [ap]. Satellite 2: Elaboration ? identification of the dead 6One person identified as Richard Okumu was reported killed. Satellite 3: Elaboration/contextualisation ? spatial context and details on second attack 7The second incident took place at Attiak camp in Kalak County where 60 huts were set ablaze [ap]. Satellite 4: Elaboration ? identification of the dead 8One person only identified as Odong from Attiak-Pawel, was abducted and beaten to death by the rebels [j]. Satellite 5: Attitudinal assessment ? confirmation of the incident 10When contacted for comment, Gulu police CID boss John Ochan told The Monitor that we have heard of it but we have not yet received the files from our out posts [j]. Civilian sources from Attiak said the Uganda Peoples Defence Forces tried to intercept the rebels using an armoured vehicle but they escaped [j]. Satellite 6: Consequences ? post attack status-quo 14The rebels whose number has not been established withdrew from Attiak camp and headed towards Okidi hills. (Daily Monitor, 06.12.2001, p. 1) Generic features and generic move structure ? Text 1.3.1hn The news report in Text 1.3.1hn recounts two incidents. The recount unfolds in a somewhat progressive arrangement. In lines 4, 5 and 6, the reporter narrates the first incident, that is, the burning of huts at Anaka camp, and the second one, the burning of 60 huts at Attiak camp, is recounted in lines 7 and 8. The text exhibits shorter satellites similar to those exhibited in Text Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 93 1.1.1hn published by the same media outlet. Apparently, line 3 gives rise to another lead, a secondary lead giving the news report a double lead (see Hicks et al., 2008). Hence lines 6 and 8-9 elaborate an element of Satellite 1 (see Figure 4.1 below). Given this structural architecture, an attempt to shuffle the satellites to establish radical editability could not operate with this report. Again, the close link of some of the satellites referenced by enumeration of events in the story (lines 4 and 7) obstructs this function. Hicks et al. (2008, p.33-35) indicate how cumbersome it is to construct a news report with a double lead. For example, although, Satellite 5 is shown here to refer to the main lead, it can be argued to equally specify the second incident, Satellite 3, because of anaphoric reference ?it? in line 11 and ?Attiak? in line 12. Sat = Satellite Figure 4.1: Generic structure of Kony rebels burn 100 huts in Gulu (Text 1.3.1hn) Appraisal resources The report exhibits negative inscriptions that evaluate the moral conduct of rebels flagged by the burning of huts and killing of people in lines 1, 3, 4-5, and 7. The report also exemplifies tokens of judgement (lines 10-13) where the police chief?s locutions appear to evoke lack of concern and the army?s inadequacy in dealing with the rebels respectively. Although the use of the term, ?internally Headline/Lead Kony rebels burn The Lord?s Resistance Army rebels ? set ablaze 99 grass thatched houses in camps for Internally Displaced Peoples (IDPs) in Gulu? Lead 2 The rebels also killed two people. Sat 5 When contacted for comment, Gulu police? Sat 1 The first incident took place? Sat 6 The rebels whose number has not ? Sat 4 One person only identified as Odong? Sat 2 One person identified as Richard Okumu ... Sat 3 The second incident... Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 94 displaced peoples? camps (IDPs)? in line 2 had been accepted at the moment since the establishment of IDPs was a ?formal? government measure to protect vulnerable people, it, however, connotes negatively due to the poor living conditions and type of houses referenced by the token of appreciation in line 1. Apart from reference to the CID (Criminal Investigation Department) boss and civilian sources (lines 10-13), which appear towards the end of the story, inscribed judgement is not attributed, which indicates the presence of authorial voice and gives an impression that the story is recounted as an eye-witness account. Text 1.3.2hn Headline 40 huts burnt ? UPDF Lead 1The army yesterday confirmed that 40 huts were burnt down by rebels [j] of the Lord?s Resistance Army (LRA) the previous weekend at the Attiak displaced person?s camp in Gulu. Satellite 1: Elaboration ? details of attack + countering an earlier news report 3The UPDF 4th division commander Col. Geofrey Muheesi, said, ?I can?t only confirm that at least 40 huts were burnt by the rebels of the LRA at Attiak displaced persons camp last Saturday, but not 100 as it was reported in the press yesterday?. Satellite 2: Contextualisation ? prior events leading to present attack 6This brings to 55, huts so far burnt in Gulu camps in a fortnight [ap]. The first fifteen were burnt down at Alero camp when a child torched a bath shelter and the fire gutted 15 huts. Satellite 3: Elaboration ? further details on news event 8Attiak residents said Richard Okumu was reported killed by rebels. ?No hut was burnt at Anaka camp. Only some few rebels under Kwoyelo looted property [j] near the camp and abducted [j] some people to carry their loot,? a security source in Gulu said. (New Vision, 07.12.2001, p. 4) Generic features and generic move structure ? Text 1.3.2hn Text 1.3.2hn?s move structure is similar to English-language hard news reporting (White, 1998). This report?s textual arrangement allows radical editability unlike the previous news reports. Its brevity could probably explain this because the report?s structure is neither constrained by enumeration nor the anaphoric discourse devices identified in the previous news report. One comparative difference between the two reports is that Text 1.3.1hn unfolds in an authorial voice while Text 1.3.2hn refers to the external voices, especially for attitudinal assessment. Appraisal resources The NV report exemplifies very limited attitudinal values (lines 1, 6 and 9-10). As a government newspaper, it counters the ?wrong? figure that appeared in DM the previous day (Text 1.3.1hn above) via attributions to authenticate the report (lines 1, 3-5 and 8-10) thus downplaying the attack. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 95 The report locates the news event to one site - Attiak displaced persons? camp in lines 2 and 4. There is also a discrepancy in the cause of fire and the camps that were burnt (lines 7 and 8-9). Text 1.3.3hn Headlines Kony burnt Radio and a [Catholic] Church [j] in Lira. He forced buriers to cook and eat the dead person [j] Kony ayokize Radiyo hamwe n?ekereziya Lira Agyemire abaziiki kuteeka omufu waabo bakamurya Lead 1Rebels [j] of Joseph Kony in the morning of 27.9.2002 invaded St Peter?s Catholic, burnt a radio station [j] which was in the church building, five miles on Lira-Kitgum road. Abaheekyera ba Joseph Kony omu kasheeshe k?ekya 27.9.2002 bataahiriire ekereziya ya St. Peter?s Catholic baayosya siteesheni ya Radio ebaire eri omu kyombeko ky?ekereziya egyo aha mairo itaano aha ruguuto rwa Lira ? Kitgum. Satellite 1: Elaboration ? identifying the radio station 3The radio that was burnt is known as Radio Waa FM. Radio egyo ei bookize neemanywa nka Radio Waa FM. Satellite 2: Elaboration ? details of attack 4News received by Orumuri say [reports indicate] that a woman was commanding [af] these criminals [j] when they invaded the house of God [ap] and burnt it. Amakuru agatungirwe Orumuri nigagira ngu omukazi niwe abaire naaduumira abainazi aba obu batahiriire enju ya Ruhanga bakagyosya. Satellite 3: Attitudinal of the act/attack 6The people who were at that place [scene] made an alarm that laughed [M ? an ear-splitting alarm] [af] and went away condemning that criminal act [ap]. Abantu ababaire bari aha mwanya ogwo bateire enduuru yaashekyerera kandi baagyenda nibajumiirira ekikorwa ky?obwiniza ekyo. Satellite 4: Elaboration ? further details on attack 8That this woman was uttering abuses: ?Kumanyoko, kumanyoko? [j] then they reached the church and put fire on it [set it ablaze] [j]. Ngu omukazi ogu abaire najumana ati: ?Kumanyoko, kumanyoko? nikwo kuhika aha kereziya bakagitaho omuriro. Satellite 5: Contextualisation ? prior events leading up to present news event 10Although Kony rebels have always been torturing [j] the people of the Lord in Northern Uganda cutting off peoples? ears, lips, raping three-year old girlies [j], they say that they are fighting against the government of Uganda in order that Uganda be ruled [governed] on [according to] the ten commandments of God. Abaheekyera ba Kony n?obu batwire nibabonabonesa abantu ba Mukama omu matemba ga Uganda barikucwaho abantu amatu, eminwa, bakahamba otwisihiki tw?emyaka eshatu nibagira ngu Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 96 nibarwanisa gavumenti ya Uganda ahabw?okwenda ngu Uganda etegyekyerwe aha biragiro ikumi bya Ruhanga. Satellite 6: Contextualisation ? prior event assessing the rebels? obnoxious conduct 14These rebels? atrocities [j] have exceeded them [gone to the extreme], for example, they found people seeing off the deceased [at a burial] [j], forced them to cook the corpse of that dead person and eat it [j]. Abaheekyera aba hoona obwinazi buhikire okubarenga obu baherize kushanga abantu bari aha mukoro gw?okushendekyereza omugyenzi bakagyema abantu ngu bateeke omurambo gw?omuntu ogwo obaire afiire bagurye. Sub-satellite 1: elaboration ? more details of prior event 17News [reports] say that rebels of Kony watched over, while laughing [af], the people who were at the funeral eating meat of the dead person [j]. Amakuru nigagira ngu abaheekyera ba Kony bakareeberera abantu abaabaire bari aha rufu nibarya enyama z?omuntu bariyo nibasheka. Satellite 7: Contextualisation/Attitudinal assessment ? temporal location of war + rebels conduct 19Kony rebels have spent almost sixteen years fighting the government and they say that their army is of the Lord. They call themselves the Lord?s Resistance Army which means the army of the Lord. However the atrocities they commit against people of the Lord exceed boundary marks [M ? unimaginable] [j]. (Orumuri, September 30-October 6, 2002, p. 18) Abaheekyera ba Kony baamara emyaka erikuhika 16 nibarwanisa gavumenti ya muvumenti kandi eihe ryabo nibagira ngu n?erya Mukama. Nibeeyeta aba Lord?s Resistance Army ekirikumanyisa ngu n?eihe rya Mukama. Kwonka obwinazi obu barikukora abantu ba Mukama burengire emigorora. Generic features and generic move structure ? Text 1.3.3hn Text 1.3.3hn is different from the previous Runyankore-Rukiga news report examined in Text 1.1.3hn. The present report is more comprehensive with seven satellites, and is related to the contemporary English hard news structure. The headline (with a secondary headline) and the lead (lines 1-2) provide a summary for the rest of the story. The first satellite (lines 4-5) elaborates an element of the lead, the third satellite (lines 6-7) provides the consequences, disbelief and condemnation from onlookers, and the fourth also elaborates while the next three satellites (lines 10-17) provide the context by describing prior actions of the rebels. The final satellite combines both the contextualisation and attitudinal assessment. Whereas radical editability applies to an earlier Runyankore-Rukiga news report (text 1.1.3hn), it does not apply to this one due to the close relationship between satellites and anaphoric references. For example, while Satellites 4 refers to some of the elements in the lead, it relates closely to Satellite 2. And while Satellites 6 and 7 equally reach back to the lead to specify one of its elements, ?the rebels of Kony?, ?Satellite? 7 follows from Satellite 6, thus the label ?sub-satellite?. Therefore, separating the two is likely to lead to textual unintelligibility. Appraisal resources Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 97 This news report exhibits more negative inscriptions of human behaviour of LRA. The attitudinal assessment in line 4, ?that a woman was commanding these criminals [ngu omukazi niwe abaire naaduumira abainazi]?, would be regarded as flagging surprise because it is unusual in a patriarchal society for a woman to assume such military roles. Nonetheless, the proposition is a hybrid realisation because it simultaneously evokes notions of courage, thus the label of invoked judgement. In lines 16-17, abaheekyera ? bakareeberera abantu abaabaire bari aha rufu nibarya enyama z?omuntu bariyo nibasheka [rebels of Kony watched over, while laughing the people who were at the funeral eating meat of the dead person], evokes both disgust/surprise and disapproval, in contrast to the inhumane act of forcing people to eat a dead person (see Martin and White, 2005, p. 67-68). In lines 6 and 21, the reporter invokes metaphors to evaluate the emotional feelings of a third party and behaviour respectively. I will presently comment on the attitudinal values associated with the metaphor used in line 6 in Runyankore-Rukiga. The expression, okuteera enduuru, signifies to ?sound an alarm?. Although an aspect of paralanguage, it is used to flag affectual behaviour and it evokes emotional feelings of insecurity on the emoter [1st af] who is calling for help in times of danger or pronouncing an unusual negative occurrence such as death or enemy attack. It can, however, be used metaphorically, ?enduuru yaaborooga? [the alarm cried out], which basically translates as ?the alarm was raised vehemently? or as in this report, ?enduuru yashekyerera?, ?an ear- splitting alarm?. In the latter case, the expression is context dependent and may evoke excitement or insecurity. Another example that instantiates feelings of insecurity and fear is identified in the following [bold type]: Ku abaire yaahika ahari Busega haihi n?orurembo Kampala nikwo kumujakura enduuru ekashekyerera [When he arrived at Busega, near Kampala city, he was then arrested and hell broke out] (Entatsi, November 16-22, 2005, p. 1-2) In the above extract, there may not have been alarm sounding/raising as such, but the reporter uses it to describe the chaotic situation that ensued after the arrest. ?Yaborooga? [it cried out] and ?yashekeyerera? [it laughed] as post-modifiers are realisations of graduation (force) thus intensifying meaning through the process of a metaphor. Line 8 demonstrates the use of abusive and vulgar language. The term ?kumanyoko?, which has been adopted in Runyankore-Rukiga but is rarely used in public communication like this one, is derived from Swahili and literally translates as ?your mother?s pussy?. The reporter appears to illustrate the unacceptable behaviour of the news actor and her ilk, the rebels. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 98 In line 9, the intended translation of ?girlie? (otwishiki) demonstrates one of the resources for grading in Runyankore-Rukiga. The use of diminutive stem ?aka-? construes both positive and negative values; for example, akaishiki, a small girl/girlie would flag as slender/petite/beautiful girl while the same lexical element connotes a small/tiny/underage girl. The meaning is, however, context-dependent. The reporter also invokes the technique of juxtaposing a positive value along a negative one in which the positive value overrides the negative value (lines 14-15, 19-20). Being one of the rare reports on warfare carried by Orumuri, it outlines other atrocities the NRA rebels were committing: ?Kony rebels have always been torturing [j] the people of the Lord in Northern Uganda cutting off peoples? ears, lips, raping three-year old girlies? in lines 10-11. The reporter also chooses to highlight an act that is inhuman: the rebels found people at a funeral and ?forced them to cook the corpse of that dead person and eat it ? ?watched over, while laughing, the people who were at the funeral eating meat of the dead person? in lines 15-16 and 17-18. These attitudinal assessments are intended to provoke anger, sympathy and pity for the sufferers. The expressions demonise the behavioural actions of LRA rebels (see also Carter and Weaver (2003) and Wright (1998)). In the last segment, the reporter further demonstrates the transgression of the rebels via a metaphor, obwinazi ? burengire emigorora [the atrocities ? exceed boundary marks]. The locution derives from the expression kurenga emigorora, which means ?to go beyond boundary marks?. It literally refers to the evil intention of encroaching on a neighbour?s land. Reference to external voices is not specified, let alone attributed to an identified source (lines 4, 8 and 17) (see Martin and White 2005, p. 112 for ?unspecified sources). I wish to observe that whereas in English news reportage attribution to anonymous sources or unspecified voices increases newsworthiness (Stevenvall, 2008), among the Banyankore culture reported speech that is not attributed to a precise source is regarded as rumour-mongering, thus less reliable. This reading concurs with the low reliability and less assertiveness associated with such expressions (sees Bednarek?s (2006), pp. 164-166 on ?Attribution to unknown Sensers?). 4.4 ABDUCTION 4.4.1 Recounting abduction Hard news reporting on abduction explores news reports on abductions of the civilian population in northern Uganda. As mentioned earlier, the LRA has been known for abducting people en masse to carry looted items, be recruited into the rebel ranks or killed. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 99 The news reports examined below (texts 1.4.1hn and 1.4.2hn) recount the same event carried by DM and NV, the abduction of a former cultural leader of Teso, one of the regions in northern Uganda. The reports, however, include other events in their narration. While DM carried the report on the front page, the NV relegated the event to page 4. Examples from other reports on abduction are included in the analysis to enhance understanding the nature of generic properties and appraisal resources invoked by reporters in these hard news reports. Text 1.4.1hn Headline Rebels abduct Teso leader Lead 1Rebels [j] of the Lord?s Resistance Army have abducted [j] the former cultural leader [j] of Teso. Satellite 1: elaboration ? details of abduction 2Emorimor Paphras Imodot Edimu is among several people abducted from Acowa trading centre on Wednesday, civilian and security sources have said. Satellite 2: elaboration ? confirmation of abduction 4The Katakwi LC ? V Chairman Mr. Stephen Okure, yesterday confirmed the abduction of Mr. Edimu. Satellite 3: attitudinal assessment on the whereabouts of abducted leader 6?I can confirm that Mzee Imodot was abducted but I don?t know whether he is still alive [af]? he said. Satellite 4: elaboration ? other details of rebel attacks 8He said the rebels also attacked [j] Abarilela for the first time and ransacked [j] Arute parish in Katakwi. Satellite 5: elaboration ? identifying the dead 10He also said a UPDF commander had been killed. Satellite 6: attitudinal assessment ? confirmation of death of UPDF soldier 11?I have received information from the warfront at Asamuk that the LRA have killed a UPDF commander, but I am trying to get his names from the field,? Okure said. Satellite 7: elaboration ? related news event of rebel attacks 13The rebels also attacked [j] Asamuk sub-county headquarters yesterday. Satellite 8: elaboration ? more details of the event 14The Teso militia repulsed [j] them. Satellite 9: attitudinal assessment on on-going rebel attacks 15?We are now engaging [j] them at Apartisa village, 2kms away from the sub-county headquarters. I must say it is a fierce battle [ap],? said Lt. Justine Eilor, one of the UPDF commanders. Satellite 10: contextualisation ? prior rebel attacks 18The attack [j] on Akore-Acowa trading centre which was guarded by the UPDF soldiers [af], is the third in as many months. Satellite 11: consequences of rebel attacks Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 100 20People arriving in Soroti said the LRA have also set camp at Dodos parish of Abarilela after setting ablaze Conner Kilak trading centre [j]. Satellite 12: consequences of rebel attacks 22One man, Mr. Charlex Iningo, is nursing bullet wounds at Soroti Hospital after the LRA shot him through the chest in the Asamuk fight. (Daily Monitor, 08.08.2003, p. 1) Generic features and generic move structure ? Text 1.4.1hn Text 1.4.1hn displays a textual organisation that is at variance with English-language hard news reporting. The relationship between the lead and the body components is marginal because most of the second-phase body satellites are independent of the lead. From Satellite 4, the reporter develops other events detached from the social-order disruption, the abduction of the cultural leader. In Satellites 5 and 6, the reporter recounts the death of a UPDF soldier. In Satellite 7, another news event of rebel attacks is introduced. Subsequent satellites return to specify elements of their antecedents. It is only Satellite 10 that s/he returns to specify the contents of the lead. The report does not allow radical editability because of the internal paragraph (satellite) unity and use of anaphoric references (?he? in lines 6, 8 and 10 that replaces ?Mr. Stephen Okure? in line 4, and ?them? line 14 which refers to ?the rebels? in line 13). Appraisal resources The report exemplifies several incidences of attacks (lines 8, 11, 13, 18 and 20-21) by the rebel army foregrounding her advancement, which construes the sense of government soldiers? inability to contain attacks. The negative invocation in line 18 provokes surprise; the writer invites the reader to ?wonder? how a guarded locality was attacked. The use of ?confirmed? in line 4 is dialogically contractive, implying that the reporter endorses the proposition. Note that this endorsement emanates from a ?credible? source, ?The Katakwi LC ? V Chairman?, who is the political head in the district. The reporter employs the reporting verb ?say? (lines 2, 7, 8, 10, 12, and 16) to introduce external voices thus entertaining dialogic alternatives. Text 1.4.2hn Headline Rebels abduct ex-Emorimor Lead 1PAPRAS Imodot, former Emorimor (paramount chief) [j] of the Iteso is feared to have been abducted [af] by the Lord?s Resistance Army (LRA) rebels [j] on Wednesday. Satellite 1: elaboration ? details of leader?s abduction 3He is said to have been picked from his home in Acowa sub-County, Akore Ajaki Odoon village in Katakwi district. The rebels raided [j] several villages in Acowa abducting [j] several people. The UPDF and the Arrow Group were reported still in battle with them by press time. The Arrow Group Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 101 co-ordinator, Musa Ecweru, the LC 5 chairman, Steven Ilemukorit Okure and the RDC, Indiwa Chemasuwet, acknowledged reports of Imodot?s abduction. Satellite 2: attitudinal assessment of the status quo 8?There is contact, yet I cannot give you details right now until the battle is over,? Ecweru said. Satellite 3: contextualization ? prior events leading up to the abduction of the leader 10The UPDF Third Division commander, Col. Andrew Gutti told The New Vision that another group of rebels entered Teso region on Wednesday from Agonga along the border with Lira district. Satellite 4: contextualization more details on prior events 12He said the UPDF 59th Battalion and the Arrow Group fought the rebels at Agonga village, killed one rebel and recovered one gun [j]. Satellite 5: contextualization ? further details of prior events 14He said one person was rescued and a rebel captured [j]. Gutti said the UPDF also beat off an ambush by the LRA [j] along Acowa-Amuria Road killing six rebels and recovering one gun [j]. Satellite 6: attitudinal assessment of current event 16?Yesterday we heard gunfire [ap] from Acowa, Akore and Abarilela. We got the reports of Imodot?s abduction but it is difficult to crosscheck,? Ilemukorit said. (New Vision, 08.08.2003, p. 4) Generic features and generic move structure ? Text 1.4.2hn The NV news report in Text 1.4.2hn displays a move structure similar to what has been identified in previous news recounts in Sections 4.2 and 4.3. Its radical editability is equally constrained by similar discourse markers identified in earlier news reports. The report contains only three satellites (lines 3-7, 8-9 and 16-17) that reach back to elaborate the lead?s elements. After providing the attitudinal commentary (lines 8-9), the report drifts into recounting other events which exemplify positive judgement of government forces and its ability to contain the enemy (lines 12-15). The abduction is only foregrounded in the preliminary sections of the report but backgrounded later in subsequent satellites. Other reports on abduction exemplified a similar approach (see Texts 1.4.3hn and 1.4.4hn). Appraisal resources While Text 1.4.2hn exemplifies negative values (lines 1, 2, and 4) relating to the abduction or fighting, it evaluates government forces? actions positively (lines 12-15). This is contrary to the DM version of the same event which exudes negative values of LRA relating to abductions and attacks. There is still scepticism on the leader?s abduction (last satellite). The reporter?s ingenious choice of the proposition, ?is feared to have been abducted? and ?is said to have been picked? in lines 1-3 shows that he does not want to commit himself (being cagey) to the uncertainty surrounding the abduction of the leader (lines 8 and 16-17). In lines 5-7 the reporter endorses the proposition via attribution of external voices (lines 5-7). Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 102 4.5 CONCLUSION This chapter has explored hard news reporting and editorial writing on warfare in Uganda by focusing on the Kony War as documented in both government and independent newspapers. It examined news reports and editorials that communicate issues of aberrant damage based on four sub-themes: killing soldiers, killing civilians, destruction of property, and abduction, which largely reflected the nature of atrocities committed during the war. A multi-dimensional and multi- perspective approach to discourse analysis was invoked to analyse the corpus using genre and appraisal resources. The genre analysis revealed that news reporting on warfare in Uganda bears a resemblance to the contemporary journalistic practice obtaining in the English-language hard news reporting (see studies by White, 1998; Thomson et al, 2008; and Thomson and White, 2008). Most of the analysed English language stories in the government and independent newspapers unfold in non-linear structure (the inverted pyramid arrangement), starting with the most significant and newsworthy elements. I have also observed that a relationship which exists between the lead and satellites phase in which each of the satellites reaches back to elaborate an element in the lead equally operates in these hard news reports. There are, however, subtle and perceptible deviations exemplified by a hard news report on warfare in Uganda. The comparative examination of the nucleus and the body components revealed that the nucleus does not entirely encapsulate the elements that are specified in subsequent satellites of the body phase, and neither is a headline necessarily a summary of the lead. There are occasions when the nucleus or headline exhibits elements which are at variance with the body components. This was, however, exemplified in news reports with subjective segments wherein the reporter appeared to bend the genre to provide individual interpretation (see also Bhatia, 2004) or where attitudinal meanings are maximized in the headline(s). Similarly, a hard news report that is detailed15 was likely not to have elements of its satellites all captured in its lead/nucleus. The news reports examined had nucleuses that displayed occasional interpersonal meanings, often indicating information (what, who, where, when or how) of the news event with attitudinal meanings manifesting in the satellites. Radical editability is incompatible with most of the news reports examined under this sub-theme. White (1997) posits that the orbital organisation of a hard news report permits a radical shuffling of satellites without causing textual dysfunction or affecting the general meaning of a story. However, 15 This was the case with news reports that recounted an event in more than six satellites (see Texts 1.1.2hn, 1.4.1hn, and 1.4.2hn). Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 103 preliminary analysis suggests that this function does not operate with news reports on warfare in Uganda due to use of anaphoric references, enumeration of events, and close relationship between two or more satellites. This traditional style of news construction leads to some of the satellites hanging together and unfolding in a somewhat chronological order. Vo (2011) also found that cohesive markers hinder radical editability. It was also observed that the longer and more detailed the hard news report was, the more difficult it was to reshuffle its body components to achieve radical editability. Thus, radical editability seemed to favour news reports with fewer satellites. The Runyankore-Rukiga news reports exemplified a comparable move structure to news reports from the English language daily newspapers; however, they exhibited a lengthy (30-40 words on average) and value-laden lead. Radical editability worked with only one (text 1.1.3hn) of the two news reports examined. Since the corpus for this sub-theme comprised only two news reports, the current properties would be sustained with analysis of more news reports on aberrant damage. Most of the news reports largely exemplified negative inscriptions and invocations of the behaviour of LRA flagged via attributions to external voices using the neutral reporting verb ?say?. Positive evaluation is manifested in propositions that comprise the government army?s combat achievements even when these include negative values. This finding corroborates with Philo et al?s (2003) proposition that in war news reporting, the conflicting parties are described inversely depending on the party evaluating. The corpus exhibited limited ?nominalised emotions? with direct reference to emotion lexis (Martin and White, 2005; Stevenvall, 2008). It did not equally display ?portrayed emotion? (Bednarek, 2008a). Most emotional feelings were created by the text and activated via describing the negative behaviour of the news participants [rebels], that is, the manner in which LRA rebels killed civilians. The description involved use of non-core lexis (hack, massacre) or clauses that indicated the manner such as ?hit on the head using a pounding stick?, ?children aged below 10 were hit on trees, crushing their skulls to pieces? or ?clubbed their victims to death?. The reporter selects words with an emotional flash which seem to trigger feelings of anger, pain, or disgust in the reader. Attitudinal meanings in the Runyankore-Rukiga news reports were found to be activated through metaphors and occasional proverbs. Metaphors were employed for intensification purposes to heighten the degree of behaviour. Analysis of the argumentation genres in the English dailies revealed the following structural elements of an editorial: Headline (H), Stimulating Issue (SI), Background Information (BI), Presenting Grounds for Argument (PGA), Arguments (A), and Closure (C). Stimulating Issue and Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 104 Presenting Grounds for Argument were optional while Background Information and Arguments were recursive. The Argument element exhibited sub-elements of Conceding Argument and Counter-argument, which were optional. The Closure exemplified recommendations/action plan as well as a position statement stated overtly or covertly. The Runyankore-Rukiga editorials had variations: whereas some had cognate rhetorical moves like the English editorials, some displayed recounts, and evaluations (text 1.1.3ed) that did not engage in argumentation. This is an isolated case of a sub-genre of editorial writing whose communicative goal is not argumentation. The Runyankore-Rukiga headlines throughout theme display the editorialist?s explicit alignment with a value position rather than being stated in ambivalent locutions. Editorials carried by NV, a government newspaper and both Runyankore-Rukiga newspapers exhibited negative attitudinal values associated with the behaviour, processes and actions of the LRA. The government army is, however, positively assessed; even where their behaviour would naturally require social sanction such as killing the rebels, the present evaluation seems to absolve them. The negative evaluations of the behaviour and actions of UPDF (in occurrences where they fell short of protecting citizens or foiling an imminent attack on the civilians) are only reflected in editorials appearing in the English independent newspaper. Although some of the texts display linguistic devices that signal subjectivity via intensification, measure and modality, they are constructed on the basis of the socially unacceptability (White, 2000) of Kony war reverberations, especially the testified negative impact the war has had on the population in northern Uganda. If a newspaper report appraises the conduct of Kony rebels as positive, for example, fighting for the restoration of Ten Commandments, the newspaper or report would be construed to approve the atrocities. Preliminary findings in this opening chapter of analysis therefore indicate that hard news reporting and editorial writing on warfare in Uganda bear a considerable resemblance to the Anglo-American journalistic practice. However, there are distinctive features that define and qualify them as fairly unique news genres reflecting attitudinal values that are context and language specific. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 105 CHAPTER FIVE NEWS REPORTAGE AND COMMENTARY ON POLITICAL CONFLICT IN UGANDA 5.1 INTRODUCTION This chapter attends to news texts consisting of conflict issues related to what White (1997) describes as power relations. It covers generic properties and the nature of appraisal resources of news reports and editorials from the elections and power struggle sub-themes (sub-section 1.8.3.1). The elections sub-theme is divided into two facets: electioneering and electoral violence while the power struggle sub-theme comprises conflict between government16 and Buganda Kingdom and conflict between government and opposition political parties. Power struggle17 connotes negatively and therefore constitutes a significant source and news value for hard news stories. Currently, Uganda is governed under the multiparty political system with the National Resistance Movement (NRM) as the majority ruling party. The last decade has witnessed two major general elections, that is, during 2001 and 2006, from which this chapter largely draws its corpus. The chapter equally draws on news reports on electioneering and electoral violence during the presidential and parliamentary election campaigns that unfolded at the end of 2010. For each of the facets, a brief explanatory introduction is provided to highlight the contextual background of the news events. I also wish to reiterate that the categorisations above are not absolute but are designed to obtain a representative sample of hard news reports relating to political conflict. For example, an overlapping element of violence exists in news reports on electoral violence and those recounting the conflict between government and opposition parties. Like in the previous chapter, the discourse analysis involves a cross-linguistic comparison of similar government and independent hard news recounts. The comparative analysis is mainly confined to news events carried in the English daily newspapers and the Runyankore-Rukiga weekly newspapers. Most of the news reports in the chapter recount the same events; however, these events are recounted differently by individual authors, given the media outlet they come from and the 16 Government in this categorisation refers to the ruling party, the National Resistance Movement, since the conflict reported in the news stories involves the behaviour of people and phenomena that subscribe to the party but does not necessarily include all people and organs of the government of Uganda. 17 Cambridge Dictionary defines ?power struggle? as ?an unpleasant or violent competition for power?. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 106 language through which they are transmitted18. The study therefore, attends to the deliberate selection of linguistic resources journalists use to report these events. The study employs similar textual mark-up (see the Analytical Key) for a multi-perspective approach that identifies the text-internal features of genre and appraisal resources invoked by reporters and editorialists while communicating issues of political conflict. 5.2 ELECTIONS The sub-theme on elections explores news recounts on electioneering and electoral violence during the presidential and parliamentary elections in Uganda between 2001 and 2010. Electioneering focuses on news recounts reporting verbal duels between candidates during the periods of campaigns. Electoral violence news reports, on the other hand, include stories on harassment, assault or intimidation of candidates or their supporters/voters; and the stopping of potential candidates from contesting as engineered by government agents or political parties (see Hoglund (2009) for a detailed description of ?electoral violence?). 5.2.1 Recounting electioneering This section examines three news reports from the DM, E and O on verbal duelling during election campaigns in 2001 and 2006. NV had no news reports conforming to our selection criteria or comparable to the DM version (text 2.1.1hn below) at the time. The study also draws examples from other news reports that recount verbal utterances of politicians at political rallies for illustrative purposes. These are, however, limited to the Runyankore-Rukiga newspapers since there were hardly any hard news reports on verbal exchange in the daily English newspapers. Text 2.1.1hn below is a hard news report in which the reporter recounts verbal insults by one of the candidates during the 2001 presidential elections. These elections were held under the no-party democracy where political parties had been banned, thus not allowed to field presidential candidates. Text 2.1.1hn Headline Ignore ?foolish? dogs [j] ? Museveni Says Ugandans still want him 18 See Thomson and White (2008) for various comparative discourse analyses that are informed by cross-cultural and cross-linguistic perspectives. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 107 Lead 1President Yoweri Museveni yesterday said that opponents have tried to smear mud on his face [M, j] to make Ugandans shun [j] him, but he was still the political leader the country wants most. Satellite 1: attitudinal assessment of people?s preference for the president despite hatred from political opponents 3?Even with the mudslinging [ap], it is clear that I am the ?daughter? [M, j] that Ugandans want.? Satellite 2: elaboration ? details of President?s statement 4Speaking at Kololo Airstrip during the NRM Liberation day celebrations, Museveni hinted that his political opponents are ?small foolish dogs? [j], and called upon Ugandans to ignore them. Satellite 3: elaboration ? further details of statement 7Museveni used the analogy of Luganda saying ?Akabwa akasilu kabogolera enjovu - meaning ?a foolish dog barks at an elephant? [P, ap]. Satellite 4: attitudinal assessment ? further details of statement 9In my life, Museveni said ?I have seen very many small foolish dogs, but I just ignore them. And you should also ignore them.? Satellite 5: elaboration ? other details of statement 11He also said that ?bad people [j] are like Ndiwulira- a small maize weevil which keeps in the cob until it is cooked along with it after harvest? [M, j]. Satellite 6: elaboration - more details of statement 13?Get off and ignore the Ndiwulira?s for they are going to be burnt in the saucepan.? Museveni, who spoke in a mix of English and Luganda said. Satellite 7: contextualisation ? details of occasion at which statement was uttered 15The celebrations started with Museveni inspecting a guard of honour of soldiers of the UPDF who were dressed in uniform and boots that looked new. Satellite 8: elaboration ? other details in the President?s speech 17Museveni also said that it wasn?t true that the army was drawn from one region. Satellite 9: elaboration ? other details of President?s speech 18?I have been hearing a lot of nonsense [ap] that the army is from one region, but let me tell you that I will be in the lead to crash anybody who will want to use the army to disturb Ugandans.? Satellite 10: contextualisation ? prior events leading up to present statement 21All the presidential candidates, especially Col. Dr. Kizza Besigye and Aggrey Awori have been making remarks over the past few weeks that the UPDF is mismanaged and not properly treated [j]. Satellite 11: contextualisation ? details of events leading up to statement 24He has said 15 years after the guerrilla war, the army till lives in mama ingia pole (grass uniports) [j] to which Museveni and other top army officials notably army commander Maj. Jeje Odongo and Elly Tumwine have warned him against. Satellite 12: elaboration ? other details in President?s speech 27Museveni criticized [j] The Monitor newspaper, saying that it thought that his government would not stand up to now. Satellite 13: elaboration ? further details of the speech Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 108 29?When we had just come to power; The Monitor - this Wafula?s paper said that normally Ugandan governments collapse within three years. But Wahh [no way], fifteen years we are still around.? Satellite 14: attitudinal assessment on president?s statement 32The Monitor was not in existence when Museveni came to power in January 1986. It was established more than six years later in July 1992 [j]. Satellite 15: attitudinal assessment ? other details of president?s speech 34He said in the last 15 years, the Movement government has defeated dictatorship, empowered the people, built the army, increased revenue collection and led to high economic growth and development [j]. Satellite 16: elaboration ? more details of speech 36He said that while it is true that there is still the problem of unemployment; he said that he doesn?t believe the current figures are genuine. (Daily Monitor, 27.01.2001, p. 1) Generic features and generic move structure ? Text 2.1.1hn Text 2.1.1hn exemplifies a non-linear move structure that begins with a headline/lead, followed by a body-phase in which the body segments reiterate elements of the headline/lead. This hard news report, however, like the others we examined in Chapter Four, comprises some satellites that do not reach back to specify elements of the nucleus. The satellites are independent of the nucleus, an arrangement that does not destruct the ?logical? flow of the news report. In fact, the news report comprises ?mini-stories/reports? that are not signposted and summarised by the nucleus. For example, from Satellites 8-11, a mini story emerges and another one is identified in Satellites 12 to 14. The last two satellites return to elaborate events signed-posted in Satellite 2 rather than the lead (see Figure 5.1). It is evident, therefore, that four independent issues are recounted in this news report: discrediting political opponents, army welfare, criticism of a newspaper, and the positive developments introduced by government. Nonetheless, this does not discount the communicative goal of the news report, i.e., discrediting the opponents? assessments. In an attempt to recount what the president said at the NRM Day celebrations, the reporter seems to drift away from specifying the elements of the lead. Therefore, lines 15-37 entail satellites that do not restate elements in the nucleus and would therefore impinge on the radical editability of the news report. I contend that this generic distinctiveness does not comfortably permit the description of generic moves based on White?s (1998) nomenclature of labelling the body components19. However, it would be rather quick at this stage to conclude with certainty that this is a generic property of news reports on verbal duelling in Uganda. We can only regard it as a one-off communication of private intentions. 19 The labels assigned to the moves have only been used for illustrative purposes. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 109 Figure 5.1: Proposed generic structure of Ignore ?foolish? dogs ? - Text 2.1.1hn Appraisal resources The DM report above mainly unveils negative judgement of human behaviour by political opponents: ?foolish dogs? (headline, 5, 8, and 9); ?bad people? (11); who ?smear mud on his face? (1); they mudsling (3); and talk ?a lot of nonsense? (18). Note that these judgements are attributed to an external source. The lead opens with a metaphor (line 2), which is further alluded to in line 320. This metaphor is extracted from a local tale. The expression of ?smearing mud on the face? derives from a 20 The president is accustomed to speaking via metaphors and proverbs from local languages especially Runyankore- Rukiga and Luganda at local and national occasions. Headline/l ead Sat 1 Sat 2 Sat 3 Sat 9 Sat 8 Sat 7 Sat 13 Sat 12 Sat 11 Sat 10 Sat 4 Sat 6 Sat 5 Sat 15 Sat 16 Sat 14 Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 110 Runyankore-Rukiga folktale in which a beautiful girl, whose mother died after her birth, was loathed by her stepmother because she was more beautiful than her own daughter was. Driven by envy, one day the stepmother smeared mud21 on the face of her stepdaughter to hide the girl?s beauty while she smeared cow ghee on her own daughter. She took them to the roadside and asked people to tell her who was more beautiful. The passers-by pointed to the one whose face was smeared with mud saying that she is very beautiful despite the mud on her face. The stepmother was incensed, and determined to get rid of her some other way. Given the sensitive nature of the content [so that the newspaper would perhaps not be accused of slander], the news report largely relies on a single external voice, and employs the device of scare quotes, (headline and line 5) to recount the story. In Satellite 2 (line 5), the scare quotes, ?small foolish dogs?, activate a negative value, i.e., unwise political opponents, attributed to an external voice, thereby distancing himself from the locution (Martin and White, 2005; Richardson, 2007). However, the locution in the scare quotes is culled from line 7, Akabwa akasilu kabogolera enjovu, a Luganda proverb whose English translation is provided in line 8, ?A foolish dog barks at an elephant?. The report also exemplifies a ?deliberate? and persistent reference to ?foolish dogs? in the headline, lines 5, 8 and 9, which amplifies the negative value of the proposition. The report also exemplifies tokens of judgement; in lines 24-25 a token of social sanction (propriety) is invoked, ?15 years after the guerrilla war, the army till lives in mama ingia pole (grass uniports)?. The token activates the negative values of insensitivity, negligence or even corruption on the part of army/government. In lines 32-33, the reporter tactfully counters the proposition made in lines 30-31 without directly saying that it is incorrect or that the President?s statement was erroneous. The inverted pyramid structure that dictates that the least significant issues be placed at the end of the story reveals what the reporter seems to regard as the least important issues in the news report ? the positive values delivered in the president?s address. In this regard, an argument may be postulated that newsworthiness (news value) seems incompatible with what news actors/non- journalists consider significant. Below, I analyse a news report that recounts a ?doing the dozens? of sorts [verbal exchange] that ensued among contestants for the seat of a Member of Parliament at a press conference. It should be noted that Entatsi is very keen on reportage of conflicts among contestants for various political positions in south-western Uganda. 21 Other versions speak of human dung. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 111 Text 2.1.2hn Headline Matembe stands astride like a toad [j] - Kigyagi She jumps about like a duck [j] - Boona You are devils [j] - Matembe Matembe atandami nk?orucere ? Kigyagi Naagurukyeera nk?embaata ? Boona Imwe muri za sitaane ? Matembe Attitudinal opening 1Wow!! The schooled call it ?drama? [ap]. WAA!! Abashomire nibakyeta ?Duraama? Satellite 1: contextualisation ? locating event in temporal and spatial context + identifying news actors 2That is what happened at Pelikan Hotel in Mbarara, 2.2.2006 when these elders [leaders] [j] met at a press conference to discuss issues of elections and behaved like when dogs meet [ap/af]. Ekyo nikyo kibaire aha hoteeri ya Pelikan ey?omuri Mbarara, 2.2.2006 obu abakuru aba babugaine omu rukiiko rw?abanyamakuru kuhanuura eky?oburuuru nikwo bakashusha nk?embwa ezaabugana. Satellite 2: elaboration ? details of verbal exchange 4The meeting was scheduled for politicians, especially all contestants in Mbarara. But a few who attended were: Charles Ngabirano (Rwampara), Miria Koburunga Matembe (Mbarara), Emma Boona (Mbarara), John Kigyagi (Municipality) and others. The politicians were going to discuss their perception of voting nowadays. The first to speak was Rukoza?s daughter, Miria Matembe [j] who said that Movement22 [supporters of] will steal votes [j] because they have money, the army, and others [ap] to use. She said there are MPs who always go weeding [M - maligning] her saying that she is a cockroach, a mutant [a freak] [j] because she stood as a person [an independent candidate]. While she was still speaking, John Kigyagi appeared. When she cast eyes on [saw] him, Matembe said ?Aah, the Chief attacker [j] has come.? Meaning that the one who is leading that [the campaign] of spoiling her has come. Kigyagi kept quiet and sat next to [j] Ngabirano. When Matembe finished disparaging the Movementists calling them devils and betrayers [j], Selestine Mugisha rose up and bolstered it by saying that indeed the Movementists display guns to intimidate [j]. Orukiiko rubaire niruza kubamu ab?eby?obutegyeki namunonga abetsimbire boona aba Mbarara. Kwonka bakye abahikiremu barimu: Charles Ngabirano owa Rwampala, Maria Koburunga Matembe (Mbarara), Emma Boona (Mbarara), John Kigyagi (Munisiparite) n?abandi. Ab?eby?obutegyeki babaire nibaza kushoboorora oku barikubireeba omu ntwaza y?okuteera oburuuru obwahati. Habandize kugamba muhara wa Rukoza, Maria Matembe ogizire ngu aba Muvumenti nibaza kwiba oburuuru ahabw?okugira ngu baine esente, amahe n?ebindi by?okwejunisa. Agizire haine ba MP abarikukira kugyenda nibamutemuurura barikugira ngu n?ekiyenje, ekimburimburi ahabw?okugira ngu we aketsimba nk?omuntu. Ku abaire nakigamba niho zireeteire John Kigyagi. Ku amuteereire amaisho, Matembe ati ?Ahaaa! Chief Attacker has come?. Ekirikumanyisa ngu oyebembeire ab?okumushisha yaija. Ndi Kigyagi ahunama ashutama aharubaju rwa Ngabirano. Matembe ku aherize kushanshabura aba Muvumenti arikubeeta za sitaane n?engobya, Selestine Mugisha aimuka nawe akiteereramu ngu kwo aba Muvumenti nibooreka embundu kutiinisiriza. Satellite 3: elaboration ? further details of exchange, a counter-attack 16After Mugisha, Emma Boona got hold of the microphone and said that Matembe should stop pretending to cry [j] that the Movement [people] solicited votes for Boona because when she was still in the Movement, they used to look [votes] for her [Matembe] while campaigning for her. That is when Matembe growled at her loudly [af] that: ?You, have they ever spoken for me? Explain!? When Emma 22 Movement refers to the National Resistance Movement party, the current ruling party. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 112 recovered from the shock [af], she requested the Chairman of the meeting thus: ?Help me? [protect me] [af]. She continued and completed her speech. Mugisha ku arekwire akazindaaro, Emma Boona akakwata. Agira ngu Matembe arekye kweriza ngu aba Muvumenti nibamusherurira oburuuru ngu ahabw?okuba nawe (Matembe) obu yaabaire ari omu Muvumenti bakaba bamurondera obwo nibamugambirira. Aho niho Matembe amutontomeire n?orwari rwingi ati: ?Iweeee bakaba barangambiriireho? Shoboorora! Emma Boona ku akangukire [af, surprise- startled] ashaba ceyamaani w?orukiiko ati ?Munyambe?. Agumizamu agamba amara orubazo rwe. Satellite 4: elaboration ? further details of counter-attack 22Thereafter, Kigyagi rose and began to explain how votes will be well cast and that Matembe should not stand as a person [an independent candidate] because she will be confusing [the people]. He cited a proverb that says: ?If a person walks like a toad, jumps like a toad, then that person is a toad!? [j] Emma Boona propped it up that: ?S/he [Such a person] flies like a duck.? [j] That?s when the wires got disconnected from Matembe [At that moment, Matembe lost her temper/she was enraged] [af] saying: ?You Kigyagi, you call me a toad?? ?Me, am I a toad?? [af] Ahanyima niho Kigyagi aimukiire akatandika kushoboorora ku oburuuru burikuza kuteerwa kurungi kandi Matembe tashemereire kwetsimba nk?omuntu, naaba naabuzabuza. Acwire orufumu orurikugira ngu ?Omuntu yaaba naatambura nk?ekicere, arikuguruka nk?ekicere naaba ari ekicere!? Emma Boona akishongyereramu ati: Naaba naaguruka nk?embaata?. Aho niho waaya zirugire ahari Matembe ati ?Iwe Kigyagi noonyeta ekicere?? Ati: ?Nyowe ndi ekicere?? Satellite 5: elaboration ? further details of exchange, departure of one news actor 29That: ?And you Emma, you have called me a duck? Am I a duck?? She then jumped about, and said: ?How can these devils abuse and call me a toad and a duck?? [j/af] She then jumped out of [left] the meeting, she gave the car a key [M ? ignited the car engine] and drove off [af]. (Entatsi, February 8- 14, 2006, p. 2) Ati: ?Naiwe Emma waanyenta embaata? Waareeba ndi embaata?? Manya agurukyera, ati: ?Ezi za sitaane nizibaasa zita kunjuma zikanyeta ekicere n?embaata?. Atyo orukiiko arugukamu ahi naagambira emotoka yaagihaire ekishumuruzo ateekayo buteesi. Generic features and generic move structure ? Text 2.1.2hn Text 2.1.2hn unfolds in a linear order, presenting a generic uniqueness that deviates from the traditional inverted pyramid structure. The news report recounts the unravelling of a dramatic verbal exchange among politicians until one gives up and leaves the ?stage?. The news report?s opening sentence does not comply with the hitherto assumed description of a lead, which should sum up the salient issues of the news report (Bell, 1991; Thomson et al., 2008). The report instead starts with a sensational opening in line 1 that beckons the reader to carry on with the story. However, the opening sentence contains interpersonal meanings and attracts the attention of the reader (White, 1998). Whereas headlines usually recapitulate the content of the lead (White, 1998; Thomson et al, 2008), Text 2.1.2hn?s headlines recapitulate the news report?s ?maximal point? located in Satellites 4 and 5. The would-be lead, the opening sentence, only alludes to a ?drama?, thus further heightening the reader?s interest. The next satellite locates the event [verbal exchange] in the temporal and spatial context in lines 2- 3. The third satellite specifies the subject of the meeting, the news actors, and recounts the first event. The fourth satellite recounts a counter-attack, which continues into the next segment that Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 113 prompts a reaction of the first speaker. The last satellite concludes the news report with the departure of the first speaker. Each of the body components that make up the story draws from an antecedent component, thus maintaining a linear flow of events. The only relationship that exists is between the headlines and the fourth and last satellite. Appraisal resources The headlines are value-laden with attributed inscribed judgement of social esteem and social sanction. For example, the Movement supporters ?steal votes? (8) and ?display guns to intimidate? (15); and MPs go about maligning Matembe (9-10, 12-13). The protagonist, Matembe, is portrayed as a quarrelsome participant who sparked off the verbal duel (lines 8-12, 13-14, 19-20 and 29-31), and the other news actors as bullies who retort with subtle affronts: she pretends to cry (16-17); ??If a person walks like a toad, jumps like a toad, then that person is a toad!?? (24- 25); and ??S/he [Such a person] flies like a duck.??. But as Geis (1987, p. 13) rightly points out, news reporters treasure reporting the utterances of politicians, and ?through the process of selection and editing, they can either harm or help a politician?. Although the reporter attributes attitudinal assessments, authorial alignment is manifest in several locutions. For instance, in line 3, the reporter employs a token of judgement, bakashusha nk?embwa ezaabugana [like when dogs meet], that denigrates the leaders? social esteem as well as expressing disgust of their behaviour. Whereas the use of ?dogs? carries an extreme negative value, it seems to symbolise the fight for political dominance, which is likened to that moment when strange dogs meets and start fighting to prove which one has prowess over the other. Authorial alignment is further exemplified in lines 13-14, particularly in the choice of a non-core lexical element, ?kushanshabura? [disparage], which intensifies the interpersonal value. In the following reporting formulations: ?nawe akiteereramu? [he bolstered it] in line 14 and ?akishongyereramu? [propped it up], line 25, give evidence of the reporter?s approval of the attitudinal value expressed by the external voice. In this regard, Bell (1991, p. 207) argues that ?the speech verb can convey the stance of either the speaker or reporter of the statement that follows?23. The other exemplifications of subjectivity are actuated by the description of affective behaviour that reveals the emotions (instances of observed affect): ?? Matembe amutontomeire n?orwari rwingi? [Matembe growled at her loudly]; Aho niho waaya zirugire ahari Matembe [At that moment, Matembe lost her temper]; Manya agurukyera [She then jumped about] as well as personal 23 Related sources include attribution and averral in Huntson (2000) and extra-vocalisation in White (1998). Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 114 judgement in lines 19, 26-27, and 29-31 respectively. The last sentence (lines 30-31) depicts the main news actor giving up the ?doing the dozens? because of anger. In text 2.1.3hn below, I examine President Museveni?s verbal riposte to the leader of the main opposition party, Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), who is reported to have insulted the NRM government at an earlier event. Text 2.1.4hn Headline Besigye is nothing - President Museveni Besigye ni busha - President Museveni Antecedent ? contextual background to the present news event 1COL. (rtd) Dr. Kiiza Besigye is the one who set fire on the burning bush of insulting [M, j] the President and his NRM party at the launch of FDC party cards in Mbarara at Booma a short while ago [recently]. He said that the NRM government will collapse [M, ap] by the end of 2011 and, mother [my goodness] [af] that NRM is shameless [M, ap] or a scarecrow [M, ap] and other bad words [S, ap]. COL. (rtd) Dr. Kiiza Besigye niwe yaatwekire oruhiira rw?okujuma Purezidenti n?ekibiina kye kya NRM aha kutongoza kaadi za FDC omuri Mbarara aha Booma enshumi nkye ehweire agumize ngu gavumenti ya NRM neeza kukumbagara omwaka 2011 guta-kahikire kandi ngu maawe NRM ni rwabuyasha nari shi orukanga binyonyi n?agandi gagambo. Lead ? locating the context of the news event and the crisis point 6When President Museveni was at the burial of his aunt, Konsitansi Mukaira, he shot at Col. Kiiza Besigye a missile of words heavy like the sky [M]. Na Purezidenti Museveni ku abaire ari aha kuziika nyin?ento, Konsitansi Mukaira, yaarasha Col. Kiiza Besigye omuzinga gw?ebigambo guremeire nk?eiguru. Satellite 1: elaboration ? details of President?s riposte 8He said that, you know, Besigye is one who speaks anyhow [j] and one who talks nothing like that [wooden trough] on an anthill [M] [j]. You know he went far in speaking figuratively [j] we will not interpret what he meant to say Besigye is like that on an anthill. He said; ?even if I have come to bid farewell [bury] [j] to my mother, I will not leave this place without talking about Besigye who insulted me in this area and said that I have failed [j] and sugar has now climbed sharply [ap]. Agizire ngu manya Besigye ni bagambira eryo kandi bagamba busha nk?obw?aha kikungu. Noomanya omu kucoboora akaza hare tituravuunure eki abaire naamanyisa kugira ngu Besigye ni nk?obw?aha kikungu. Ati; ?n?obu ndaabe naija kushendekyereza maawe, tindaruge aha ntagambire ahari Besigye onjumiire omu kicweka eki akagira ngu ndemirwe na shukaari hati ehanamire?. Satellite 2: elaboration ? further details of riposte 14The President said that Besigye is a spoiler he cannot manage anything [j]. That he speaks nothing like those [mushrooms] on an anthill. That he has hatred on the heart [j] which makes him speak like that. He said he is going to some of the radio stations to provide an antidote for the poison [ap] that Besigye has bitten [M, injected] in the people. He said that Besigye has poison [j] that he has to give an antidote for. He said that for Besigye to give Museveni as an excuse for causing sugar [the price of] to climb sharply, is ignorance on how the way the world is going [lack of economic awareness] [j]. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 115 Purezidenti agizire ngu Besigye ni kasiisi taine eki arikubaasa. Ati ngu naagamba busha nk?obw?aha kikungu. Ati ngu aine rwango aha mutima erikumugambisa ebyo. Agizire ngu naaza kuza aha radio zimwe arumuure obushegu obu Besigye asigire yaarumaruma omu bantu. Agizire ngu Besigye aine obushegu obu aine kurumuura. Agizire ngu Besigye kwekwasa ngu Museveni niwe atembeise shukaari akigambiise obutamanya oku ensi erikugyenda. Satellite 3: Elaboration ? justifying his riposte 21He said that the increase in sugar prices is because the people of Congo and Sudan are buying it from here but he confirmed that the government is going to build a factory [j] in Rakai and Gulu to see that they increase on the amount of sugar [j]. Agizire ngu shukaari okutemba n?ahabw?abantu ba Congo na Sudan kugigura hanu beitu yaahamya ku gavumenti neeza kwombeka fakitore Rakai na Gulu kureeba ngu zaayongyera aha bwingi bwa shukaari. Satellite 4: Elaboration ? other details of riposte 24He thanked [j] people of Mbarara for coming to help see off his mother from whom people should learn because she was a woman who loves people [j]. Asiimire Abanyambarara kwija kumukwatiraho akashendekyereza nyina ou abantu bashemereire kwegyeraho ahakuba abaire ari omukazi enkunda bantu. Satellite 5: elaboration ? other details of news event 26She died at the age of 83 [j] and she died in the hospital [ap] of Mayanja Memorial Hospital. She died before she produced [She died childless] [j], M7 is the one who has been looking after her [j]. (Orumuri, December 27, 2006) Afiire aine emyaka 83 y?obukuru kandi agwire omu irwariro rya Mayanja Memorial Hospital. Afiire atazaire. M7 niwe abaire naamureeberera. Generic features and generic move structure ? Text 2.1.3hn Text 2.1.3hn exemplifies yet another news story that is not recounted in a traditional journalistic style, which follows a non-linear arrangement of events. The headline highlights the subject of the recount, attributing it to an external voice. Following Knox and Patpong (2008), the opening segment is labelled ?Antecedent? because it specifies the background (the occasion and who sparked off the abuse) narrating an earlier event that leads up to the present news event. They describe the antecedent as a segment that gives ?information about events or circumstances which precede the events presented in the main report, thus giving some background to the story? (Knox and Patpong, 2008, p. 181). While the antecedent segment is stated as a fact and does not bear attribution in the Thai news story, in this report, there is reference to external voice. The lead follows in lines 5-6 specifying the spatio-temporal context and the actual crisis point of the news report. The other satellites reach back to this segment for elaboration (see the proposed generic structure in Figure 5.2). However, radical editing does not apply because of the ?chronological arrangement? of events and use of anaphoric references as head nouns ? ?He? in lines 8, 21, and 24 and ?She? in 26. This is yet another example that further demonstrates that Runyankore-Rukiga news stories on electioneering unfold chronologically and the satellites do not necessarily refer to the lead. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 116 Figure 5.2: Generic structure of Besigye is nothing - President Museveni - Text 2.1.4hn Further examination of Runyankore-Rukiga news reports on electioneering demonstrates that the headlines and the opening segment (lead) exemplify attention-grabbing propositions that are aimed to ?tempt? the reader to engage with the news story. The eye-catching elements among these openings appear to constrain the relationship that usually exists between headline(s) and lead. Table 5.1 exemplifies some of the sensational openings selected from the news corpus on electioneering. She died at the age of 83 and she died in the hospital? He thanked people of Mbarara for coming ? He said that the increase in sugar prices is Congo? The President said that Besigye is a spoiler ? He said that, you know, Besigye is anyhow ? one who speaks When Purezidenti Museveni was at the burial? COL. (rtd) Dr. Kiiza Besigye is the one who set fire ? Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 117 Table 5.1: Examples of Runyankore-Rukiga attention-grabbing news openings on electioneering Runyankore-Rukiga Version English Equivalent Kashaari gwakire Yaguma aihiremu ogw?okuraara omu baara n?abasinzi ? Tibamanya HABEIREHO okujugutirana ebigambo by?oburebure ahagati ya Minisita kandi MP wa Kashaari Urban Tibamanya hamwe na Cayamaani LC 5 Mbarara Yaguma Wilberforce obwo barikusikanira entebe ya Kashari omugwa 2011. (Orumuri, (November 19-25, 2007, p. 6) It burned in Kashaari, [It heated up] Yaguma has resorted to sleeping in bars with drunkards ? Tibamanya There was a verbal exchange involving false accusations between the Minister who is MP for Kashaari Urban Tibamanya and the chairman LC 5 Mbarara, Yaguma Wilberforce while contesting for Kashaari seat in 2011. Ekikonde: Minisita Pereza Amashaine na Musaasizi omu Kereziya Abashomi Baabaha Akaari Minisita w?Enshonga za Gavumenti z?Ebyanga kandi MP wa Rubanda East amashaine n?omwesimbireho Henry Musasizi obu babaire bari aha kushorooza sente z?okumariiriza Ekereziya ya Ikumba Catholic Church erikushangwa omu gomborora ya Hamurwa omuri Rubanda East. (Entatsi, June 22-29, 2010) Boxing: Minister Pereza fought [clashed] with Musaasizi in church, the congregation cheered them The Minister of State for Local government and MP for Rubanda East clashed with his contestant Henry Musasizi when they were raising money to complete the Catholic church of Ikumba in Hamurwa sub-county, Rubanda East. Aba FDC mwetegye kibooko Titwakyenda biyenje ? Otafiire MAJ. Gen. Kahinda Otafiire ori MP wa Ruhinda kandi Minisita w?eby?Amaizi agizire ngu FDC n?embura-mukoro mbwenu mutegyereize omubazi nimuza kugutunga 2006 mwaza kutaho kerere. (Entatsi, April-13-19, 2005, p. 5) FDC supporters, prepare for canes. We no longer want coacroaches ? Otafiire Maj. Gen. Kahinda Otafiire who is the MP for Ruhinda and the Minister of Water said that FDC are idlers. Therefore, they are waiting for medicine which they will get in 2006 if they make noise. Odo na Kabwegyere kakye bakwatane HABAIREHO vidiyo ya busha aha mukoro gumwe omuri Bushenyi nangwa kakye Minisita Tarsis Bazana Kabwegyere na Odo Tayebwa ekikaaka kya FDC bakwatane. Eki kibaireho aha kutongoza ekiganiiro omuri Ishaka tauni kanso. Vidiyo etandikire bwanyima y?okuheza kwanjura minisita Tarsis Kabwegyere reero bantu bakateera omu ngaro haza we Odo akanga kuteeramu. ?(Orumuri, 3 January 2010) Odo and Kabwegyere, almost flexed muscles There was a free video show [ap] at one event in Bushenyi Minister Tarsis Bazana Kabwegyere and Odo Tayebwa, an FDC stalwart [j] almost fought. This happened at the launch of a public debate in Ishaka Town Council. The video show [ap] started after the introduction of Minister Tarsis Kabwegyere and people clapped but Odo refused to clap . ? Appraisal resources The report (text 2.1.4hn) largely exhibits negative inscribed judgement of behaviour, activated via metaphoric expressions of similes such as ?NRM neeza kukumbagara [NRM government will collapse]?; ?NRM ni rwabuyasha nari shi orukanga binyonyi [a scarecrow]?; and ?omuzinga gw?ebigambo guremeire nk?eiguru [a missile of words heavy like heaven]? in lines 3, 4, and 7 Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 118 respectively. These metaphors are intended to scale-up the negative meanings (Martin and White, 2005). The expression of surprise in line 4, ?maawe? [my goodness] flags authorial affect and suggests authorial alignment with negative attitudinal value exemplified in the subsequent proposition. The reporter also uses slang (line 6) that invokes negative value of the terms employed. In Runyankore- Rukiga, the prefix ?aga-? in certain morphological contexts construes intensified negativity. For example, ogushaija/ agashaija, orukazi/agakazi, belong to augmentatives nouns and usually depict an awkward (rather big size) quality of a given personality. In this context, agagambo refers to 'big' and 'ugly' words. Lines 4, 8 and 14 exemplify metaphoric expressions activated via similes, which obscure the vulgar components of the insult. ?Rwabuyasha? is vulgar and literally means ?a woman?s naked hips? but construes a scarecrow [which appears naked] while ?bagamba-busha nk?obw?ahakikungu? [Mr. I- Say-Trash like mushrooms on an anthill] means ?empty-headed? or ?an ignorant fool?. The speaker?s utterance refers to a type of mushrooms that sprout unevenly on an anthill. Note that this simile does not bear a contrast (mushrooms) in the comparative clause; it has been ellipted. This is a common feature comparing and contrasting in Runyankore-Rukiga. However, it often occurs when the speaker/writer wishes to conceal a word that would easily reveal the crude or profane element, however it is recognised by those who are familiar with the simile; in other words, it is regarded as implied/known by the interlocutors/readers. In line 27, the proposition, ?She died before she produced?, among the Banyankore/Bakiga and Africans in general, provokes values of oddity in society. Like Text 2.1.3hn, this news report contains several slippages of reporter subjectivity ?Dr. Kiiza Besigye is the one who set fire on the burning bush of insulting [M, j] the President and his NRM party? in lines 1-2, implying that he is to blame because he prompted the verbal exchange. 4, 8-9, 21-22, and 25-26). The positive values, regarded as less significant, are relegated to the last satellites of the pyramid. The news corpus on electioneering also exemplifies metaphors that exaggerate the actual news event. Heywood and Semino (2007, p. 25) have explicated that news reporters ?tend to favour metaphorical expressions that dramatise and sensationalise the verbal behaviour of participants in news stories?. The Runyankore-Rukiga reports equally carry expressions that create an impression in the reader?s mind that the news actors are involved in a physical assault (see Table 5.1). Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 119 Similarly, the following metaphorical expressions (in bold) invoke that sense of actual physical violence: ? Ekikonde: Minisita Pereza Amashaine na Musaasizi omu Kereziya Abashomi Baabaha Akaari [Boxing: Minister Pereza fought [clashed] with Musaasizi in church, the congregation cheered them]; ? Ekikonde Bushenyi [Boxing in Bushenyi] (Orumuri, February 23-25, 2004, p. 1-2); ? Byanyima amasheine na pooriisi Ntungamo [Byanyima clashed with police in Ntungamo] ? Obaire atariho, eki muhara wa Boniface na Kabwasingo akozire batabani ba Katumba Wamala, omuri Ntungamo 19/7/2003. (Entatsi, July 24-30, 2003, p. 1-2) [You were not there [you missed], what the daughter of Boniface and Kabwasingo did to the sons [policemen] of Katumba Wamala, in Ntungamo 19/7/2003]. 5.2.2 Opinion on verbal duelling In this section, I explore an editorial, which argues that verbal exchange is not destructive because the participants are civilised and the exchange does not involve use of lethal weapons like spears, machetes or guns, which are more destructive to humanity (lines 5-7 of Text 2.1.1ed below). The argumentation in Text 2.1.2ed on the other hand does not condone political snubbing; the editorialist considers it inappropriate and a mechanism used to conceal one?s weaknesses. Text 2.1.1ed Headline The war of words [verbal duelling] has no harm Orutaro rw?ebigambo tirwine kabi Background Information ? describing a news event on which argument is premised 1Recently at a fundraising function to develop Nyakasa Primary school [ap] in Nyabihoko, Ntungamo, Ibanda North MP Capt. Guma Gumisiriza is said to have exchanged difficult words [M, j] with some NRM-O?s strong supporters [stalwarts] [j] including the MP for Bushenyi, Mr. Mwesigwa Rukutana, the woman MP of Ntungamo, Beatrice Rwakimaari and the LC 5 Chairman, Mr. W. Karazaarwe. Read P. 7. Ijo aha mukoro gw?okurundaana sente z?okutunguura Nyakasa P.S omuri Nyabihoko, Ntungamo, MP wa Ibanda North Capt. Guma Gumisiriza nagambwa kuba yaahaniise ebigambo bigumire n?ebikongi by?ekibiina kya muvumenti [NRM-O] ababaire barimu MP wa Bushenyi Omw. Mwesigwa Rukutana, MP w?abakazi [Ntungamo], Omuky. Beatrice Rwakimaari na ceyamaani LC5 Omw. John W. Karazarwe shoma P.7. Ground for argument ? premise on which arguments are based 5People who tussle it out [M, j] using words or a pen and newspapers are enlightened and are at a higher level of development [j]. They are better than those who pick spears and machetes and kill each other or even get guns to shed blood [j]. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 120 Abantu abarikumashana barikukozesa ebigambo nari ekaramu n?empapura z?amakuru, nibaba bahwerize kandi bari aha mutindo gw?ahaiguru omu by?entunguuka kukira aha kukwata amacumu n?emihoro bakeitana nari abakakwata embundu bakasheesha eshagama. Argument 1 ? charitable work should not be based on political ideology 8Although Capt. Gumisiriza showed everybody [openly revealed] [j] that he does not agree with the ways of the new Movement party, he at least managed to give the school a heavy bundle [a big contribution], [j] exceeding [ap] even those who call themselves the heart of Movement. The most important thing was to build permanent classes for the children of the country [ap], but not arguing and asking who was at the battlefront (1981-86) and who was not. N?obu Capt. Gumisiriza araabe ayorekire muranga oku atarikwikirizana n?enkora y?ekibiina ekisya kya muvumenti hoona abaasize kuheereza eishomero rya Nyakisa omuganda gurikuremeera okusinga na bamwe abarikweyeta entima ya muvumenti. Ekikuru kubaire kuri okwombekyera abaana b?eihanga ebiraasi by?entuura by?okushomeramu baitu kutari kuhaahana n?okubuuza owabaire ari omu irwariro (1981-86) n?owabaire atarimu. Background Information ? recounting previous news event for exemplification 13During the same week, 7/11/2004, the president of Uganda Gen. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni also took a pen and wrote to Mr. Bidandi Ssali who recently resigned from the office of vice chairman of NRM-O. In the letter that appeared in Sunday Vision and Sunday Monitor, the President and chairman of NRM-O cautioned Bidandi Ssali to stop spreading lies intended to make people hate the leadership of Movement [ap] that liberated Uganda and put it at the level of modern development [ap]. Nangwa omu sabiiti niyo emwe; 7/11/2004, purezidenti wa Uganda Gen. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni nawe akwatsire akacumu yaahandiikira Omw. Bindaandi Ssali oherize kurekura entebe y?omuhwezi wa NRM-O. Omu baruha eshohwaire omu Sunday Vision na Sunday Monitor; purezidenti kandi ceyamaani wa NRM-O Omw. Museveni arabwire Bidandi Ssali okurekyeraho kunjaanjaaza ebishuba ebiine ekigyendererwa ky?okwangiisa abantu obwebembezi bwa muvumenti eyazaahwiire Uganda, akagita aha murembe omu by?entunguuka. Argument 2 ? President?s rational conduct + recommendation 18Mr. Museveni warned Bidandi that if he goes on with his lies [j], he will totally oppose him. Even when Museveni occupies the highest office in Uganda and is a trained soldier, he did not say that he would beat up Bidandi Ssali and crash his kidneys [j]. Therefore, Chairman Karazarwe, MP Rukutana and Rwakimari if you cursed Capt. Gumisiriza because his words were not praising the NRM-O party, that?s not how you should go on conducting yourselves during the time of political parties. (Entatsi, November 3-9, 2004, p. 4) Omw. Museveni arabwiire Bidandi Ssali ngu yaagumizamu n?ebishuba bye, naaza kumuhakaniisiza kimwe. N?obu purezidenti araabe ariwe ari omu ofiisi arikukirayo omu Uganda kandi ari omuserukare otendekirwe, tabaasize kugira ngu naaza kushekura Bidandi Ssali amwake entsigo. N?ahabw?ekyo ceyamaani Karazarwe, MP Rukutana na Rwakimaari ku muraabe mukyeenire Capt. Gumisiriza ahabw?ebigambo ebibaire bitarikusingiza ekibiina kya NRM-O, tikwo mushemereire kuguma nimutwaza omu bunaku obu bw?ebigombe. Generic features and generic move structure ? Text 2.1.1ed While Text 2.1.1ed exhibits similar generic patterns to those examined in the previous chapter (Headline, Background Information, Presenting Grounds for Argument, Argument, and Closure), the last element combines an argument with a recommendation. As noted in Chapter 4, the BI provides the context, often describing briefly events or issues, or intertextual reference to a recent news event that informs the on-going editorial. In the above text, its iterative nature positions it Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 121 within the argumentation stage (lines 13-17) to exemplify an event on which subsequent argument is premised. Appraisal resources The editorial largely displays positive inscriptions. The editorialist sarcastically employs positive values in Argument 1 to justify verbal duelling. In Presenting the Grounds for Argument stage, the editorialist invokes a Runyankore-Rukiga war metaphor (line 5). Although ?abarikumashana? has been rendered as ?tussle it out?, it is derived from ?okumasha? [to fight someone with spears, arrows and bows] and used here to describe the verbal exchange and pits positive attitudes associated with the literate (+ capacity) against negative values of the unenlightened (- capacity). Similarly, in the first argument element (lines 8-12), the positive inscriptions are employed to demonstrate how the action of giving (lines 9-11) is significant and supersedes the edicts governing verbal utterances (lines 8 and 11-12). In lines 16-17, we observe a juxtaposition of negative values along positive values, the latter proposition aiming to supplant the former. Text 2.1.2ed Headline Insulting one another during elections Okujumirana omu buruuru Presenting grounds for argument ? violence as a common feature of electoral campaigns 1These campaigns have been moving on well, [ap] with minimal or bloody conflicts but it seems when there is no confusion, murder and insults, people cannot count it as a good campaign. Akaruuru aka kabeire nikagyenda gye, emihondano etari mingi ninga y?eshagama kwonka nooshusha ngu ebintu byaba bitarimu katabanguko, okwitana hamwe n?okujumirana abantu titurikukabara akaruuru karungi. Background Information ? describing prior event involving affronts 3Some time back, Kigyagi, Emma Boona and Matembe threw at each other [exchanged] fire [M, j]. So now Winnie Byanyima said that she wants to reveal the secrets of Museveni?s family to undermine him [j]. Enyimaho, Kigyagi, Emma Boona na Matembe bakatambikirana emiriro. Bwenu hati Winnie Byanyima agizire ngu naayenda kushohoza ebihama by?amaka ga Museveni kwenda kumushisha. Argument ? political incompetence results in verbal exchange 6It appears those who have stood do not have issues [programmes] for developing the country, the young that [say that] ?the thoughts have tied themselves up? [one is dumbstruck] [S, j] therefore they use insults to spoil [malign] [j] their fellow contestants. Noshusha ngu abetsimbireho tibaine nshonga z?okutunguura eihanga, abaana ngu ?ebiteeekateeko byayekooma? nikwo kukoresa okujumirana kwenda kushisha bataahi baabo. Argument ? reasons for engaging in verbal exchange Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 122 9Everybody who uses the strategy of insulting has a lot of pits [weaknesses] [j] in his dignity but wants people to ignore them and look at another person?s weakness. Weena orikukoresa akakodyo k?okujumirana naaba aine ebiina bingi omu kitiinisa kye kwonka naayenda ngu abantu babyehuzye bareebe obubi bw?ondijo. Closure ? recommendation 11But remember Jesus? proverb. How can you see a spec in your neighbour?s eye and you decide to remove it yet you have a log in your own? Leave insulting alone and stick to the issues, if you surely have them. (Orumuri, February 13-19, 2006, p. 3) Kwonka mwijukye enfumu ya Yesu. Noobaasa ota kureeba ekitokoozi omu riisho rya mutaahi waawe okagira ngu akiihemu kandi obwo oine empimbi omu ryaawe? Okujuma mukurugyeho, muze aha nshonga beitu obwo mwaba muzeine buzima. Generic features and generic move structure ? Text 2.1.2ed The above editorial exhibits similar generic patterns to Text 2.1.1ed. It begins with Presenting Grounds for Argument followed by Background Information, Argument and Closure. Like the other editorials in Runyankore-Rukiga, the recursive argument phase is shorter, unfolding in two elements only. Another worthwhile observation is that there are no connecting devices to link the rhetorical moves. The editorial makes intertextual reference to a news report analysed above (Text 2.1.3hn) in the Background Information phase to contextualise the on-going argument. This further reveals how news writers rely on other texts in the construction of news reports or opinion pieces (see Chapter 2, section 2.5.5). Appraisal resources The text exhibits limited attitudinal values. The writer invokes a metaphor in line 3 to convey the meaning of the verbal exchange. In a sense, ?bakatambikirana emiriro? [they threw at each other fire] intensifies the attitudinal meaning (the actual story the editorialist refers the reader to, has been examined in Text 2.1.3hn above) which the reader is invited to share in. The action of ?throwing fire at each other? is construed as a serious undertaking. Other inscribed attitudes of human behaviour which demonstrate the editorialist?s disapproval of the news actor are exemplified in lines 4-5 and 7-8: ?she wants to reveal the secrets of Museveni?s family to undermine him? and those who are dumbstruck ?use insults to spoil [malign] their fellow contestants?. In lines 7-8, the writer does not overtly show that the contestants are unintelligent and incompetent and that?s why they indulge in verbal exchange. The writer also uses hedges such as ?nooshusha ngu? [it seems/ appears] (lines 1 and 6), which have a similar engagement function under the resources of entertain, that is, presenting the proposition ?as one of a range of possible positions? (Martin and White, 2005, p. 98). Other instances in which the author entertains dialogic alternatives include ?nikireebeka? [it appears] and ?habaasa? [it might]. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 123 5.2.3 Recounting electoral violence In this section, I explore news reports and editorials that recount and discuss pre-election violence. The section focuses on news reports on electoral violence from three newspapers (DM, NV and E) that report the same event. Orumuri newspaper recounts another event but of similar nature. The source of violence during the 2001 elections is largely attributed to the presidential bid by Dr. Kizza Besigye. Besigye was Museveni?s friend and personal physician during the guerilla war in the 1980s. He served as a senior army officer and a minister after the NRA took power in 1986 until 1999. In 1999, he authored a document that called for reforms in the NRM government; this put him on a collision path with the establishment and he fell out with president Museveni. In 2001, he stood for presidential elections on individual merit under Reform Agenda, posing the biggest opposition challenge to NRM. When he declared that he was vying for the presidency, he met a lot of resistance and violence from the ruling government, even during his subsequent bids for the same office in 2006 and 2011. Text 2.2.1hn Headline 2 dead in Rukungiri as PPU, Dr Besigye supporters clash Lead 1Two people were shot dead and several others were critically injured [j] when soldiers with the Presidential Protection Unit clashed with supporters of Col. Kizza Besigye in Rukungiri town Saturday. Satellite 1: consequences ? details of the dead 4The body of one of the dead in a green shirt and dark trousers was still lying near Classic Bar in town, by the time of filing this report. Satellite 2: elaboration ? details of the clash 6There were reports that another two people were shot dead along Republic Street although this reporter could not verify them, as the PPU soldiers were on patrol and keeping people off the streets [j]. There was an unofficial curfew [ap] in the town last night. Satellite 3: elaboration ? further details of clash 9Details on the bloody skirmishes [ap] were still scanty but initial reports said a Captain with the PPU ordered the shooting. Satellite 4: contextualisation ? prior events leading up to the clash 11Information available to Sunday Monitor indicates that Besigye?s supporters were returning from a rally at Rukungiri Stadium when they were confronted by President Museveni supporters near the Caltex fuel station. About 50 pro-Museveni people, clad in campaign T-shirts and caps and protected by the PPU soldiers [j] had camped at the station from 11.00 a.m. Satellite 5: contextualisation ? further details of prior events Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 124 15They chanted pro-Museveni slogans and hurled insults [j] at the Besigye supporters. Satellite 6: causes ? immediate events that led to the clash 16At one stage, PPU and Police officers engaged in heated verbal exchange [j]. The police, led by Regional police commander western, Steven Okwalinga, wanted to disperse the Museveni group to avoid a show-down, but PPU encouraged them to stay, saying it was their right [ap]. Satellite 7: elaboration ? further details of clash 20It?s not clear what the sequence of events was, but the shooting started immediately after a PPU Captain reportedly said something in Kiswahili on his walkie-talkie as Besigye supporters returned in a long convoy [ap]. Satellite 8: effects ? what occurred after clash 23The crowd dispersed in disarray [ap/af] and Besigye is said to have sped to his home in Rwakabengo [j/af]. His convoy was however, later seen leaving town and heading in the direction of Ntungamo. There were unconfirmed reports that he was being hunted and was in hiding. Satellite 9: consequences ? other details following the shooting 26His special campaign agent, Nasser Sebaggala, also sped off in the direction of Bushenyi when the shooting started [j/af]. Satellite 10: contextualisation ? prior events leading up to the clash 28Besigye had arrived from Kanungu at about 6.00 p.m for the rally and spoke for a short time. Satellite 11: contextualisation ? prior events leading up to the clash 29?It is advisable to end this rally early because of what I saw yesterday when I was coming from Ntungamo. What I saw shows that all is not well,? Besigye told his supporters. Besigye said all indications showed that Museveni was planning to rig the elections, but he warned him against it. Satellite 12: contextualisation ? prior events leading up to the clash 33?If Museveni thinks he can use the gun to rig, the same tool [can] be used to chase him from power?, Besigye said. Satellite 13: contextualisation ? details of another previous related event 35On Friday, Besigye?s convoy and PPU soldiers under Capt. Ndahura headed for Nyakibale met at Rugarama Health Unit. A scuffle [ap] ensued in which some PPU soldiers were injured [j]. Satellite 14: contextualisation ? details of another related event 37In another separate incident on Friday, there was a stampede [ap] in Rukungiri town when PPU soldiers clashed with Besigye supporters who were decorating the streets in town in preparation to welcome their candidate [j]. Satellite 15: attitudinal assessment of status quo of current events 40Saturday?s Rukungiri rally was the last for Besigye in the Western region. He is an asset to campaign in Jinja. The presence of the PPU in Rukungiri, Besigye?s hometown, has been one of the controversial issues of the campaigns. Museveni says the PPU was deployed to protect his supporters who were being intimidated by Besigye?s people. The Besigye team allege that the PPU was deployed to intimidate [j] his people in a bid to deny him support and embarrass [j] him as having no support in his area. (Daily Monitor, 04.03.2001, p. 1) Generic features and generic move structure ? Text 2.2.1hn The above hard news report unfolds in sixteen satellites and is comparable to other lengthy and detailed news reports examined before, for example, Text 2.1.1hn. Although the news report is Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 125 long, most of the body components appear to be anchored in the nucleus to which they refer for specification. However, radical editability is not possible because some of the satellites hang together. This is further constrained by the linear arrangement of some satellites. For example, Satellites 11 and 12, though providing the context of the news event, provide further details for Satellite 10. From Satellite 4 to 9, the reporter appears to recount events as they unfold sequentially and at times using anaphoric references to represent news actors in the preceding satellite. In Satellite 4, the reporter retells the return of jubilating supporters from the rally and the interruption by Museveni supporters and security personnel; the clash unfolds in Satellites 5 and 6; then the shooting is recounted in Satellite 7; and the scattering of the crowd in Satellite 8 ends this chronological recount. This style makes the segments hang together, thus rendering radical editability non- applicable. This property appears to depart from an earlier assumption in Chapter 4 that some of the satellites of longer texts are incompatible with radical editability and do not refer back to the nucleus for specification. Appraisal resources The text exhibits extensive interpersonal meanings and authorial positioning is noticeably evident in the attitudinal values attributed to the news actors. The news report foregrounds the Presidential Protection Unit (PPU), which is mentioned 13 times while backgrounding the police, which is mentioned 3 times. Although repetition is not mentioned by Martin and White (2005), it appears a significant linguistic resource of flagging intensification (see also Pounds, 2010). The PPU is portrayed in the domineering position: they are ?on patrol and keeping people off the streets? (7-8); they are protecting pro-Museveni people (13-14); they engage ?in a heated verbal exchange? with Police and urge Museveni supporters stay (16-19); they are deployed to intimidate Besigye supporters (43-45), thus attracting negative attitudes that criticise their behaviour. The reporter also employs both the passive and positive inscriptions to describe supporters of Besigye, portraying them as the victims (lines 11-12), docile and not troublesome (lines 38-39), incapable of retaliation (lines 15 and 23), thus being in a weak position and enduring the suffering inflicted by the agent, PPU. Even though the reporter uses the following judgement resources: ??shot dead and several others were critically injured?, ?bloody skirmishes? in lines 1 and 9 respectively, they do not necessarily express subjectivity; they rather carry the truth-value meaning (White, 2001). The attitudinal Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 126 assessment in the last satellite is equally located in the reporter?s interpretation of events. In lines 23-24 and 26-27, we observe invocations of fear as well as unreliability whereby the leaders run away and abandon their supporters. While the focus of the report revolves around the clash between supporters of Besigye and PPU which is foregrounded in the headline and lead, the actual recount of the clash is relegated to the rear of the body components (Satellites 13 and 14) contextualised in events that led to the main event. This information therefore, qualifies as the least important, and thus appearing at the end of the inverted pyramid. In line 9-10, the reporter uses a common noun, ?captain?, to refer to one of the protagonists. This seems an implicit technique to remain objective by not directly referring to the name of the soldier; however, the news actor is implied since at the time, the knowledge about the captain (Ndahura) who was commanding the PPU in that area was commonplace. Text 2.2.2hn Headline Man killed in Rukungiri riot [ap] Election tension [af] eruptsin PPU, Police gunfire, soldiers hospitalised Lead 1ONE man was killed Saturday evening as Police and Presidential Protection Unit (PPU) officers [j] dispersed rioting supporters [j] of candidate Col. Dr. Kizza Besigye in Rukungiri town. Satellite 1: contextualisation ? prior event leading up to the violence 3Army Commander Maj. Gen. Jeje Odongo said the troubles [ap] started on Friday when Besigye held a night meeting [j] in town. When police and army personnel went to enquire what was going on, they were reportedly pelted with broken bottles, [j] leaving one soldier and one policeman badly injured [af]. Satellite 2: contextualisation ? further details of prior events 7The two are admitted to Nyakibale hospital in Rukungiri. Satellite 3: elaboration ? details of the violence 8The patrols continued through Saturday and a combined group of police and UPDF [ap] was ambushed by a mob that threw broken bottles [j] at them again. ?In the confusion, an elderly man was trampled to death?, Odong said. Satellite 4: attitudinal assessment of earlier and current events 11He said earlier reports had however indicated that the man was shot by security forces who were being pelted by the mob [j]. ?But if that had been the case the town would not be as calm as it is now,? he said. Satellite 5: causes ? events that led to the violence 14Eye witnesses said trouble started when a procession [ap] of Besigye supporters, while leaving their candidate?s rally, ran into a crowd [j] of Museveni supporters and the police and Army moved to stop the ensuing clash [j]. Satellite 6: Elaboration ? further details of violence Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 127 17The crowd was dispersed after the forces fired in the air and in the aftermath an unidentified man was discovered lying dead. Satellite 7: Elaboration ? identification of victims 19Hospital sources said the injured included three soldiers: privates Enyonyo, Munuku and Barijukire and special police constables Swaibu and Amagara. Satellite 8: consequences ? measures to curb similar future occurrence 21The army commander said he was going to intensify patrols everywhere to prevent the breakout of more violence during the electoral period [j]. Satellite 9: consequences ? further details on measure to forestall violence 23?We are not taking any chances. All the people must vote in peace and go home and wait for what the Electoral Commission will announce?, Jeje said firmly. Satellite 10: Contextualisation ? prior events to the present violence 25In Rukungiri eyewitnesses said the procession left the massively attended rally [ap] at which Besigye had been ?crowned? king and handed a replica of the symbolic ceremonial State House key by LC5 chairman Aneas Rutaro at around 5.00pm. Satellite 11: Elaboration ? further details of news event 28Security forces started shooting in the air at about 6:00 pm and the crowd fled [j]. Half an hour later, the streets were deserted and the police removed the body from the street [j]. Satellite 12: Contextualisation/sub-lead ? another news event related to current event 30Earlier in Kampala yesterday, Besigye supporters had disrupted a peace march [j] organized by the Joint Christian and Muslim Council. Sub-satellite 1: Elaboration ? further details of the event 32The Besigye supporters thronged into the road chanting pro-Besigye songs and denouncing President Museveni [j]. ?Abanadini bagambye, tuwe Besigye obululu... (Religious leaders have ordered us to support Besigye),? they sang. Sub-satellite 2: Elaboration ? further details of event 35The crowd stopped guest speaker Canon Grace Kaiso from addressing a crowd gathered for the peace march [j]. Sub-satellite 3: attitudinal assessment ? appeal for calm 37Kaiso said the march was not in support of any candidate. He appealed for the audience to pay attention. Sub-satellite 4: attitudinal assessment ? distance the march from political support 39?We are not campaigning for Besigye or Museveni as most people thought. The church is praying for peace to prevail during the elections. We are praying to God to give us wisdom. We pray that no blood is shed during this time?, he said. Satellite 13: Elaboration ? further details of the march 42The peace procession [j] started at the Constitution Square and went through Nakasero and Owino markets and up Ben Kiwanuka Street. It was attended by both Christian and Muslim religious leaders [ap]. Satellite 14: contextualisation ? details of another on-going event 44Army commander Jeje Odong is now in charge of national security during the election period. (New Vision, 04.03.2001, p. 1) Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 128 Generic features and generic move structure ? Text 2.2.2hn Text 2.2.2hn resembles Text 2.2.1hn in several ways: it has numerous satellites (18) and is recounted in a discontinuous manner. Like previous reports (text 2.2.1hn), some of the segments flow from antecedent ones and hang together through anaphoric references. For example, Satellite 2 does not in any way refer to the lead to elaborate an element; it instead reaches back to retell Satellite 1. From Satellite 12, another story emerges and recounts an interrelated but simultaneous event involving Besigye supporters demonstrating in a different spatial context. In other words, the report recounts two stories, a main story, and a secondary one (Figure 5.3). This hard news report presents a move-structure that appears to depart from the orbital structure set forth by White (1997, 1998) and Thomson et al (2008). Figure 5.3: Proposed generic structure of Man killed in Rukungiri riot ? ? Text 2.2.2hn Appraisal resources Text 2.2.2hn which recounts the same event as Text 2.2.1hn above presents a linguistic as well as an ideological contrast. The first comparative difference is that most of the attitudinal values in text 2.2.2hn are inscribed; the positive values favour the government actors (police and army) while the negative values disapprove the opposition. From lines 1, 8, and 15-16, the report displays positive Sat 14 Headline/Lead One man was killed ? Sat 1 Army Command er ? Sub-sat 3 Sat 13 Sats 3-11 Sat 2 The two are admitted ?? Sat 12 Earlier in Kampala ? Sub-Sat 1 Sub-sat 2 Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 129 attributes, which portray a concerted effort between the police and the army to maintain law and order (see Knox and Patpong, 2008 for a similar comparative analysis). In Text 2.2.1hn, lines 16-19 the reporter invokes positive and negative values to demonstrate a clash between the police and PPU, foregrounding the latter?s role, but in Text 2.2.2hn positive values are employed to describe them as working together (lines 1, 8, and 15-16). This evaluation departs from that realised in Text 2.2.1hn above where PPU is evaluated in reverse terms. The behaviour of Besigye?s supporters is described via negative inscriptions that do not submit to law and order (lines 2, 5, 8-9, 11, 28, 30, 32 and 35) while positive behavioural values of tenacity describe the security personnel, depicting them as law-abiding, kind, caring (lines 15-16, 21-22, and 29), and suffering for the citizens (line 19-20). While the cause of death in Text 2.2.1hn is implicitly attributed (via the passive voice) to human behaviour (?two people were shot dead?? in lines 1 and 6), in Text 2.2.2hn, death is not ascribed to a specific agent but blamed on circumstances ? ?confusion?, ?in the aftermath of firing in the air? (lines 9-10 and 17). The unattributed locutions of the reporter (lines 17-18) seem to endorse the value position presented earlier in lines 9-10; the bullets were fired in the air, not at people (see also Butt et al, 2004; Thorne, 2006; Kitley, 2008). Appraisal analysis also indicates that DM news reports on electoral violence covertly display negative attitudinal assessment of news actors? (police, army or other government agents) behaviour while NV versions ellipt events that would hitherto exhibit such negative values or attribute them to unidentified actors. The example below illustrates this inter-subjective positioning in the opening sentences of a news report recounting the same event. Body guards of Minister of State for Defence, Ruth Nankabirwa shot into a crowd at Kiboga district Headquarters, Friday killing one person and injured several others, former MP Rhoda Kalema has confirmed. The deceased has been identified as Swaibu Malinga, the LC II chairman for Ntunda Maligna was shot through the stomach and died later in Kiboga hospital where he had been rushed. (Daily Monitor, 17.02.2002, p. 1) State Minister for Defence Ruth Nankabirwa was yesterday quizzed for one and a half hours by CID officials over the alleged shooting of civilians in Kiboga district by her bodyguards. Swaibu Malinga, an LC2 chairman for Ntunda, Nsambya sub-county, was shot and killed by an unidentified gunman during a scuffle between jubilant supporters of Siraje Kizito Nkugwa, the winner of Thursday's LC5 elections, and security personnel. Five other civilians were seriously injured. (New Vision, 18.02.2002, p. 2) Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 130 Text 2.2.3hn Headline Those of [supporters] Museveni fought [j] with those [supporters] of Besigye Aba Museveni barwaine n?aba Col. Kizza Besigye Lead 1Supporters of Col Kiiza Besigye and Lt. Gen. Yoweri Museveni smashed [j] each other in Rukungiri town on Friday 2/3/2000. Some of the soldiers that guard the President (PPU) were injured [j] and taken to Nyakibale Hospital. Abashagiki ba Col. Kizza Besigye na Lt. Gen. Yoweri Museveni bashenguraine omu tauni Rukungiri Orwakataano 2/3/2001. Bamwe abaserukare abarikukuuma Purezidenti (PPU) bahutaire, baatwarwa omu irwariro Nyakibale. Satellite 1: elaboration ? details of the violence 4The war [ap] started when the PPU soldiers and LDU ran after [chased] [j] supporters of Col. Kizza Besigye, that they should leave sweeping the streets and decorating the town with banana trees as a sign of welcoming (Col Besigye) in glory [j]. Orutaro rutandikire obu abaserukare ba PPU n?aba LDU bairukize abashagiki ba Col. Kizza Besigye, ngu barekye kweyerera n?okutimba emitumba omu tauni nk?akamanyiso k?okumwakiiira (Col. Besigye) omu kitiinisa. Satellite 2: elaboration ? details of violence 7A driver, known as Mwanza, who was driving a vehicle that was carrying banana trees for decorating the road, was pulled out [j], and thereafter they started firing bullets in the air [j]. People ran away in confusion and others broke [j]. One of the women who was pregnant was heard saying that she fears ?it might get out before the day of delivery? [af]. Dereeva orikwetwa Mwanza, abaire naavuga emotoka eyekoreire emitumba y?okubyara omu nguuto, baagimwihamu, baatandika n?okuteera amasasi omu mwanya, abantu bairuka omu kahuurukano n?abandi baahendeka. Omwe aha bakazi abaire aine enda, ahuriirwe naagira ngu naatiina, ?neebaasa kurugamu ekiro ky?okugizaara kitakahikire.? Satellite 3: contextualisation ? events before the violence 11When the soldiers fired the bullets in the air; they found the police had maintained peace and order; people were decorating their shops waiting for their son who is standing for presidency [j]. Abaserukare obu babataire amasasi omu mwanya, bashangire abapooriisi bakuumire obusingye, abantu barikuhunda amaduuka, bategyereize omwana waabo oyetsimbire ahabwa Purezidenti. Satellite 4: elaboration - further details of violence 13The PPU continued chasing supporters of Besigye [j] but when they reached Rugarama hospital, they met other supporters of Besigye, and they waged the war of stones and bottles which resulted in the injury of PPU soldiers [j]. (Entatsi, March 8-14, 2001, p. 8) Aba PPU bagumizemu nibabirukanzya abashagiki ba Col. Besigye, kwonka ku bahikire aha irwariro rya Rugarama, babuganaho abandi aba Besigye, batenga orutaro rw?amabaare n?amacupa, orurigirwemu okuhutaazibwa aba PPU. Generic features and generic move structure ? Text 2.2.3hn Text 2.2.3hn displays a hard news report in which the second phase body components refer to the nucleus for specification. Although the satellites refer back to the nucleus to specify a given element, like in the previous news reports, the reporter recounts the events as they unfold. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 131 Appraisal resources The news report exhibits overt negative and positive attitudinal values. In line 11, the police are positively evaluated as a peace keeping entity, bashangire abapooriisi bakuumire obusingye [the police had maintained peace and order]. The inhabitants are equally positively assessed as vulnerable, abantu bairuka omu kahuurukano n?abandi baahendeka [People ran away in confusion and others broke] (8-10). They are also portrayed as calm and loyal, going about their civic duties, preparing to welcome their son (lines 5-6 and 12), only retaliating when overstrained (line 13-14). The PPU and the Local Defence Unit (LDU), another news actor, that did not appear in both the DM and NV versions, attract negative judgement. The LDU and PPU are portrayed as trouble causers who are disrupting the social order: they ?ran after supporters? (4), they pulled out a driver from a vehicle and ?started firing bullets in the air? (7-8 and 11), and they ?continued chasing supporters of Besigye? (13). They share comparable attitudinal values with security personnel exemplified in the DM report above (text 2.2.1hn). The fight that is flagged in the headline and its force amplified in the lead ??bashenguraine? [they smashed each other] is, however, relegated to the less important component, the last satellite. The report also presents instances of intensification of interpersonal meanings realised in the use of term ?war? [Orutaro] and ?waged war of ?? [batenga orutaro rw??] in lines 4 and 14 respectively. Text 2.2.4hn Headline Museveni and Besigye supporters beat [pelted] each other with rotten eggs [j] Aba Museveni na Besigye bateeraine ehinda-neegwa Lead 1Supporters of Yoweri Museveni and Kiiza Besigye on 26.1.2001 threw rotten eggs at each other [j] at Kanyatorogo P.S, Kanungu. Abahagizi ba Yoweri Museveni na Kiiza Besigye 26.1.2001 bateraine amahuri gajunzire ahari Kanyatorogo P.S. Kanungu. Satellite 1: contextualisation ? details of event prior to the clash 3This happened after the GISO Mr. Shalita chased away [stopped] [j] the meeting, which supporters of Besigye were holding at the parish headquarters of Kanyatorogo. Eki kibaireho bwanyima ya GISO Omw. Shalita kubinga orukiiko oru aba Besigye babaire nibakora aha muruka Kanyatorogo. Satellite 2: contextualisation ? prior events leading to clash 5Shalita is said to have come with the UPDF soldiers and when people saw them, they ran away. That?s when the throwing of rotten eggs started. Shalita nagambwa kuba aizire n?abaserukare ba UPDF reero abantu kubabareebire bairuka nibahunga. Aho okuteerana amahuri g?afiire niho kutandikiire. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 132 Satellite 3: contextualisation ? details of other event prior to clash 7In Rukungiri, there is a barracks of presidential guards [ap] who were sent by President Yoweri Museveni after Besigye supporters began intimidating his supporters [j]. Rukungiri hariyo enkambi y?abaserikare abarikukuuma purezidenti abu Purezidenti Yoweri Museveni yaayohereizeyo bwanyima y?aba Besigye kutandika kutiinatiinisa abahagizi be. Satellite 4: elaboration ? details of clash 9A supporter of Besigye known as Eldard Rukuuru, who was addressing people of Kanyantorogo was arrested, and taken to prison [j] in Kanungu. Obaire naagambira abantu aba Kanyatorogo omuhagizi wa Besigye omanyirwe nka Eldard Rukuuru akwatsirwe yaatwarwa omu kihome Kanungu. Satellite 5: attitudinal assessment of the event 11A worker in the office of OC CID in Rukungiri Mr. Emoko told Orumuri yesterday that they had heard about this fight [clash] [j]. (Orumuri, January 29-February 4, 2001, p. 3) Orikukora omu ofiisi ya OC CID Rukungiri Omw. Emoko agambiire Orumuri nyomwebazyo ngu okurwana oku babaire baakuhuuriireho. Generic features and satellite move structure ? Text 2.2.4hn In Text 2.2.4hn, the events of the news report unfold discontinuously similar to English-language hard news reporting. Each of the body components refers back to the nucleus and elaborates on an element. The report can also allow the reshuffling of its body parts without damaging its textual consistency, thus being compatible with the English-language news report. Appraisal resources The news report generally exhibits negative inscribed judgement associated with those who work for the government: chasing away supporters (3), ?a barracks of presidential guards? that intimidates supporters (7-8), and arresting and imprisoning a supporter (9-10). In line 5-6, the reporter appears non-committal to the cause of the clash, creating an impression that there was no deliberate effort to chase the people away. Although the report distances the presence of Shalita from chasing away people, the antecedent satellite states otherwise. Arguably, the reporter?s reference to external voice in line 11-12 that bears zero explicit attitudinal value does not only evoke lack of concern about the event but also disinterest in the same event. Analysis of other Runyankore-Rukiga news reports from this sub-category revealed that news reporters recount stories of electoral violence in a jocular and dramatic manner invoking metaphors, anecdotes, and proverbs, which are frequently positioned in the opening/lead (see also 5.2.1). Table 5.2 presents some of the opening sentences that exemplify these locutions. Mencher (2008) has labelled such openings as ?anecdotal leads?. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 133 Table 5.2: Examples of Runyankore-Rukiga news report openings on electoral violence Runyankore-Rukiga version English equivalent Byanyima amasheine na pooriisi Ntungamo OBAIRE atariho, eki muhara wa Boniface na Kabwasingo akozire batabani ba Katumba Wamala, omuri Ntungamo 19/7/2003. (Entatsi, July 24-30, 2003, p. 1-2) Byanyima tussled it out with police in Ntungamo You were not there [you missed], what the daughter of Boniface and Kabwasingo did to the sons of Katumba Wamala, in Ntungamo on 19/7/2003. Aba NRM, FDC bateire ekikonde okufa kwabura Ahari Kakabano, Bugongi Kabale, niho akasineema aka kabaire esabiiti ehweire. (Entatsi, February 22-28, 2006, p. 6) Those [supporters] of NRM, FDC exchanged blows, no one died At Kakabano Bugongi Kabale, that?s where this nice movie [event] was [unfolded] last week. Empi Urban ateire Yaguma empi Bateire amasasi kubaramura ?Mazima Urban kunshwaza ahagati y?abahagizi bangye, tabanza akareka bakagyenda akabona kunteera.? (Orumuri, July 26-August 1, 2010, p. 6) Blows. Urban slapped Yaguma. They fire in the air to separate them ?Really, Urban to embarrass me amidst [before] my supporters, couldn?t he first wait for them to leave and then beat me? Andeweg and de Jong (2006) argue that anecdotes are effective because they create a positive attitude of the audience (reader) towards a speech (text) and most important, they draw the attanetion of the listener (reader). 5.2.4 Arguing against electoral violence In this sub-section, I examine two editorial texts from the private newspapers whose arguments trace what causes electoral violence and condemn it. Text 2.2.1ed Headline Bloody elections bad [ap] for Uganda Background Information ? an earlier event that prompts the present editorial 1In the wee hours of Monday morning, workers of presidential candidate Col. (rtd) Kizza Besigye?s campaign were driving around Kampala putting up his posters ahead of his nomination later in the day. Background Information ?more details on the event 4They were however being followed by unknown people who would pull down the posters [j]. When the Besigye team eventually decided to confront the hostile group [j], their opponents threatened with guns, and then sprayed their car with bullets [j]. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 134 Presenting Grounds for Argument ? issue of argument, intimidation in favour of a candidate 7At this point it?s not clear who the gun totting group [j] was working for, but obviously it must be for one of the candidates [j]. The significant thing is that such an incident happened in Kampala, just as the campaign kicked off. Background information ? other prior events that inform present argument 10In 1996, these incidents happened mostly outside Kampala, and even then it was mostly clubs and stones [ap] that were used against, particularly, supporters of the presidential candidate Paul Ssemogerere. The events of Monday morning suggest that the threats in this campaign are going to be carried out with more lethal means [ap]. Argument 1 ? rationale for the present incident/violence 14This should not come as a surprise. The stakes are higher this time; and unlike 1996 when most of the bets were on Museveni winning, this time the race is too close to call. Argument 2 ? another reason for electoral violence 16This is the kind of thing that sets off panic among candidates and their cohorts who have invested too much hope in victory. They tend to become desperate and resort to savage behaviour when they sense defeat [j]. Argument 3 ? attribution of present violence to lack of democracy 19In many ways the country is paying for 15 years in which it failed to address seriously the question of how to develop culture of tolerance and fair democratic competition [j]. Argument 4 ? consequences of closing political space 21Because the No-party/Movement system banned the high stakes adversarial competition [j] that usually comes from multi-party politics, Ugandans never learnt how to take the political heat [j]. The habit of taking defeat graciously, and of victors treating the vanquished honourably [j] can only come from this kind of competition. Closure ? position statement 25It?s too early to say which candidate is best suited to take Uganda forward on a truly democratic path. But voters might want to keep in mind the fact that candidates who don?t support full freedom of association, will only bring more violent politics to the country in the years to come [j]. (Daily Monitor, 09.01.2001, p. 8) Generic features and pattern structure ? Text 2.2.2.1ed Text 2.2.1ed presents an argumentation about the struggle for electoral office prior to the commencement of presidential campaigns. The editorialist attributes the impending violence not only to fear of defeat but also to a protracted lack of multiparty politics in Uganda at the time. The argumentation unravels in the following generic moves: Headline (H), Background Information (BIn), Presenting Grounds for Argument (PGA), Background Information, Argument (An), and Closure (C). The recursive Background Information elements provide the context of the argument ? describing events from which the present argument ensues. The writer implicitly refers to events of a hard news report that appeared in the same publication, thus manifesting intertextual referencing in the construction of the argument. The PGA stage points out the issues without, at this stage alluding to a side. Another Background Information element, and a series of arguments follow. The Closure winds up the argumentation with a position statement. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 135 Appraisal resources Most of the attitudinal meanings are realised through explicit negative evaluations of the behaviour of the news actors, ?unknown people who pulled down the posters? in line 4. However, in lines 7-8, ?obviously it must be for one of the candidates?, the writer implicitly refers to one of the candidates being responsible for the act while in line 1, s/he uses the neutral term ?workers? instead of ?supporters?. The other negative assessments condemn the ruling government for closing the political space (lines 19-21). The use of ?might? (line 26) in the Closure segment does not express uncertainty but a polite admonishment that introduces alternative voices to the argument, inviting readers to engage with the upcoming negative proposition (see also Lihua, 2009). The editorialist evaluates negatively the news actors via negative adjectival phrases, ?unknown people?, ?hostile group?, ?gun totting group? in lines 4, 5, and 7 respectively. Although the editorialist might know who the actual news actors were, the use of ?unknown? allows him/her to implicitly state the obvious24 that cannot be validated (see Bednarek (2006) on the use of ?unknown sensors?). Further analysis yields other rhetoric instances of hedging via generic references whereby the writer does not specify entities or personalities. For example, in lines 16-17, the writer talks about candidates in general while in line 21, the blame is attributed to an entity, ?the No- party/Movement system? not the NRM government. And in line 26, the use of ?candidates who do not support?? fulfils the same function. Text 2.2.2ed Headline Leaders, do not spoil elections Abeebembezi mutashiisha oburuuru Providing Grounds for Argument ? outcome of ?violence? given the prevailing situation 1Those who call themselves Movement leaders including RDCs [j], if you are not careful, you will spoil [j] for your candidates [make your candidates lose votes] who want the presidency. Abarikweyeta abeebembezi ba muvementi, obwo obariiremu na ba RDC, mwaba mutegyendesereize, nimuza kusiisira ba kandideti baanyu, abarikwenda obwa purezidenti. Background Information + Argument 3In Bukiro Kashaari Mbarara, the LC5 Speaker is said to have instructed the LDUs to arrest the youths [j] who spend sleepless nights in meetings to support one of the presidential aspirants [j]. Instructing the LDUs to arrest the youths is not the right way of looking for [soliciting] votes. The youth want you to show them the plan you have for them, for example, reducing on the shortage of jobs [j]. Omuri Bukiro, Kashaari, Mbarara, Sipiika w?Eishengyero LC5 naagambwa kuba aragiire ba LDU kukwata eminyeeto abarikuraara nibakiika enkiiko z?okushagika omwe aha beetsimbire ahabwa 24 During these presidential elections, the only contestation and rivalry were between two people, Besigye and the then incumbent, president Museveni, whom the unknown group could have possibly been working for. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 136 Purezidenti. Okuragiira aba LDU kukwata eminyeeto tigwo muhanda guhikire gw?okusheruriramu oburuuru. Eminyeeto nibenda oboorekye puraani ei oine, ey?okukyendeeza aha ibura ry?emirimo. Background Information ? describing an instance of electoral violence 8In Kabale, the supporters of Dr. Col. Kiiza Besigye wanted to sweep the town so that he does not find dirt in it [j] but those who call themselves leaders wrote a letter preventing Besigye?s supporters from cleaning the town [j] claiming that it is not their work. Omuri Kabale, abashagiki ba Col. Dr. Kizza Besigye babaire nibenda kweyererera orubuga ngu ashangye rutarimu burofa, kwonka abarikweyeta abeebembezi, baahandiika ebaruha, nibazibira abashagiki ba Besigye, kuboneza orurembo ngu ahakuba ogwo ti murimo gwabo. Argument ? the area is prone to similar occurrences of violence 11Those who prevented Col Besigye?s supporters to sweep [j], it seems they do not remember how the MP of the town Dr. Ruhakana Rugunda was being chased with sticks [j] when he was looking for votes in Kashambya in 1980. Abazibiire aba Col. Besigye kweyerera orurembo nooshusha oti tibarikwijuka oku MP w?Orurembo Dr. Ruhakana Rugunda babaire nibamwirutsya n?enkoni obwo naaronda akaruuru nk?owa UPM, omuri Kashambya 1980. Argument ? predicting likely outcome based on prevailing circumstances 15In fact, Ndugu25 [j] Rugunda, if you do not leave Kampala and go to Kabale to bring order and re- unite the people in your town, what will come out of March 7, 2001 might not be good. Na mbwenu Ndugu Rugunda, waaba otarugire Kampala okaza Kabale kutereeza n?okugarukanisa abantu b?orurembo rwawe, ebiraarugyemu Maaci 7, 2001, nibibaasa kutaba birungi. Background Information + Argument - predicting outcome given prevailing circumstances 17In Kabuyanda, Isingiro, some of the Movement chairmen go about threatening [j] that whoever does not support their candidate, he will have his tax highly assessed [j]. Really, have you forgotten the stubborn behaviour of Amin and Obote [ap] and what happened to them as a result? Omuri Kabuyanda, Isingiro ba ceyamaani bamwe ba muvumenti nibagyenda nibatiinatiinisa ngu oraabe atashangikire kandideti waabo, nibaza kumugyerekyera omushoro gw?ahaiguru. Hoona mwayebirwe entwaza y?obuhanda y?aba Amin na UPC n?ekyabarugiiremu? Background Information + Argument - predicting outcome given prevailing circumstances 20In Ntungamo and Rukungiri, the danger of treating ordinary people with force [ap] will be known after counting the votes of March 7, 2001 [ap]. Omuri Ntungamo na Rukungiri, akabi k?okutwaza abantu ba buriijo kifuba, nikaza kumanywa gye bwanyima y?okubara oburuuru bwa Maaci 7, 2001. Background Information + Argument - predicting outcome given prevailing circumstances 22It seems that those of Bushenyi know very well how to treat the people they lead and their election is going to be successful; unless the deputy RDC wants to show them the power he has [j]. Aba Bushenyi nikireebeka nibamnya kutwaza gye abantu abu barikwebembera kandi oburuuru bwabo nibuza kuba obw?obusinguzi, kwihaho omuhwezi wa RDC yaayenda kubooreka amaani agu aine. Closure - recommendation 24All the leaders of western Uganda, you should know that you are the ones with [hold] the key to the whole of Uganda?s peace. Those chosen to lead the campaigns [the campaign managers] of Museveni and Besigye do not throw Uganda into fire [j]. (Entatsi, February 15-21, 2001, p.4) 25 Ndugu is a Swahili word for brother but used as an honorific title in this case. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 137 Mwena abeebembezi ba burengyerwaizooba bwa Uganda mukimanye ngu niimwe mwine ekishumuuruzo ky?obusingye bwa Uganda yoona. Abatoorainwe kwebembera za kampeyini za kandideti Museveni na Besigye, mutanaga Uganda omu muriro. Generic features and pattern structure ? Text 2.2.2ed The editorialist in Text 2.2.3ed adopts a rather unique rhetorical technique that combines some background information in some instances with argument. The editorialist provides a contextual background to the undesirable status quo, followed by an argument by comparison, in which a recall of a similar past or current event is invoked to predict a similar future occurrence [of violence] (see (van Eemeren et al., 2007). In a way, some of the propositions serve to threaten or caution the reader (lines 11-13 and 17-19). The editorialist therefore employs modals, ?nimuza? [you will], ?nibibaasa? [might], ?nikaza? [will be] in lines 1, 16 and 20; conditionals, ?mwaba? [if you], ?waaba? [if you], ?kwihaho? [unless] in lines 1, 15 and 23; and a pseudo-question in lines 18-19. Murphy and Morley (2006) in their study of commentary stories found similar rhetorical techniques in which writers make pronouncements on future outcomes based on the undesirable prevailing circumstances (see also Vestergaard (2000); section 2.7.4.1 ). Appraisal resources The editorial instantiates negative inscriptions of local leaders (Local Council (LC), Chairmen and RDCs) who are involved in electoral violence such as instructing LDUs ?to arrest the youth? (3- 4), preventing supporters of Besigye from cleaning the town (9-10), ?intimidating whoever does not support their candidate? (17-18), and ?treating ordinary people with force? (20). The invocation, ?those who call themselves leaders? in lines 1 and 9 evokes negative values of masquerade because ?leaders? do not involve themselves in what they are presently engaged in. In line 21, the writer is predicting negative behaviour, revenge (post-election violence) or voting their preferred candidate rather than one for whom the leaders are working, given the displeasing phenomenon, i.e., being treated with force as exemplified in the antecedent line 20. Although it might be argued that the text does not bear parameters of conventional argumentation style; it conveys the newspaper?s official stance and attitude and therefore in that right qualifies as an ?editorial?. 5.3 POWER STRUGGLE 5.3.1 Recounting the conflict between Central government and Buganda Kingdom This section comprises news reports that recount the spontaneous demonstration that occurred in Kampala following a series of events in which police [government] clashed with the youth who were preparing for a visit of Kabaka (the King of Buganda) to Kayunga, a district that is near Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 138 Kampala City. The government required the kingdom officials to meet the Banyala chief before the visit could be sanctioned. The Banyala people who are believed to have originated from northern Uganda, settled in Buganda. They have lived in Kayunga and paid allegiance to Kabaka who also recognised them as his subjects (personal communication with an elder from Buganda). However, the conflict between Mengo26 and central government dates back to Obote government in 1966, when monarchies were abolished and the government claimed land and other properties that belonged to Buganda kingdom. The most contentious issue has been land (Chapter 7, section 7.4). The Kingdom has maintained that these properties should revert to the custody of the kingdom. Other issues that have compounded the conflict include the Land (Amendment) Bill 2007 and the federal system of governance, which Buganda advocates. However, the main precursor to the violence recounted in Texts 2.3.1hn, 2.3.2hn, and 2.3.3hn below, emerged from government?s support and ?recognition? of a local chief of the Banyala, whose ?jurisdiction? and subjects are believed to fall under Buganda Kingdom. The chief and his cohorts claimed that they are independent from Kabaka, and therefore for him [Kabaka] to visit, he should seek permission from their leader. The government, who supported the position of the Banyala, prevented the advance party of the kingdom from accessing the district and later in the day closed down the kingdom?s radio and other radio stations, which were believed to incite violence among the people. Text 2.3.1hn Headline 10 feared dead in city riots Lead 1President Museveni and Kabaka Ronald Mutebi spoke for the first time in two years on Wednesday night but failed to resolve the differences that led to yesterday?s bloody riots [j]. Satellite 1: consequences ? details of events after the demonstration 3President Museveni last night released a pre-recorded statement and insisted that the central government would not allow the Kabaka?s visit to Kayunga, despite riots that claimed up to 10 lives and left the country under siege [ap]. Satellite 2: contextualisation ? prior events leading up to the demonstration 6The Police refused to give a death toll from yesterdays? riots [j] which started after Kabaka?s advance team led by the Katikkiro John Baptist Walusimbi was blocked from [j] entering Kayunga District. Satellite 3: elaboration ? details of demonstration 9Independent reports from across the central region, which saw the worst of the violence [ap] yesterday, however indicated that nearly a dozen people could have been killed in separate incidents. 26 In some instances, ?Mengo?, the headquarters of the kingdom, is used to refer to Buganda kingdom. The two terms are therefore used interchangeably in this sub-section. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 139 Satellite 4: elaboration ? identifying victims of violence 12The dead include high school student Geoffrey Andama shot at Shoprite Supermarket near the Clock Tower junction; Faisal Sssali, the bursar of Lukalu SS in Mpiti District; an unnamed private security guard, and Kawempe businessman only identified as Yahweh. Satellite 5: attitudinal assessment of the demonstration 15Army spokesman, Lt. Col. Felix Kulayigye, who was assaulted and had his car vandalised by the rioters [j], said he was not ?aware? of reports that the army shot and killed civilians [j] as it helped the police to return calm [j] to the city and neighbouring towns. Satellite 6: elaboration ? further details of the demonstration 18Police confirmed that 43 injured persons among them five senior police officers, were being treated at Mulago Hospital. Satellite 7: consequences ? aftermath of demonstration 20Business was brought to a standstill [j] as people fled the chaos [af] in the inner city with some trekking over 20 kilometers [ap] to their homes. As darkness descended, more clashes [ap] were reported in the suburbs. Satellite 8: consequences of demonstration 23Heavily armed soldiers [ap/af] from Bombo barracks in Luweero District lined the Gulu Highway, covering about 16 kilometers from Kawanda to Kubiri junction in the city, forcing pedestrians to manually fork burning materials [j]. Satellite 9: consequences ? events following the demonstration 26In his statement aired on Radio Uganda last night, President Museveni insisted that the Kabaka will not be allowed to visit Kayunga unless Mengo officials, the Banyala leaders who are opposed to the visit, and the internal Affairs minister Kirunda Kivejinja meet over the matter. Satellite 10: attitudinal assessment of efforts to resolve conflict that prompted demonstration 30That position appears untenable [ap] after President Museveni revealed that the Kabaka had rejected the proposal for the meeting. The President however, left the door open to a resolution of [j] the matter. Satellite 11: attitudinal assessment of on-going violence 33He said: ?We shall not allow the visit to take place unless these conditions are met. However, I am ready to talk to the Kabaka.? Satellite 12: causes of current demonstration How it began [cross-head] 35From a nucleus in Kisekka Market, the protest that witnesses said was engineered by handful vendors [ap] in the afternoon rapidly exploded to engulf [ap] at least seven of Buganda districts, Wakiso, Mukono, Masaka, Mityana, Luweero, Buikwe and Mpigi. Satellite 13: elaboration ? details of demonstration 39The mayhem [ap] in the inner-city saw rioters [j], many described by Police as ?thugs? barricade several streets, including Kyagwe Road connecting to State House Nakasero. Satellite 14: elaboration ? further details of demonstration 41They lit bonfires on main streets using vehicle tyres, tins and paper boxes [j] while enthusiastically trumpeting [af] the Buganda anthem and other such patriotic songs [ap]. Satellite 15: elaboration ? further details of demonstration 44The army rolled out battle wagons, commonly called mambas, to buoy a struggling force of anti-riot Police over-stretched by rioters [j] scattered in the city center as well as Nateete, Wandegeya and Kamwokya outskirts. Satellite 16: elaboration ? details of demonstration, retaliation from protestors Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 140 47In return, the protestors pelted the security operatives with stones, clubs and lit bonfires [j]. The showdown [ap] intensified after the government decided to take Buganda kingdom owned CBS FM off air [j] for allegedly inciting the riots [j]. Satellite 17: elaboration ? further details of demonstration, clash between police and demonstrators 51The police clobbered individuals concerned in the disorder, beating them with batons [j] as they tried to break up the riots. Satellite 18: contextualisation ? locating demonstration/violence in another place 53In Wandegeya a round-the-clock operating city suburb, protestors set alight a commercial building [j] and in nearby Bwaise four police mean were disarmed and beaten by rioters. [j] Satellite 19: elaboration ? further details of violence 55As is characteristic of most urban chaos, there was heavy looting [ap] particularly in Nalukolongo and the attackers [j] appeared to mainly target businesses owned by Asian nationals, forcing the foreigners to flee to Police for refugee [j]. Satellite 20: attitudinal assessment of the status quo 58Mr. Henry Kalulu, the deputy Spokesman for Kampala Metropolitan Police, said they were keeping some 30 Asian nationals, some injured at CPS Kampala for safety reasons moments after security forces rushed to evacuate many others [j] trapped by rampaging youth [ap] in Kawempe. Pull quote 62?We shall not allow the visits to take place unless these conditions are met,? [j] Yoweri Museveni, President Satellite 21: elaboration ? further details of violence 63An Asian owned supermarket in the area had earlier been set alight [j]. Mr. Kalulu said they had arrested a total 35 suspected demonstrators in Bwaise, Kawempe and Old Kampala but that number was expected to rise overnight as State actors combed the city. Satellite 22: attitudinal assessment of the status quo 66?Some of the suspects were attempting to set petrol stations and other big businesses on fire,? said Mr. Kalulu, adding: ?The arrests are ongoing because our operation is still on until we restore peace in Kampala and the surrounding areas.? Satellite 23: consequences ? closure of business, deserted streets 69In downtown, Kampala, businesses including banks hurriedly closed and by 3 pm, the Old and New Taxi parks were scenes of bloody clashes [ap]. The streets, too were empty as operators of public transport abandoned their trade amid blanket security imposed by a cocktail of security agencies [j]. Satellite 24: contextualisation ? prior events leading up to current violence 73The riot erupted after some FM radio stations reported a conversation between Mr. Grace Turyagumanawe the Police deputy director of operations and Buganda Katikkiro John Baptist Walusimbi in which the latter was blocked from entering [j] Kayunga District at Sezibwa Bridge. Satellite 26: contextualisation ? further details on prior events 76The Katikkiro was heading there to clear the way for an expected but contested visit by Kabaka Mutebi to preside over the Buganda Youth Day tomorrow. Satellite 27: contextualisation ? further details prior to current event 78However, a section of the ethnic Banyala say the Kabaka is an unwelcome [ap] chief guest at the festivities unless cleared by their cultural leader, Capt. Baker Kimeze. Satellite 28: attitudinal assessment ? cause of violence attributed to government Besigye jumps into fray [crosshead] Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 141 80FDC party president Kizza Besigye, who blamed yesterday?s death ?squarely on government? [j] announced that he would attend tomorrow?s function in Kayunga because he is a ?subject of the Kabaka? since he resides in Kasaganti, Wakiso District in Buganda region. Satellite 29: attitudinal assessment of current event 83?I don?t care whether the government frames or arrests me because they have done that before. The only thing I care about is my freedom and the freedom of other Ugandans. No amount of coercion will intimidate me,? he said last night. Satellite 30: attitudinal assessment on safety of the King 86Buganda officials said the Kabaka was safe overnight but they would not guarantee his security after government moved to replace his security detail [af]. Satellite 31: attitudinal assessment on status quo and security of the King 88The kingdom Attorney General, Mr. Apollo Makabuya said: ?I spoke to the Kabaka and he is safe and fine. But we cannot guarantee his security since the government has successfully created a crisis in the country.? (Daily Monitor, 11.09.2009, p. 2&3) Generic features and satellite move structure ? Text 2.3.1hn Daily Monitor has been dedicated more space for the event unfolding in 31 satellites. The news report (text 2.3.2hn) it displays the highest number of body phases among the news texts so far analysed. The report unfolds in three phases signposted by cross-titles/crossheads. The first phase recounts the events that contributed to the interference of the social order (lines 1-34); the second phase traces the beginnings of the disruption of social order (the riot), its spread and consequences (lines 35-39); and the last phase unveils attitudinal assessments of the status quo via external voices of the president of an opposition political party and the Attorney General of Buganda Kingdom (lines 80-90). The lead (1-2), to which the body segments usually refer to explain her elements in a non-linear style, is not a synopsis of the news report (Thomson et al., 2008). It only highlights an episode which leads to a point of social disorder. The lead provides a kind of contextual background to the present news event, which continues into the first satellite (lines 3-5). Although the lead does not launch the reader into the actual social-order disruption, it still captures the reader?s attention (White, 1998). It equally seems to serve the reporter?s private intentions of highlighting the immediate precursors to the social-order interference that the public may not have been exposed to. In fact, the lead and the first satellite are intertextuality references of other utterances, that is, the speech of the President. The report exemplifies other considerable instances of external sources, which the reporter relies on to convey the news events. For example, the death (9-11; the injured (18-19) cause of violence (35-38), affected persons (58-61), the culprits (63-65), etc are recounted via external sources. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 142 The news recount equally displays instances that suggest an eye-witness account27 report, in which the reporter?s personal observation/knowledge is invoked to narrate the events (lines 20-22, 23-25, 39-40, 41-43, 44-46, 47-50, 51-52, 53-54, 55-57, 67-70, 73-75 and 76-77). These give rise to a high presence of interpersonal meanings. Appraisal resources The news report exemplifies a concentration of attitudinal values throughout the text largely stemming from the reporters? inter-subjective positions. Most of the interpersonal meanings are inscribed evaluating the negative behaviour of participants and the consequences of the riot. The report foregrounds two news actors, the rioters and the police/government. For example, the report exhibits more negative judgement of the rioters; they ? Assaulted and vandalised the car of the Army spokesperson (15-16); ? Lit bonfires on main streets (41); ? Pelted security with stones, clubs (47-48); ? Barricaded several streets (40); ? Set alight a commercial building (53, 63); ? Disarmed and beat policemen (54); and ? Looted (55). The government/police ?failed to resolve? the conflict (2) and it took Buganda kingdom radio station off air (48-49). Police ?refused to give a death toll from the riots? (6); it ?blocked? an official from Buganda from entering Kayunga (7, 75) and it ?clobbered individuals concerned in the disorder with batons? (51) while the army ?shot and killed civilians? (16), ?forced pedestrians to manually fork burning materials? (24-25), and ?rolled out battle wagons? (44). The other news actors that are judged negatively include the Kabaka (line 78) and Central Broadcasting Service (CBS) (lines 49-50). However, the latter is introduced by the reporting adverbial ?allegedly? that distances the reporter from the value position locked in the negative proposition thus entertaining other alternative positions (see also line 30 in which the reporting verb ?appears? has the same effect). White (2002, p. 17) has argued that propositions introduced by such distancing formulations cast them in doubt or ?potentially open to question?. The positive values of the police/government are fewer and flagged through attributions (lines 17 and 60) and only one instance by the reporters (line 31). 27 It should be noted that this report was constructed by several news reporters who were presumably interspersed in various loci where the disruption of social order occurred. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 143 The negative invocation realised in line 23, ?Heavily armed soldiers?, seems to invoke a war front scenario, which necessitates deployment of heavy arms while that one in line 54, ?four policemen were disarmed and beaten by rioters? evoke disgrace and police?s inexpert use of arms. In lines 71-72, the propositions evoke lack of control from government as the reason that prompted the abandonment of business rather than the clash between rioters and security personnel. In line 87, the token exemplified in the external voice, flags prediction of affect in which the action of replacement of the Kabaka?s security personnel is construed as a creation of insecurity. Following Iedema et al (1994) and White (2000, 2002, and 2003), the report presents instances of authorial positioning exemplified through explicit intensification, which sharpens the impact of the event and depicts the reporters? involvement. The examples below illustrate this authorial positioning. ? adverbials - rapidly exploded (36), hurriedly closed (69); ? negative adjectivals: ?bloody riots? (2), ?worst of the violence? (9-10), ?heavily armed soldiers? (23), ?struggling force? (45), ?heavy looting? (55), ?rampaging youth? (60), ?bloody clashes? (70); and ? the pull quote, which highlights negativity (62). While the use of non-core lexis may not be associated with subjectivity (White, 2000; Bhatia, 1993), the reporters? preference of non-core lexis: mayhem (39), showdown (48) clobbered (51), erupted (73), blocked (75) over ?violence?, ?confrontation?, ?beat?, ?started?, ?stopped?/?did not allow? respectively is telling. Other instances of authorial endorsement are reflected in the reporting verbs ?insisted?, ?confirmed?, and ?insisted? used in lines 3, 18 and 26 respectively, which endorse the ensuing propositions; these are dialogically contractive, thus shutting off alternative positions. Text 2.3.2hn Headline Riots rock [ap] city as Buganda Banyala standoff escalates [ap] Lead 1Three people were reported dead as violent riots [ap] linked to the Kabaka?s planned tour of Kayunga district spread to the city and across Buganda. Satellite 1: elaboration ? details of violence (demonstration) 3By press time, 39 people had been injured in the riots, triggered off by false reports [ap] that Katikkiro Walusimbi had been arrested [j] on his way to Kayunga. He was expected to prepare for the Kabaka?s visit which was slated for tomorrow. Satellite 2: elaboration ? more details of demonstration 6The city suddenly flared up into chaos [ap] in the afternoon as Kabaka supporters engaged the Police in running battles. They pelted vehicles with stones, barricaded roads with logs and huge boulders, lit bonfires, looted property and torched buildings [j]. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 144 Satellite 3: elaboration ? more details, the spread of violence 9The chaos [ap] first erupted around Kiseka Market and spread quickly to Wandegeya, Bwaise, Kawempe and Maganjo-Kagoma on Bombo Road, stretching the Police to the limit [j]. Military Police moved in with armoured vehicles to take charge of the situation [j]. Satellite 4: consequences of the demonstration 12Offices and shops closed down and motorists vacated the roads amid sporadic gunfire, teargas explosions, a heavy presence of regular and anti-riot Police backed by military Police [ap]. Satellite 5: Elaboration ? further details of the spread of demonstration 14In Bwaise, demonstrators set a huge store on fire [j] before going on a looting spree [ap]. The Police fire brigade put out the fire [j]. The rioters also set ablaze the Natete Police station, and the vehicles [j] parked there. A Police woman in Natete was stripped naked and beaten up [j]. Reports also said some shops in the city were looted [j]. Satellite 6: elaboration ? further details of violence, behaviour of protestors 18In the city centre, Kabaka supporters barricaded Entebbe Road near Centenary Bank with logs and burned tyres [j]. They turned all vehicles away, threatening motorists and stopping them from going to Market Street [j]. Satellite 7: elaboration ? further details of violence 21Commotion erupted [ap] in Kawempe when four policemen, attempted to stop a rowdy group [ap] from barricading the road [j]. They were disarmed and their guns taken [j]. Kawempe Police boss, Joel Aguma confirmed the incident. Satellite 8: elaboration ? spread of violence beyond spatial point of crisis 24Outside Kampala, too, rioters resorted to violence and looting [j]. In Kyengera, on the Masaka highway, youth seized a truck loaded with sodas. They grabbed the sodas before burning the truck [j]. Satellite 9: elaboration ? violence outside Kampala 27In Nabbingo, also on Masaka highway, irate youth [af] stopped buses and roughed up passengers [j]. Satellite 10: elaboration ? more details of violence 28In Mukono angry youth attacked a bus, smashing the windows and injuring passengers [j]. Satellite 11: elaboration - details of efforts to resolve violence 29The Police rescued them [j]. Satellite 12: consequences , victims of violence 30Two of the dead were reportedly killed by stray bullets near Shoprite on Ben Kiwanuka Road. One was a Saracen private security guard and the other a Congolese businessman who was shopping. A bullet ripped through his stomach. A third man was shot in the eye in Bwaise and died on the spot. The bodies were taken to Mulago Hospital. Satellite 13: consequences ? other details on victims of violence 34?The guard was standing in the door when I suddenly saw him fall down after a military truck fired live bullets in the air,? said a shaken Annet Namusisi [af], a telephone booth operator. Satellite 14: consequences - victims of violence 37By evening, more than 30 people had been rushed to the casualty ward at Mulago Hospital with various injuries, ranging from gunshot wounds to broken limbs [af]. Most of them were from Bwaise, Kalerwe and Kanyanya suburbs. Satellite 15: consequences - victims of violence 40Four policemen were also rushed to Mulago Hospital with injuries. One of them, Alex Wabwire, an Assistant Superintendent of Police, had his leg shattered [af]. He was reportedly shot by rioters who snatched a gun from a guard [j]. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 145 Satellite 16: consequences - victims of violence 43Eliphaz Sekabira, the hospital spokesperson, said 39 people were being treated. Three people were arrested and detained at the Central Police Station in connection with the riot, said Kampala metropolitan deputy Police spokesperson Henry Kalulu. However, many others were reportedly detained at Wandegeya Police Station. Satellite 17: attitudinal assessment ? efforts to resolve violence 47It took the combined effort of the Police and the army to quell the riots in the city centre, which returned to relative calm at around 4:00pm [j]. Thousands of commuters were stranded [af] till late for lack of transport, forcing many to walk home. The few taxis [ap] on the road charged exorbitant fares [j]. Satellite 18: consequences of on-going violence 51By press time, major roads such as Masaka, Jinja, Gulu, Hoima and Entebbe roads, were still blocked by angry protesters with logs and bonfires [af/j]. Satellite 19: consequences of on-going violence 53Riots were also still going on in the suburbs of Kampala, such as Nateete, Bwaise and Busega, as well in the districts of Mityana, Mukono and Wakiso. Satellite 20: attitudinal assessment of the effects of violence 55A motorist on Mityana Road said the road was blocked by protesters [ap] at Bira, causing a long queue on either side. Satellite 21: consequences 57Stranded motorists and passengers, including foreigners [af], threatened by violent youth [j], were calling The New Vision journalists, pleading for help. Satellite 22: consequences 59In Kampala, mambas with military policemen criss-crossed the city at night, while foot soldiers patrolled in single file. (New Vision, 11.09.2009, p. 2&3) Generic features and satellite move structure ? Text 2.3.2hn The events in Text 2.3.2hn unravel in a discontinuous order like the DM version above. However, a pattern of related events being recounted at a go is observed. For example, Satellite 3 locates the spatial point of crisis, and in the subsequent satellites (4-7), the report recounts the spread of the riot within Metropolitan Kampala. In Satellites 8-10, the events outside Kampala are recounted. These are followed by effects of the riot in Satellites 12-16 before recounting the dying moments of the violence. Therefore, textual coherence within certain paragraphs does not sanction radical editing. For example, we observe that the sub-components of the second phase beginning with lines 28, 29, 30, 34, 37, 40 and 43 belong together because of the anaphoric references employed by the reporter. The reshuffling that separates line 29 from 28 or the satellite beginning with line 34 from the satellite that begins with line 30 would bring about textual unintelligibility and ?coherence? challenges. While the lead in Text 2.3.1hn references earlier utterances, the present lead is not only value laden but it is also slightly a summary of its satellites. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 146 The NV version above exemplifies less intertextual components; the recount largely emanates from the reporter?s observations in contrast to the DM account, which comprises more voices that are external. The multitude of satellites in both recounts has enabled the reporters to hop around in time and space, and present events of the story as they unfolded. Appraisal resources The headline/lead backgrounds government role in the conflict and portrays it as an issue between some other two entities, the Banyala and Baganda. This contrasts with the DM (text 2.3.1hn) report that portrays the social-order disruption emanating from a conflict between government (President Museveni) and Buganda (Kabaka). The NV report equally exemplifies in the same measure inscribed negative values of protesters/rioters; they pelted vehicles with stones (7-8), set ablaze buildings, barricaded roads, lit bonfires, and looted (14-16, 18-21, 24-26), and they disarmed policemen (22). Both reports exhibit dissimilar characterisation of protestors; the NV report displays more negative labels than the DM. Table 5.3 shows a range of comparative attitudinal values of the protestors in both news reports. Table 5.3: Authorial characterising of ?protestors? in recounting Kampala riots Daily Monitor New Vision protestors, lines 47, 53 rioters, lines 16, 39, 45, 54 rampaging youth, line 60 attackers, line 56 Kabaka supporters ? lines 6-7, 18 demonstrators, line 14 rioters, lines 15, 24, 42 rowdy group, line 21 irate youth, line 27 angry youth, line 28 angry protestors, line 52 violent youth, line 57 The army and police take positive ascriptions attendant to the army?s ability to contain the situation in line 11 and their efforts to intervene and render assistance in lines 15, 29, and 47-48. Other Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 147 comparative similarities include a provocation of a war front scenario in line 13; and invocation of the incapability and vulnerability of the police in line 22. Comparative differences include evaluations of the cause of protest: while Text 2.3.1hn features the cause of the protest towards the end of the recount (lines 73-75), the NV report highlights it in the most significant satellite (lines 3-4). The DM report explicitly associates the negative values of the cause with government that prevented the advance team from accessing Kayunga. The NV report, in contrast, attributes the cause of the protest to ?false reports? (3) rather than a human agent. We observe that the report has been generally cagey in associating the protest with human agency. The DM reporter in lines 44-45 exhibits authorial positioning on the deployment of the military police via negative attitudinal values and describing their automobile gear as ?battle wagons? intended to sustain police struggles but the NV in reference to the same episode (line 11) employs the term ?armoured vehicles?, which were rather used to take control of the circumstances. Further analysis shows that there is no association of protestors with a given group in the DM report while the NV implicitly identifies them as supporters of Kabaka (lines 6 and 18) who were involved in the protest. This, of course, is synonymous with the label ?youth? used in the same recount that identifies them with negative values in lines 25, 27, 28 and 56 (see also Knox and Paptong, 2008, p. 186, 190). Other discoursal features that characterise the report include the attribution of death to technology (stray bullet) via the agentless passive, ?Two of the dead were reportedly killed by stray bullets near Shoprite? (line 30) to obscure an ?external human agent? responsible for the action (Thorne, 2006, p. 59). In lines 34-35, the report opens the dialogic space to question the cause of the death in an attributed paradoxical proposition that appears to background further human agency. The text presents instances of non-authorial affect realised via description of the news actors? emotions. In line 35, the description ?a shaken Annet Namusisi? flags feelings of fear while 27 and 52 exemplify dissatisfaction adduced from behavioural surge witnessed by the reporter. Lines 38 and 41 involve descriptions of the physical state of victims (the pain they were enduring), which provoke feelings of pity/empathy in the reader (see Martin and Rose, 2003; Stevenvall, 2008) while lines 48 and 57 activate emotions of insecurity. In lines 1, 3, 30, 41 and 46, the reporter attributes the locutions to external voices without specifying the source compared to lines 9 and 86 in the DM report. These formulations are regarded as hearsay but portray the reporter?s position as neutral (Bednarek, 2006). Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 148 Finally, an interplay relating to use of figures in reporting the death toll (see Chapter 4, section 4.2.3). There is often a discrepancy in the number of people reported dead; the independent newspaper, the Daily Monitor, usually reports a figure higher than what the government paper, the New Vision reports. For example, in Text 2.3.2hn NV downgrades the death toll (line 1) compared to the figure carried by the DM report (headline). In Text 2.3.3hn below, we examine the same event reported in the Runyankore-Rukiga newspaper, Orumuri, a few days later on. Text 2.3.3hn Headlines Wars [ap] in Buganda They burnt buses [j] which operate the western route Entaro omuri Buganda Bookize za baasi ezirikwija Bugwa-izooba Lead 1The whole of last week was give me way and I pass [?chaotic criss-crossing?] [M, ap] in Kampala City because of a grass-denuding demonstration [M, ap] about Kabaka?s scheduled visit to Kayunga brought about by Baganda who were supported by their Kabaka Ronald Mutebi [j]. Wiiki ehweire yoona ebaire eri mpigiza ndabeho omu kibuga kikuru Kampala ahabw?akasharingo ikanduura bishaka akaresirweho Abaganda ababaire nibahagirwa Kabaka waabo Ronald Mutebi ahabw?orutaayaayo orubaire niruz kuba Kayunga. Satellite 1: elaboration ? details of the conflict (demonstration) 4Bullets, teargas, kicks and canes were the only ones talking in the city Kampala [ap]. The Baganda were also carrying stones, threshing sticks and pangas to fight security personnel [j]. Amasasi za tiyagaasi za teke hamwe na za kibooko nibyo byonka ebibaire nibigamba omu kibuga Kampala beitu nabo Abaganda babaire bahagatiire amabaare, ebihuuzo hamwe n?emihoro kurwanisa ab?eby?okwerinda. Satellite 2: elaboration ? further details of demonstration 6Eleven people lost their lives [af] in the demonstration, among them a policeman whom the Baganda arrested, removed a gun from and shot at him several times and he died on the spot [j]. Abantu 11 bo amagara gaabo garugyendeiremu baafeera omu keesharingo kandi omuri abo babaire barium omupooriisi ou abaganda bakwatsire bakamwaka embundu bakamucutera amasasi akafeeraho. Satellite 3: elaboration ? more details, death toll of victims 8More than 60 people sustained injuries in different suburbs of Kampala, Mityana, Masaka, Wakiso and Mukono. Abandi Bantu abarengire 60 batungire obuhuta omu matauni aga Kampala, Mityana, Masaka, Wakiso na Mukono. Satellite 4: elaboration ? more details, affected areas 10The suburbs that experienced most demonstrations are: Bwaise, Najjanankumbi, Kasubi, Katwe, Nakulabye, Bakuli, Kansanga, Kalerwe, Ndeeba, Nansana and Natete. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 149 Obutani obukizire kuzamu akeesharingo ako ni Bwaise Najjanakmbi, Kasubi, Kawe, Nakulabe, Bakuli, Kansanga, Kalerwe, Ndeeba, Nansana, hamwe na Natete. Satellite 5: elaboration ? further details recounting other violent actions 12The shameless Baganda burnt GASO bus UAP 428F, police barracks and all the vehicles which were parked, people?s shops and other vehicles they came across in the streets [j]. Abaganda abahwa nshoni bookize baasi ya GASO UAP 428F, baayotsya barakisi ya pooriisi na za motoka zoona ezibaire zipakingira, amaduuka g?bant n?emotoka ezindi exi babaire nibabugana omu mihanda nabyo babyokize. Satellite 6: elaboration ? further details of demonstration 14They did not stop there, they got hold of 20 women going to do their work, undressed them [j] and they all remained the way they were born [naked] [ap]. Tibakomiraho bakwatsire abakazi 20 ababaire nibaza ha mirimoyaabo baabajuura boona batsigara oku baazairwe. Satellite 6: attitudinal assessment of demonstration 16These acts worried [upset] [af] President Museveni who said that he had spent two years calling Kabaka Ronald Mutebi without picking. Ebikorwa ebi bituuntwize Purezidenti Museveni agizire ngu abaire ahikize emyaka 2 arikuteerera Kabaka Ronald Mutebi esimu atarikugikwata. Satellite 7: attitudinal assessment of the violent acts 18Museveni said that it?s troubling [a pity] [af] that he called Kabaka to resolve the Kayunga matters but because of Kabaka?s impudence [j], he sent him the Prime Minister Walusimbi. The president warned that Mengo?s act of bringing chaos [j] in the country should stop. Museveni agizire ngu n?ekynaku okushanga ngu akeeta Kabaka ngu bashoboorore enshonga za Kayunga kwonka Kabaka ahabw?akajoogano yaamusindikira Katiikiro (Enganzi) Walusimbi. Purezindenti arabwire ku ekikorwa kya Mengo okuguma neereta emivuyo omu ihanga kirekyeraho. Satellite 8: contextualisation ? events surrounding the ongoing conflict 21On Thursday at around 8:00 pm Kabaka finally picked Museveni?s call and he told Kabaka what to do if he wants the Kayunga visit to continue. He told him that if he [Kabaka] does not abide by what he gave them, the visit will not take place. Aha Rwana shaaha nka 8.00 p.m Kabaka akarugaho yaakwata esimu ya Museveni nikwo yaamuheereza eby?okugyenderaho ya ba naayenda ngu orutaayayo rwa Kayunga rugamizemu kandi yaamugambira ngu yaaba atagyendeire ahabi yaabahaire orutaayaayo tiruraaze kubaho. Satellite 9: contextualization ? measures to forestall violence/conflict 24After talking with Kabaka, Museveni ordered the Ministry of Gender Labour and Social Development to immediately enact a law that defines traditional leaders. Museveni bwanyima y?okugamba na Kabaka aragiire ministry ya Gender, Labour and Social Development jubajuba okubaga ekiragiro ekirikushooborora eby?abeebembezi b?emisikirano (Traditional Leaders) Satellite 10: attitudinal assessment of conflict 26Museveni advised Kabaka thus: ?I advise Mengo to distance itself from these traitors, we fought many battles, we will also win this one?. Museveni ahabwire Kabaka ati: Nimpabura Mengo okwirira hare n?abareebya aha, turwanire entaro nyingi oru narwo nituuza kurusingura. Satellite 11: attitudinal assessment of demonstration Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 150 28He condemned [af] Kabaka?s CBS radio, that it should stop sowing and bringing about chaos in the country [j]. He added that every media house that is found involved in such an act will be closed. Ajumiriire Radio ya CBS eya Kabaka okurekyeraho okubiba n?okureetaho akavuyo omu ihanga agumize ngu buri kampuni y?amakuru (media house) yoona eraayeshange omu kikorwa nk?ekyo neeza kukingwaho. Satellite 12: consequences ? government action after violent acts 31Last week, 4 radios which were said to have been putting fire in [inciting] people to participate in the demonstration and broadcasting indiscreet statements [ap] were put off air. They are CBS, Akaboozi ku Bbiri, Sapientia and Suubi FM. Public debates including one on Radio West have been removed [suspended]. Beitu wiiki ehweire Radio 4 ziihirwe aha mbeho ezigambirwe kuba zibaire niziita omuriro omu Bantu kuza omu keesharingo n?okugamba ebigambo by okburebure zikingirwre. Ni CBS, Akaboozi, ku Biri, Sapenntia na Suubi FM. Ebimeza aha Radio zoona (otairemu n?ekiganiiro kya Radio, West) biihirweho. Satellite 13: consequences ? steps taken to resolve conflict 35The Visit: because of government?s vigilance and toughness [ap], Kabaka Ronald Mutebi cancelled his visit. The deputy minister of communication, Medard Lubega said that Kabaka stopped the tour so that discussions with government go ahead but he said that another date will be announced when he will go for that tour. Orutaayaayo: bwanyima ya gavumenti kubitamu amaani ekooreka omukare. Kabaka Ronald Mutebi asharizemu orutaayayo rwe. Omuhwezi wa minisita w?eby?amahuire Medard Lubega agizire ngu Kabaka ayemereize orutaayaayo ahabw?okwenda oku okutensa kugyenda omu maisho na Gavumenti kwonka agizire ngu ekiro ekindi nikiza kurangirirwa obu araaze omu rutaayaayo orwo. Satellite 14: contextualization prior events leading up to present event 39How was Buganda reinstated? [crosshead] 40In 1966 Obote changed the constitution with the aim of removing Kabaka Mutesa II from the presidency. The Baganda then ordered the central government to get off Buganda land [j]. Obote, who does not beg/beseech anyone, who does not fear curses [j] ended by attacking the Kabaka?s palace and sending him packing [evicted] him [j]. Kabaka went into exile where he died from. That?s when Obote banned Buganda Kingdom and other kingdoms. Buganda ekagarukaho eta? Omwaka gwa 1966 Obote akahindura engyenderwaho n?ekigyendererwa ky?okwiha Kabaka Mutesa II ahabwa Purezidenti, aho abaganda bakaragira gavumenti ya rwa gati okuruga omu itaka ryabo Obote ruteshangyereza kandi rutatiina mikyeno, akahendera arikurumba orubiri rwa Kabaka yaamutuntumura. Kabaka yaahendera agiire omu buzaahe eyi yaafereire aho niho Obote yaihiireho obwakabaka (Buganda Kingdom) n?obwebebemzi obundi bw?ensikirano. Satellite 15: contextualization ? further details of prior events 45Kingdoms were reinstated by President Museveni in 1993 [j] but since then the conflict between government and Buganda government has never stopped [ap], [the latter] demanding a federal system of governance [j]. Some of Mengo leaders were even imprisoned for causing chaos. (Orumuri, September 14-20, 2009, p. 22) Obwabembezi bw?ensikirano bukaija bwagaruzibwaho Purezidenti Museveni omu mwaka gwa 1993 beitu kiwha obwo mpigaza ndabeeho tekemerega ahagati ya Buganda na Gavumenti barikushaba ngu bahebwe Federo. Nangwa bamwe aha beebembezi ba Mengo bakakomwa ahabw?okureetaho oruvuyo Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 151 Generic features and satellite move structure ? Text 2.3.3hn The news report above (text 2.3.3hn) exhibits a move structure that is different from the English- language news reporting. The report is very long compared to other Runyankore-Rukiga news reports that have so far been examined. The lead does not summarise the major events unfolding in the body components phase of the report. There is equally no interdependence between the lead and the headlines. The report however exemplifies a value-laden nucleus. The choice of ?entaro? [wars] and ?the burning of buses?? over lexis related to the description of the demonstration/protest appears to have been intended to draw the attention of the readership of this newspaper. Although the ?wars? are in a far-away land, Buganda [Kampala], they are a cause of concern because the readers may have friends and relatives who live in Kampala who could be affected by this interference of social order. Compared to other news reports under the same theme (texts 2.1.3hn and 2.1.4hn), the news report begins with a lure expressed via metaphors (?chaotic criss-crossing? and ?a grass-denuding demonstration? in lines 1-2, which heighten the reader?s expectation of what is to follow in subsequent satellites. Although the report unfolds in a non-linear progression, a somewhat sequential arrangement of events abounds. After the crisis point, the report recounts the violent events by the demonstrators in Satellites 1-6. These are followed by the intertextual referencing of external voice, the President?s concerns in Satellites 7-8, then the President?s directives in Satellites 9-12 and the outcome (Satellite 14). Lastly, the report returns to provide the historical perspective to the conflict. This private intention (deviation) appears to contextualize the conflict by availing background information that the reader may not have hitherto known (a concern for young readers who do not know) or those who are not aware of the history of the conflict). Appraisal resources In text 2.3.3hn, the report is dominated by negative inscriptions of Baganda. Baganda ?were also carrying stones?to fight security? (5), they ?arrested, removed a gun ?shot at him?? (7), ?shameless Baganda burnt GASO bus?people?s shops?? (12-13), and ?undressed women? (15). They also ?ordered the central government to get off her land? and have been ?demanding federal system of governance? (40, 45-46). The King is depicted as disrespectful (19) while the radio stations sow and bring about chaos in the country by inciting people to demonstrate, and broadcast ?indiscrete statements? (28-29, 31-32). The news story is largely recounted with limited external voices (lines 20 and 26-27). Similar to the versions in texts 2.3.1hn and 2.3.2hn, the report?s value positions emanate from the reporter?s voice Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 152 rather than from externalized voices, revealing authorial voice (Thomson et al., 2008). The report exemplifies explicit authorial attitudinal stances that appear to align with or disalign from the stated value positions thus revealing subjectivity of the reporter. For example, in lines 1 and 2, the reporter invokes similes of intensification to demonstrate the degree of the protest. In Runyankore-Rukiga, ?mpigiza ndabeho? (line 1), rendered herein as ?chaotic criss-crossing?, means the criss-crossing of people who are competing for a goal; and it is employed here to compare with the criss-crossing of protestors, the police and army. ?Akesharingo ikunduura-bishaka?, which I rendered as ?grass- denuding demonstration? in line 2, is another simile that shows how massive and violent the demonstration was. Lines 12, 14, 15 and 19 (marked in bold Courier New) include negative evaluative lexis that disapproves the news actors? behaviour, whereas lines 35 and 42-43 appear to esteem the news actors? performances. The proposition in lines 42-43, ?ended by attacking the Kabaka?s palace and evicted him?, is marked as an invocation because it conveys ?positive attitudinal values?. Although the locutions ?attack? and ?evict? construe negative values, the overt positive ascription before it depicts it as a positive value with which the reporter aligns. Further analysis reveals that the positive inscriptions in line 41 (Ruteeshengyereza, Rutatiina ?) derive from Runyankore-Rukiga onomastics. The Runyankore-Rukiga names that begin with ?Ru-? denote bravery but also such physical characteristics/abilities as strong, giant (towering figure), or agility. For example, Rutatiina means ?one who does not fear?. 5.3.2 Opinion on the Buganda - central government conflict This sub-section examines one editorial text from the government newspaper that debates the involvement of Buganda kingdom in politics. Text 2.3.1ed Headline Mengo should stay out of politics Stimulating issue ? the arrest is an exciting issue among the Baganda 1The arrest of the three Mengo officials is stirring up a lot of emotions in Buganda [af]. Argument 1: Charges against Mengo officials are matters of the court not public opinion 2Whether or not they are guilty of inciting violence, promoting sectarianism and terrorism is a matter for the court to decide. Keeping them beyond the mandatory 48 hours and re-arresting them without charge [j] is a cause of public concern [ap]. Argument 2: Mengo officials are breaking the law 5But the real issue is the relationship between Mengo and the central Government. The Kabaka and his ministers are increasingly engaging in partisan politics, contrary to the mandate given to them by the Constitution [j]. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 153 Argument 3: Mengo is ungrateful to a benevolent NRM government 8The Kabaka was brought back by the NRM Government as a cultural figure [j]. His mandate is to look after the cultural identity and traditions of the Baganda. In that capacity, he was given back the cultural institutions, buildings and land [j]. But over the years, Mengo has assumed more and more a political role, campaigning for a federal system of governance, criticizing the Government and opposing the Land Bill [j]. Argument 4: Kabaka?s partisan decisions 13By appointing an outspoken opposition person, DP spokeswoman Betty Nambooze, to head his Civic Education Committee and incite the public against the Land Bill, the Kabaka has clearly taken a political stand [j]. He did not act when his officials went to the extent of threatening to evict all non-Baganda living in Buganda and burn down their properties if the Land Bill was passed [j]. Closure ? reason for recommendation 18Mengo should stay out of the political debate for two reasons. One, the Kabaka and his ministers are not elected leaders and thus not accountable [j] to the people, as required in a democracy. Closure - another reason for recommendation 20And two, being the biggest landlord in Uganda, owning 350 square miles [j] given by the British colonialists with thousands of tenants, Mengo is certainly an interested party [ap]. (New Vision, Saturday July 26, 2008, p. 8) Generic features and pattern structure ? Text 2.3.1ed Text 2.4.1ed?s rhetorical structure resembles that of Text 1.2.1ed. It begins with the Stimulating Issue element without providing background information like all the previous editorials. This is another instance that demonstrates that BI is optional. However, in this editorial, background information seems to be implied, that is, it is public knowledge because the editorial ensued from a follow-up story that had dominated the headlines for almost a week. Thus, the use of definite determiners, ?the arrest of the three Mengo officials ?? in line 1 references a well-known phenomenon. The editorialist therefore presupposes that this matter is already familiar to the reader (Vestergaard, 2000). The element equally exemplifies a concern that the editorialist is set to address. The iterative Argument phase, which comprises arguments against Mengo, follows. In the closing element, the editorialist advances a recommendation based on two premises. Another comparative difference we wish to highlight is the nature of the Closure element. The editorial ends with a recommendation, however, unlike antecedent editorials; the writer provides the rationale for the recommendation put forward. Instances of intertextual reference occur in the first argument (lines 2-4). The editorialist references Article 23 (4b) of the Constitution of Uganda, which stipulates that once a person has been arrested or detained, they should be produced in court within forty-eight hours. The same article was cited by one of the Kingdom ministers the previous day in a lead story that recounted the temporary release and re-arrest of the officials (?Mengo Officials freed, re-arrested?, The New Vision, July 25, Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 154 2008, p. 1-2). As Bell (1991, p. 41) rightly put it, news stories entail ?updates and rewrites of previous stories ? and a lot of the news consists of previously composed text reworked into new texts?. Appraisal resources Although the headline does not exhibit attitudinal values, it manifestly articulates the authorial positioning of the editorialist, implicitly revealing the newspaper?s ideological (political) position (Vestergaard, 2000; see also sub-section 2.7.4.1). The rest of the writing comprises negative inscriptions that assess the behaviour of Mengo and her proponents largely based on non- compliance of state laws (lines 2, 4-5, 10-12 and 13-17) (see Martin and White, 2005). The Stimulating Issue element localises the negative emotions of dissatisfaction, ??stirring up a lot of emotions in Buganda? [not anywhere else], as a concern for Buganda only. In line 4, the writer employs a mode of graduation that softens the value position inherent in the legal implications of holding someone beyond forty-eight hours without producing them in court. This creates an impression that the action is not illegal but a mere ?public concern?. Argument 3 presents positive inscriptions of the benevolent behaviour of NRM government (lines 8-10), which the writer revokes with a negative value about Mengo. This countering via the conjunction ?but? appears to construe the institution as ungrateful towards the benevolence of the government. The negative inscriptions of Kabaka?s behaviour continue throughout Argument 4. 5.3.3 Recounting the conflict between government and the opposition parties The hard news stories in this section concern leadership challenges in which the current NRM government and opposition parties are competing for various political leadership positions in Uganda. The news event selected for analysis was recounted by all the three media outlets. The core of the news event, (its social order disruption) consists in the arrest of Dr. Kizza Besigye, the leader of the main opposition party (see also the introductory paragraph to section 5.2.3 above). Text 2.4.1 Headline Besigye jailed [j] Lead 1DR. Kizza Besigye, the leader of the Forum for Democratic Change, was charged yesterday with treason, concealment of treason and rape [j]. He was remanded to Luzira Prison [j]. Satellite 1: elaboration ? details of events, appearance in court 3Besigye appeared before Buganda Road Chief Magistrate yesterday afternoon shortly after he was arrested at Busega roundabout, on the southern fringes of Kampala City. Satellite 2: elaboration ? further details, those who accompanied Besigye to court Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 155 5Besigye walked into Buganda Road Court accompanied by his attorney Mr. Sam Njuba, FDC Deputy President and East African MP Sam Wandera Ogalo. Satellite 3: elaboration ? identification of the magistrate 7The Chief Magistrate Ms Margaret Tibulya, read out the charges. Satellite 4: elaboration ? details of charges against Besigye 8?Dr. Kizza Besigye and 20 others? contravened a plot to overthrow the government by law established and expressed the plot by conducting recruitment, mobilizing logistical support such as fire arms, ammunition and other military ware and intelligence information for People?s Redemption Army, a rebel organization fighting to overthrow the government of Uganda by force of arms [j],? Tibulya read out the charges. Satellite 5: elaboration ? further details, the co-accused 14The same charge sheet placed Besigye as accused number one [j]. It also has his younger brother Joseph Musaasizi Kifefe a.k.a Saasi as accused number 23 [j]. Satellite 6: elaboration ? further details of court proceedings 16Besigye returns today to be committed to the High Court for trial. Satellite 7: contextualisation ? other events occurring in the court 17As Tibulya read the charge, Besigye clad in a checkered blue long-sleeved shirt and black trousers with marching shoes [ap] remained calm [af] and only responded when asked whether he understood the charges. Court burst into laughter [af] when Tibulya read the third charge of rape prompting court officials call for order. Satellite 8: elaboration ? further details of charges 21?You are charged with rape contrary to section 123 and 124 of the Penal Code Act,? Tibulya announced, ??in November 1997 at Luzira you had canal knowledge of Kyakuwa Joanita without her consent [j].? Satellite 9: attitudinal assessment of the charges 24On hearing this, Besigye broke into prolonged laughter and later composed himself maintaining a broad smile on his face [af]. Satellite 10: elaboration ? more details of court proceedings 26Edison Mbiringi signed the rape case reference E/34/2003 charge sheet under the designation of Officer Preferring charge. After each charge was read, State Attorney Jane Kajuga asked court to remand Besigye until today. Satellite 11: elaboration ? more details of court proceedings 29?As you know, this court has no jurisdiction to take your plea and or to bail you. You will be remanded until tomorrow (Tuesday) when you will appear together with the other co-accused in a higher court,? said Tibulya. Satellite 12: elaboration ? details on news actor?s transfer to prison 32Fifteen minutes later court was adjourned [j] and Besigye whisked way into a waiting Police double cabin pickup UP 0561 escorted by three fully loaded military police double cabins and two omnibuses full of plain clothed security operatives [j]. Before court was called to order, a seemingly undeterred Besigye [af] told journalists that his arrest was an act meant to stifle political challenge [j] to President Museveni. ?This is a political case seeking to remove political challenge to the NRM,? he said. Satellite 13: attitudinal assessment of the charges against news actor 38?The struggle is really on, we are dealing with a fascist regime [ap] which does not respect legitimate political challenge.? Satellite 14: contextualisation ? prior events leading up to the current arrest of news actor Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 156 40Whereas his last visit to court in 2001 was to accuse President Museveni of rigging the elections this time round, Besigye is to defend himself. (Daily Monitor, 15.11.2005, p. 1) Generic features and satellite move structure ? Text 2.4.1hn The news report?s generic structure in Text 2.4.1hn is identical to previous hard news structures. It unfolds in a linear fashion with an observable chronological juxtaposition of the progression of court proceedings. This progression unfolds as follows: entering the court; reading of charges; other court proceeding (signing the charge sheet); pronouncement of remand sentence; adjourning court proceedings; transfer to prison. Thereafter, the report returns to recount prior events leading up to the court proceedings. Surprisingly, the body satellites appear to refer back to the lead to specify each of her elements. Besides referring to the external voice of the news actor, the report includes references to other texts (intertextuality), that is, the charges against Dr. Besigye (lines 8-12, 14-15 and 21-23). The nature of referencing lexis to external voices has now shifted to ?read (out)?, ?announce?, and ?ask? in conformity with the nature of the genre (legal proceeding) that is being recounted. Appraisal resources Text 2.4.1hn bears attitudinal values of social sanction in which laws of the state are apparently violated, given the nature of the news report (recounting court proceedings). The inscriptions are, however, flagged via externalised voices, the negative values are instantiated in the charges against the ethical behaviour of the news actor, i.e., treason, concealment of treason and rape, which are recapitulated in the lead and elaborated in lines 8-12, 14 and 21-23. The report equally exhibits negative evaluations of government. For example, the invocation in line 32 (see also line 21 of Text 2.2.4hn below) equally suggests a hurriedly concluded court proceeding. The attitudinal value in lines 33-34 construes a hybrid realisation evoking the significance of the suspect and possible fear of reprisal from his supporters. It also evokes a negative image of government, that is, its high- handedness and cruelty in handling the suspect. The report exhibits observed affect, flagged via description of behavioural surge of the emoters (lines 18, 19, 24-25 and 35; and lines 33 and 35 of Text 2.2.4hn below). Note that in line 19, ?burst into laughter? has been marked with a negative inscription (see also line 33 in Text 2.2.4hn below). Although the behavioural surge flags happiness, the laughter has little to do with happiness; it is a scornful laughter, the news actor ?laughing? at the ?ineptness? of the charge. Similarly, in lines 24- 25, the proposition evokes a sense of sneering, that the charge is unreasonable. The referencing lexis to external voices, in this case, the charges, belong to the sub-category of attribution, acknowledge. Martin and White (2005) indicate that such referencing locutions (read Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 157 out, announce) bear no explicit indication to the reporter?s position concerning the value position of the attributed source. Text 2.4.2hn Headline Besigye held Charged with rape and treason remanded to Luzira [j] Lead 1FORUM for Democratic Change (FDC) president, Rtd. Col. Dr. Kizza Besigye was yesterday charged with treason and concealment of treason [j] alongside 22 others, for alleged participation in the People's Redemption Army (PRA) rebel activities [ap]. Satellite 1: elaboration ? details of the charges against news actor 4Besigye was also charged with rape, an offence [j] he is alleged to have committed in November 1997 at his residence in Luzira. The offence carries a death sentence on conviction [ap]. He was remanded in Luzira prison and will appear in court today with the 22 suspects, among them his brother, Joseph Musasizi Kifefe. Satellite 2: elaboration ? appearance of news actor 8Dressed in a blue checked shirt, blue pair of trousers with a blue party cap in his hands, Besigye appeared before Buganda Road Court Chief Magistrate Margaret Tibulya after court had closed for the day [j]. Satellite 4: contextualisation ? details on prior events before court proceedings 11Before he was whisked away from the Central Police Station (CPS) the court premises were sealed off from the public. Satellite 5: contextualisation ? prior events leading to court proceedings 13Nobody was allowed to leave or enter the premises until Besigye demanded that he should be charged in open court. Only the press was allowed inside [j]. Satellite 6: attitudinal assessment ? evaluating the charges against news actor 15?What I wanted was to be charged in open court. The struggle is really on. This is not a due process of the law. This is a political thing seeking to remove political opposition. They are acting unconstitutionally to keep people in prison,? Besigye said shortly before Tibulya entered the courtroom. Satellite 7: contextualisation ? details on atmosphere in court before court proceedings 19Besigye appeared in a fully-packed courtroom of journalists, both local and international [ap], commandos, plain-clothes security officials, Military Police, the UPDF, Police and LDUs [ap]. Satellite 8: elaboration ? details on time taken for court session 21The proceedings took about 10 minutes [af] before Besigye was whisked away to Luzira Prison under tight Military Police escort. Satellite 9: elaboration ? people in attendance of court session 23Judicial officers among them magistrates and prosecutors and a few party sympathisers [ap], sat in the courtroom as the charges were read. Satellite 10: elaboration ? further details of charges against news actor 25The prosecutor, Jane Okuo Kajjuga, who represented the Director of Public Prosecution, said, ?The accused is on an amended charge sheet under case no. 955/2004 which is seeking to include retired Dr. Col. Kizza Besigye as Al (accused one) on charges of treason. A2-A23 are already on remand and it is therefore my humble prayer that the court reads the charges to the accused.? Satellite 11: elaboration ? further details of court proceedings Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 158 30Tibulya asked Besigye whether he understood the charges, and he said, ?Yes, I have understood the charges.? Satellite 12: elaboration ? further details of court proceedings 32Tibulya said she did not have jurisdiction over the offence [ap] to allow him take plea. Satellite 13: elaboration ? further details of court proceedings 33Later, the rape charge [ap] was read to him causing laughter [af] in court that prompted the orderlies to intervene as the situation was getting out of hand [ap]. Besigye also laughed as he shook his head in disbelief [af]. Satellite 14: elaboration ? further details of court proceedings 36He could also not plead to the charge as it is also a capital offence [ap]. The magistrate advised him to apply for bail in the High Court if he wished to do so. Satellite 15: contextualisation ? prior events leading up to the court event 38Prosecution said Besigye and the 22 suspects between January 2001 and December 2004 in Yumbe, Nebbi, Arua, Gulu, Rukungiri, Bushenyi, Kampala and other places in Uganda, by force of arms expressed a plot to overthrow the Government of Uganda as by law established by force of arms [j]. (New Vision, 15.11.2005, p. 1) Generic features and satellite move structure ? Text 2.4.2hn Like its sister version above (Text 2.4.1hn), text 2.4.2hn also unfolds in a somewhat chronological progression, recounting the unfolding of court proceedings. Most of the report?s body components are detached from the nucleus, thus making radical editability difficult to achieve. In referencing other texts (the charges), the reporter maintains the usual reporting verb (say), unlike the reporter of the news story in Text 2.4.1hn. Appraisal resources The evaluations in this report are largely inscribed and realised as negative judgement owing to the breach of social sanction. Similar to Text 2.4.1hn, the negative judgements in text 2.4.2hn are realised as charges on the ethical behaviour of the news actor, i.e., treason and concealment of treason, participating in rebel activities, and rape in the headline and lines 2, 3 and 4. These are further instantiated in lines 27, 32, 33, 36 and 40-41. The invocation in line 5, ?The offence carries a death sentence on conviction?, does not only provoke the severity of the legal implications (social sanction) of the unacceptable behaviour, it also evokes the disgrace and embarrassment associated with the case, and therefore with a party president. The report appears to foreground the negative value position advanced via the locutions in this invocation because it is highlighted in the headline and line 36. Another token of judgement has been identified in lines 9-10, which evokes the unlawful operation of the judiciary/government. An argument has been advanced that the intention of producing suspects in court at such a time is to Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 159 deny them bail and ?punish? them by sending them to prison. For one to qualify for bail they have to pay bail fees in the bank; however, the banks close at 4:00 p.m. Text 2.4.3hn Headline Besigye He was taken to Luzira Prison because of offences BESIGYE Atweirwe omu kihome Luzira ahabwa emishango 3 Lead 1There was commotion [and] tension [ap] on Monday in Kampala town, when the security officers arrested the FDC president, Col Kiiza Besigye and put him in Luzira Prison [j]. Akavuyo okweraarikirira kubaireho Orwokubanza oruhweire omu kibuga Kampala, obu ab?eby?okwerinda bakwatsirwe Purezidenti wa FDC, Col. Dr. Kizza Besigye bakamuta omu kihome Luzira. Satellite 1: contextualisation ? events prior to arrest of news actor 3Besigye was arrested while returning from his visit to western Uganda, which took him to Kabalore, Kasese, Bushenyi, Rukungiri and Kanungu. Besigye akwatsirwe obu abaire naaruga omu rutaayaayo rwe rw?omu Bugwa-izooba bwa Uganda. Ahi arugire omuri Kabarole, Kasese, Bushenyi, Rukungiri na Kanungu. Satellite 2: elaboration - more details of arrest 5On arrival at Busega, near Kampala city, he was arrested [j] and the ?alarm laughed? [hell broke loose] [M, af]. Ku abaire yaahika ahari Busega haihi n?orurembo Kampala nikwo kumujakura enduuru ekashekyerera. Satellite 3: elaboration ? how news actor was arrested 7Bullets were fired and property was destroyed in the centre of Kampala, many were injured [j] as his supporters wanted security personnel to release him. Amasaasi gateirwe ebintu byasiisikara rwagati ya Kampala baingi baahutara obwo abahagize be barikwenda ngu ab?eby?okwerinda bamurekure. Satellite 4: elaboration ? further details of arrest and charges against news actor 9They [security personnel], however, went on and took him to the main seat of police, the Central Police Station from where he was sent to Luzira after charging him with three offences [j]. Kwonka banu bagumizemu baamutwara aha kitebe kya pooriisi enkuru ekya CPS ahi bamwohereize Luzira obwo bamuteireho emishango eshatu. Satellite 5: elaboration ? details of charges 11Among those [charges] there is treason and raping Joanita Kyakuwa [j], daughter of Maama Chama, in 1997. Omuri egyo harimu ogw?okurya orukwe omu ihanga rye obwo naakoregana n?okuhamba Joanita Kyakuwa muhara wa ?Maama Chama? omugwa 1997. Satellite 6: contextualisation ? details of other events after the arrest 13Besigye was arrested around 12 noon but when many people heard that he was arrested, they started staging a protest in town especially his supporters wanting him to be released. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 160 Besigye akwatsirwe nka shaaha mukaaga z?eihangwe. Kwonka baingi ku bahuriire ngu yakwatwa, nikwo kutandika kutaho akeesharingo omu tauni namunonga abahagizi be obwo barikwenda ngu arekurwe. Satellite 7: contextualisation/elaboration ? prior events leading up to arrest and co-accused 16Besigye had slept in Mbarara town after coming from Kanungu. Besigye was taken to Buganda road court yesterday, they read to him his cases [charges against him], then he was returned to Luzira prison. He was taken to court with other 22 prisoners who were arrested because of rebel activities [j]. Among these were Owakukiroru and Tweyambe all of Rukungiri and others. Besigye was not allowed to say anything [enter any plea] because his case will be heard by the High Court. Besigye abaire araire omuri Mbarara bwanyima y?okuruga Kanungu. Besigye atweirwe omu kooti ya Buganda Road nyomwabazyo baamushomera emishango ye nikwo kugarurwa Luzira omu kihome. Atweirwe omu kooti n?abandi basibe 22 abakwatiirwe ogw?obuhekyera. Abo babaire barimu Owakukiroru na Tweyambe aba Rukungiri n?abandi. Besigye taikiriizibwe kugira eki yaagamba ngu ahabw?okuba omushango gwe n?ogw?okuhurirwa kooti enkuru. Satellite 8: effects ? events unfolding after arrest and imprisonment 21Meanwhile, some of the people in Rukungiri when they heard that he was imprisoned, they also started demonstrating, and many closed their shops because of [for fear of] thieves [j]. (Entatsi, November 16-22, 2005, p1-2) Ebyo bikiri aho abantu bamwe omuri Rukungiiri ku bahuriire ngu Besigye yaakomwa nabo baatandika kwesharinga kandi abaingi baakinga maduuka gaabo ahabw?abashuma. Generic features and satellite move structure ? Text 2.4.3hn Although the report unravels in an orbital structure, it exhibits a linear progression of news events immediately after the lead. For example, it begins with a recount of Besigye?s visit in lines 3-4 followed by his arrival in Kampala and immediate arrest in lines 5-6; the tension that ensued thereafter in lines 5-6, 7-8; his arrival at the police headquarters [court] and imprisonment in lines 9-10. The report then reverts to elaborate the charges in lines 11-12; his arrest and the protest (lines 13-14); once again the visit and his co-accused are elaborated in lines 16-20; and finally the consequences of his arrest in lines 21-22. The lead in this report seems to conform to what Thomson et al (2008) describe as an abstract lead conveying events of the report in general terms. In lines 11-12 and 19, the reporter identifies with news actors from the region (readership area), unlike the English versions, to provide for the local interest. Appraisal resources The report exhibits similar negative inscriptions examined in the previous two texts, evaluating not only the protagonist?s (Besigye) ethical behaviour (lines 2, 10, 11, and 18-19) but also that of other news actors (Besigye supporters in lines 14 1nd 22). While the DM version exhibits negative attitudinal values of the government and security personnel, both the NV and E versions? assessment of government and security is implicit. In lines 3, 5, 7, the presence of the passive voice occasionally obscures the agent (identified only once in the lead) that would be associated with the negative behaviour. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 161 5.3.4 Opinion on the conflict between government and the opposition parties Text 2.4.1ed Headline Clashes were avoidable Presenting Grounds for Argument 1The clashes [ap] that took place in Kampala on Thursday were entirely avoidable. Background Information ? request for security 2FDC leader Kizza Besigye has requested the Police to keep law and order at their rally at Nakivubo Stadium and the Police agreed to provide security [j]. Background Information ? conditions for procession/rally 4The Police however; added they would not allow a procession in the city centre, arguing it could disrupt business [af]. Argument 1 ? rationale for setting up conditions for gatherings 6There is logic to that. In the past, demonstrations have degenerated into violence and looting, with innocent people losing millions [ap]. The right to demonstrate should not infringe on the right of others to earn a living. And it can never justify damaging or stealing property of others [ap]. Background Information ? describing events the prompted clashes 9Ignoring Police directives, Besigye marched through the city centre to Nakivubo Stadium, followed by his supporters [j]. The crowd he addressed in the stadium was relatively small [ap]. In a move that was bound to attract more attention, he marched back through the city centre, followed by his supporters. Argument ? reasons for intervention of the police 13Such an act of ?provocation? was considered too much by the security forces [ap]. On Jinja Road the Police blocked the procession [j], prompting FDC supporters to stone a Police truck, and the Police to resort to spraying teargas [j]. Argument ? consequences of the clashes 16The incident has sparked off renewed debate on the role of the Police. Argument ? challenges facing the police 17When the Police allow these demonstrations in the city centre and they turn violent, Government is blamed for not providing security [j]. Yet, when the Police block such processions, Government is again accused of repression [j]. Argument ? invoking analogous context 20In Europe and the US, whenever a political party wants to organise a rally, it needs to get permission from the Police, which imposes a venue and a route to follow. Argument ? justification of police action 22Anti-riot Police is deployed to ensure demonstrators follow regulations and to stop or arrest any offenders [ap]. Why would a practice, which is normal all over the world, be oppressive in Uganda? (New Vision, 27.11.2007, p. 8) Generic features and pattern structure ? Text 2.4.1ed Text 2.4.1ed begins with the Presenting Grounds for Argument (line 1) followed by providing the background information (lines 2-3, 4-5 and 9-12) and then the argument (lines 6-8, 13-15, 17-19 and 20-21) elements. After presenting a comparative reasoning in the antecedent argument, the editorial ends in an argument element (lines 22-23) justifying the action of the police. The Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 162 editorialist invokes the rhetorical technique based on ?a similitude relationship? (van Eemeren et al., 2007, p. 139) to justify the behaviour (on-going actions) of the police. Appraisal resources The attitudinal valuation shifts to appreciation of performances and processes, mostly the writer?s reaction to events emanating from the unacceptable behaviour of news actors. The negative valuations are exhibited in lines 1, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10 and 13 while negative inscriptions are exemplified in 9-10, 14-15 and 17-19. The text equally exhibits positive inscriptions realised in lines 3, 14 and 20-22. Although the use of ?blocked? in line 14 carries negative value, here it appears to evoke a positive value in which the police?s action is construed to protect people and their property. The proposition seems to implicitly re-echo values in lines 6-8. Text 2.4.2ed Headline Political party sticks [fights] could begin in Kabale Enkoni z?ebibiina zibaasa kutandikira Kabale Presenting Grounds for Argument ? locating the probable cause of political violence 1According to the utterances directed to the RDC of Kabale, Lt James Mwesigye by the Rukiga MP and a leader of FDC, Mr. Jack Sabiti on radio VOK, the people of Kabale who have always loved [cherished] peace [j] might find themselves clashing and killing each other [j]. Yet those who should be showing the ways to peace and development have lit this fire of killing each other [j]. Okurugiriira aha bigambo ebi MP wa Rukiga Omw. Jack Sabiti kandi omwebembezi mukuru wa FDC, atambikiire RDC wa Kabale Lt. James Mwesigye, aha Radio VOK, abantu ba Kabale abatuura nibakunda obusingye nibabaasa kwija kweshanga nibahondana harimu n?okwitana obwo omuriro gw?okwitana guhembirwe abakubaire nibabooreka emihanda y?obusingye n?entunguuka. Background Information ? describing peace that reigned in the area 6From 1986 to 2000, the people of Kabale had forgotten about conflicts and confusion [ap] brought about by those who call themselves their leaders especially the President?s representatives. Okuruga 1986 kuhisya 2000 abantu ba Kabale babaire bayebirwe okuryana n?omuhondano ogurikureetwa abarikweyeta abeebembezi baabo okukira munonga abajwekyerwa ba purezidenti. Background Information + Argument ? origin and people associated with conflict, future spill of conflict 8Beating and shooting residents began with the Presidential and Parliamentary elections in 2001 [j] while those of [supporters] of Manzi Tumubwaine tussled it out with those of Jack Sabiti in Rukiga. Now that they [elections] involve political parties, the sticks [fighting sticks] that Jack Sabiti?s supporters used to fight with those of [supporters] Manzi Tumubweine in Rukiga, they will now be used to beat people of Kabale Municipality, Ndorwa East, Ndorwa West, Rubanda East and Rubanda West [j]; unless the district leaders are ready to keep peace as a major responsibility the people gave [bestowed upon] them while voting for them. Abantu b?obutoosha okuteerwa enkoni n?amasasi kutandikire n?akaruuru k?okuronda purezidenti n?aba MP 2001; obwo aba Manzi Tumubwaine barikuriitana n?aba Jack Sabiti omuri Rukiga. Obu hati bwaza kutaaha omu bibiina enkoni ez?aba Jack Sabiti babaire nibarwanisa n?aba Manzi Tumubweine omu ishaza rya Rukiga, niziza kwija ziteere n?aba Kabale Municipality, Ndorwa East, Ndorwa West, Rubanda East na Rubanda West kwihaho abeebembezi bakuru ba disiturikiti baaba Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 163 beeteekateekire kurinda obusingye nk?obujunaanizibwa bukuru obu abantu baababaire nibabateerera akaruuru. Argument ? assessing political power of local leaders 15The way things are in Kabale, it seems the RDC has the overall power including that of deciding whom the people should vote for and who they should not [j]. Oku ebintu hati byemereire omuri Kabale, nooshusha oti RDC niwe aine obushoboorozi burikukirayo, obariiremu n?obw?okushariramu abantu ou bashemereire kuteerera akaruuru n?okutakateerera. Argument ? predicting future occurrences given prevailing circumstances 17Once the disease in Kabale has caught [attacked] the people of Kisoro, Kanungu, Rukungiri, Ntungamo and Bushenyi, it might spread to the whole of Western Uganda and even the whole country [af]. In the end, you may find that those who call themselves government heroes have been caught by fire which they lit among the people, [and] they start running away leaving us in the embers. Endwara eri Kabale ku eraabe yaakwatsire aba Kisoro, Kanungu, Rukungiri, Ngungamo na Bushenyi, neebaasa kubuga bugwaizooba bwa Uganda hamwe n?eihanga ryona, aha muheru oshangye n?abarikweyeta amamanzi ga gavumenti, bakwatwa omuriro ogu bahembire omu bantu, batandika kwiruka, barikutusiga omu rwongoto. Closure ? recommendation 22Since this week [8/3/2005] is for celebrating the rights of women, women as mothers of the nation should tell the leaders of the country to avoid excessive selfish tendencies, [ap] which will take Uganda back into wars of shedding blood [af]. (Entatsi, March 9-15, 2005, p. 4) Nk?oku egi esabiiti [8/3/2005] eri ey?okujaguza ekiro ky?okwitanira obugabe bw?Abakazi, abakozi nk?abazaire b?eihanga bashemereire kugambira abeebembezi bakuru b?eihanga okwehara emitwarize ey?okwekunda okurengyesereize erikuza kugarura Uganda omu ntaro z?okusheesha eshagama. Generic features and pattern structure ? Text 2.4.2ed The editorial pattern above (Text 2.4.2ed) bears resemblance to Text 2.2.2ed above. The editorial unfolds thus: Presenting Grounds for Argument, Background Information, Argument and Closure. The editorialist combines background information with the argument element. The editorial also invokes the rhetoric of prediction (of imminent insecurity/danger) combined with conditional propositions (lines 1-3, 10-14 and 17-19), which implicitly aim to dissuade the protagonists from the on-going unacceptable behaviour (see Murphy and Morley, 2006; Vestergaard, 2000). Appraisal resources Unlike in Text, 2.4.1ed, evaluation in this editorial is largely exemplified via negative inscriptions of human behaviour related to political violence (lines 4, 5, 10-13 and 15-16). Notice that the invocation in lines 15-16, ?the RDC has the overall power including that of deciding whom the people should vote for and whom they should not?, construes the excessive powers of intimidation with which the RDC ?disenfranchises? the voters. The locutions in lines 17-19 and 23- 24, realise negative appreciation and the writer?s prediction negative affect (?will take Uganda back into wars of shedding blood?) respectively. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 164 5.4 CONCLUSION Chapter Five has examined a corpus of hard news stories that recount political conflict in Uganda. Opinion texts (editorials) of similar nature were equally analysed. The corpus was drawn from four facets: electioneering, electoral violence, conflict between the government of Uganda and political parties, and government and Buganda Kingdom. A similar discourse analysis involving genre analysis and appraisal resources employed in Chapter Four was adopted. In this chapter, we equally observe that news report construction and editorial writing largely follow the Anglo-American news reporting pattern and the rhetorical moves of English newspaper editorials (Ansary and Babaii, 2005) respectively (see Chapter 4, section 2.7.4.2). However, some of the texts exhibited significant generic features that deviate from the generic arrangement obtaining in the current literature and discursive practices. For example, two of the Runyankore- Rukiga editorials showed a combination of Background Information and Argument elements. In this phase, the editorialist describes a context that exudes undesirable circumstances on which a prediction [an argument] of similar occurrence is based. Genre analysis reveals existence of detailed stories (exhibiting multiple satellites), particularly hard news reports recounting violence across the sub-categories of electoral violence (text 2.2.2hn) and conflict between government and other opposition parties (texts 2.3.1hn, 2.3.2hn and 2.3.3hn). Apparently, it seems the media outlets esteemed recounting a major disruption of social order in a rather detailed fashion. Hence, the body components of these news reports often comprise news events beyond the scope of the headline/lead phase. The analysis further confirms the observation made in Chapter Four, section 4.5) that the elements specified in the second phase of the body components are not necessarily recapitulated in the headline/lead segment. However, these ?deviations? did not affect the communicative goals of the respective news reports. An observable chronological pattern (not necessarily time-ordered) of recounting events slips in now and then in the English-language and most of the Runyankore-Rukiga news reports (2.1.3hn and 2.2.3hn); an indication that it constitutes an unavoidable discursive element that unfolds while reporting such events. The linear progression has also been observed in news reports carried by the English dailies (for example, texts 2.2.1hn, 2.4.2hn). Furthermore, the Runyankore-Rukiga news reports exhibited a penchant for captivating opening sentences often accompanied by metaphors. These do not necessarily contain the main point of or summarise the news report. Such news openings equally seem to fulfil one of the principal purposes Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 165 of an opening sentence in a traditional/Anglo-American news report, that is, to induce the reader to move on with the news story (Bell, 1991; White, 1997). The Runyankore-Rukiga news texts that recount events of political conflict particularly electioneering and electoral violence convey evaluative meanings via non-core lexis or (grammatical) metaphors and proverbs (Texts 2.1.3hn, 2.1.4hn, and 2.3.3hn). The above generic features demonstrate that journalistic practice in the Ugandan print media is moving away from the traditional structure and norms of a news report. Moreover, current training literature on newspaper reporting provides a leeway for news writers. For example, Hicks et al (2008) opine that the pyramid structure should not be worshipped. the pyramid structure serves as a protoptype of most traditional news reports. The reporter should rather aim to satisfy the reader?s needs. Generally, the texts also revealed both implicit and explicit reference to existing or previous texts, thus confirming the intertextual nature that characterises news construction. In the sub-news reportage on electoral violence, the Daily Monitor, the private English daily, employed explicit and invoked inscriptions to assess the behaviour of news actors (particularly the police, army and government leaders). Conversely, the New Vision, a government-leaning daily, would assess their social esteem and sanction in positive terms or avoid mentioning events in which their conduct would have been hitherto depicted negatively. Most of the news reports in this news corpus exhibit slippages of of subjectivity unlike the news reports examined in the previous chapter. it should also be noted that most of the news reports in this category are eyewitness accounts where the news reporter(s) was/were present as the news event unfolded. It appears eyewitness news recounts attract more instances of the author?s subtle or noticeable attitudinal assessments. Finally, the corpus exemplified limited inscriptions of Affect but more of descriptions by a news reporter of emoters? experiences, which invoke emotions (see Chapter 4). Although Bednarek (2008) and Martin and White (2005) have indicated that the paralinguistic features of smiling and laughter are associated with pleasure or delight, in some instances as observed in Texts 2.4.1hn and 2.4.2hn), laughter does not trigger feelings of happiness but rather evokes ridicule. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 166 CHAPTER SIX NEWS REPORTAGE AND COMMENTARY ON CORRUPTION 6.1 INTRODUCTION In this chapter, I examine news reportage relating to normative breach. I specifically analyse hard news stories and editorials on corruption in Uganda. The analysis is confined to news reports and editorials on the sub-facets of embezzlement of Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunisation (GAVI) funds; misappropriation of Universal Primary Education (UPE) funds; and bribery among civil servants and the police (see Chapter One, sub-section 1.8.3.1). This typology does not exhaustively cover all forms of corruption reported in the Ugandan print media; it only draws on the definite incidents of corruption that were often recounted under the time scope of this study. The prevalence of corruption in government has been one of the primary challenges that Uganda has encountered (Zwart, 2003; Nogara, 2009). Besides the exposure of corruption in the media (Zwart, 2003), the government instituted the office of the IGG in 1986 that worked with the media to fight corruption (Nogara, 2009). Other anti-corruption measures which the government has established include the Anti-corruption Court, the Leadership Code, the Ministry of Ethics and Integrity, and the Public Accounts Committee of Parliament. Nonetheless, Uganda continues to be ranked among the countries in the world in which corruption is high (Transparency International, 2008). The print media has been instrumental in generating a discourse that is critical of corruption. For example, it has featured most of the major corruption scandals such as the divesture of Uganda Commercial Bank in 1994, the purchase of junk helicopters in 1997, the plundering of Democratic Republic of Congo?s resources in early 2000, the rescinding of presidential term limits in 2005 by members of parliament, the sale of National Social Security Fund (NSSF) land and the CHOGM funds in the late 2000s. The choice of news reportage on corruption, therefore, is not haphazard. Corruption constitutes a key news source for hard news stories because of its negative value (moral breach) and the elite personalities involved (Galtung and Ruger, 1965; Bell, 1991). Therefore, hard news reports on corruption represent an important area for this study given their significance in conveying social disorder involving a breach of moral values (White, 1997). Like in the previous chapters, the analysis of news reports conducted in this chapter embraces a multi-perspective approach to discourse analysis involving a cross-linguistic comparison of Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 167 government and privately-owned newspaper articles. The analysis is equally based on the textual mark-up of appraisal resources and generic architecture used in chapters four and five. 6.2 NEWS REPORTAGE ON GAVI FUNDS The hard news reports and editorials examined in this section were drawn from a corpus of news stories that reported news events on the mismanagement of funds received from the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunisation to fight AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria in Uganda, and popularly known as ?GAVI funds?. In 2001, Uganda qualified to receive funds from GAVI for the treatment of malaria, tuberculosis and HIV. In 2005, following a review by PricewaterhouseCoopers that these funds were mismanaged, the Global Fund suspended the grants and halted the programme. The President of Uganda appointed a Commission of Inquiry into Alleged Mismanagement of Global Funds to fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria in Uganda led by Justice James Ogoola. Later on a Government White Paper recommended that an investigation by the Directorate of Public Prosecution be carried out. The IGG (Inspector General of Government [the ombudsman]) took interest in the matter and joined the investigation. The IGG recommended the prosecution of officials who were involved in the embezzlement of these funds. This phenomenon attracted news coverage right from the commencement of public hearings until when the report was presented to the President and the arrests of former health ministers began. Given the strides Uganda had made in fighting HIV/AIDS and the concern for people living with the disease, stories, especially news reports on misappropriation of the funds meant for these people, prompted a public outcry. 6.2.1 Recounting the arrest of a minister The news reports in this sub-section recount how a former senior health minister, Major Jim Muhwezi was arrested on allegations that he was involved in the mismanagement of GAVI funds. The disruption of social order began a week earlier with reporting the arrest and imprisonment of two former deputy ministers of health and another official who were also alleged to have mismanaged the funds. Jim Muhwezi, who was supposed to be arrested alongside his former deputy ministers, had left the country, prompting speculation that he had fled the arrest. Muhwezi is a significant figure in the government and politics of Uganda. He was among the first 27 people [popularly known as the ?historicals?] who started a guerrilla war that brought the current government to power. Later on, he served as an Internal Security Organisation chief; in that he was appointed Minister of Education but censored by parliament on allegations of embezzlement of Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 168 UPE funds. The President reinstated him soon after as a Minister of Health. Therefore, his involvement in this phenomenon attracted widespread media attention. Text 3.1.1hn Headline Muhwezi charged and sent to Luzira [j] Lead 1DESPITE speculation in political circles that he would not return from London to face the law, ex- health minister Jim Muhwezi showed up in Kampala yesterday morning and promptly presented himself to police detectives. Satellite 1: contextualisation ? spatio-temporal description of court proceedings 4Within two hours of his arrival at the CID headquarters for interrogation, Maj. Gen. Muhwezi was taken to court where three criminal charges [j] were read out to him. He was later sent to Luzira Prison [j]. Satellite 2: elaboration ? further details on surprise return through attribution 7"I have come - for those who said I would not return,? a smiling Gen. Muhwezi [af] declared as he alighted from his sleek V8 Lexus 4X4 (estimated at Shs150m) [j] at the CID headquarters in Kampala. Satellite 3: contextualisation ? description of social status, support from well-wishers 10Hand-in-hand with wife Suzan, Gen. Muhwezi comforted several well-wishers and elders from Rukungiri who had camped outside the CID offices in solidarity from around 8:00 a.m. [j] Satellite 4: claboration ? further details on identity of news actor 13Maj. Gen. Muhwezi, who is the MP for Rujumbura in Rukungiri District, drove in at 10:20 a.m. Satellite 5: attitudinal assessment 15"There is no truth in everything they have said about me," Gen. Muhwezi said in Rukiga as he waved at the well-wishers. "The truth will come out. Now let me first deal with the law." Satellite 6: contextualisation ? further description of court proceedings 18At that point he entered the CID offices, his wife in tow. Later, in the Buganda Road Magistrates Court, the one-time director-general of the Internal Security Organisation, denied charges of abuse of office, theft and causing financial loss [j]. Satellite 7: cause-and-effect ? description of what led to his charge 22Prosecution spearheaded by the Inspector General of Government (IGG) alleges that Gen. Muhwezi is responsible for the disappearance of Shs2,059,655,000 [j]. The money was part of Shs7.9 billion that the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunisation (Gavi) donated to Uganda in 2004 as a token of appreciation for a successful immunisation campaign the Ministry of Health conducted in 2002 [ap]. According to investigations by the IGG, Gen. Muhwezi allegedly committed the offences between 2004 and 2005 [j]. Satellite 8: contextualisation ? description of prior events 29On Tuesday last week, Gen. Muhwezi's two former deputies - Mike Mukula and Alex Kamugisha - were arrested from their homes, charged and sent to Luzira over similar allegations [j]. Capt. Mukula and Dr Kamugisha spent three nights in jail [j] before they were freed on bail on Friday. 33The fourth person charged alongside the ex-ministers, Alice Kaboyo, a former presidential Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 169 aide on youth affairs, was remanded to Luzira on Wednesday [j]. She is expected to appear before High Court Judge Moses Mukiibi later today for the hearing of her bail application. Satellite 9: elaboration ? social status 37Gen. Muhwezi also is likely to appear today to seek release on bail. Ministers Kahinda Otafiire (local government) and Mwesigwa Rukutana (state for labour) arrived at the CID headquarters shortly after Gen. Muhwezi [j]. They followed him to court as well. Satellite 10: elaboration ? social status of news actor 41From CID headquarters Gen. Muhwezi and his wife shared the back seat of the police double cabin pick-up truck [j] that drove in the middle of a heavily guarded five-car convoy [j] to Buganda Road Magistrates Court. Satellite 11: attitudinal ? positive evaluation 44Ms Suzan Muhwezi, who also is a presidential adviser [j] on trade, said: "I know my husband is a fighter and he will be back soon from prison. I'm not worried of anything because he has slept in worse places than Luzira. I'm so happy because he has beaten critics that he was not coming back." [j] Satellite 12: elaboration ? details on his London stay 48Muhwezi's return [Cross-title] 49Gen. Muhwezi returned on Sunday night rather unexpectedly, Daily Monitor has learnt. He flew to London on Monday last week aboard British Airways having sought and been granted permission by Parliament Speaker Edward Ssekandi to be away between May 20 and May 30 on medical grounds. Satellite 13: elaboration ? details on speculation that he would not return 53Because his leave from Parliament was to end on May 30, speculation was rife that he could return around about that date. But instead he reportedly touched down at Entebbe at about 9:00 p.m. on Sunday night aboard Kenya Airways flight No. KQ 416. He passed through the VIP lounge [j], and a short while later was hankered down in meetings [af] with his lawyers. Satellite 14: contextualisation ? prior events to his return and detention 58Although a warrant of arrest had been issued against him, Gen. Muhwezi managed to elude airport security raising speculation that he could have been in touch with senior security bosses who arranged a soft landing for him [j]. Satellite 15: attitudinal/elaboration ? details of his appearance at police headquarters 61"Jim left the country because he never wanted to be humiliated like it was done to Mike Mukula," a security source told Daily Monitor. "His intention was to report to police himself and he has achieved that." Satellite 16: contextualisation/attitudinal ? prior events 64The source, who is a senior military intelligence operative, claimed that Gen. Muhwezi chose to leave the country after he reportedly refused to plead before President Museveni that he misappropriated Gavi money [j]. Satellite 17: contextualisation ? prior events 68Sources say when IGG Faith Mwondha presented her April 4 report to the President, he summoned the three former health ministers and asked them to accept that they misused the money. Satellite 19: contextualisation ? prior events 71Mr Museveni's request, according to sources, was aimed at making the ministers refund the money and avoid prosecution. Gen. Muhwezi reportedly refused to admit any wrongdoing [j]. He said he preferred the matter to be decided by the courts. And so it shall be. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 170 Satellite 20: elaboration ? efforts of news actor to avert his predicament 75Meanwhile, Gen. Muhwezi is also appealing to the court of public opinion [af]. At about 9:45 a.m. yesterday, he called Daily Monitor and a read out a statement about his predicament [af]. (Daily Monitor, 29.05.2007, p. 1-2) Generic features and move (satellite) structure The generic structure of Text 3.1.1hn is comparable to text 2.3.1hn (Chapter Five), unfolding in a detailed fashion (20 satellites). The news reporters chose an entry point (lead) that does not summarise the contents of the news story. It also cannot be considered as a synopsis, that is, stating in general and abstract terms the elements of the report (Thomson et al, 2008). The choice of this opening is apparently related to the speculation at that moment that Muhwezi was not going to return to face the charges against him. In a way, it could be regarded as a counter-expectational point of sorts (see White, 2000) because the status quo (speculation) had been that Muhwezi would not return (see also the value of unexpectedness in Bednarek (2006)). Nonetheless, the story suddenly picks up what is considered as the actual disruption of social order, ?being charged and sent to prison? (lines 4-6), which constitutes at the same time the news angle of the report. It is evident from the news report that there is no interdependence between the headline and the lead. Apart from mentioning the full name of the culprit and use of honorific title (ex-health minister), nothing else repeats the elements of the headline. The report then moves about in episodes and specifies the protagonist?s presentation at the CID (lines 4-12); his encounter with his supporters (10-12 and 15-17); and the charges against him (18- 28). It then lapses into contextualisation and describes prior events of his co-accused (29-36). The report returns to recount his return, which is signposted by a cross-title (48): his travel abroad (49- 52) and return (53-67) before providing background information to the case (68-74). Although the news report is recounted in a discontinuous manner, the satellites do not emerge from or relate to a specific source (lead). The cross-title appears to have an influence on the generic structure of the news report. The satellites under a cross-title appear to refer to it for specification, which is similar to the lead-body satellite interdependency. For example, although the body satellites after the cross-title (line 48) locate the disruption point in prior events (contextualisation); however, they draw from the news actor?s return and go back in time to specify events leading to his return. Appraisal resources Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 171 The text displays limited attitudinal values of Affect, which are projected via behavioural surge of the third party (a smiling Gen. Muhwezi in lines 7-8), and indirect realisations of anxiety and insecurity (?? was hankered down in meetings??; ?appealing to the court of public opinion?; ?? his predicament?? in lines 56-57 and 74-75 and 77 respectively). Given the nature of the news event [breach of regulations and laws], the report exhibits negative inscriptions belonging to the sub-attitudinal realm of social sanction of propriety (headline, lines 5, 6, 20-21, 23, 27-28, 30-31, 33-34, 65-67 and 73). The positive inscriptions on the other hand, border on the values of social esteem of capacity, which reflect the protagonist?s popularity and social significance (lines 10-12, 38-39, 45-47, and 58-60). Similar authorial evaluations, that is, unmediated attitude in lines 18-19, 41-43, 44 and 56 can be identified. However, the locution in lines 19-20, ?the one-time director-general of the Internal Security Organisation?, which appears before (juxtaposed alongside) a negative inscription invokes the reporter?s cynicism, that such a hitherto powerful man is now being charged before a court of law. Fowler (1991) explicates that honorific titles are not only used for praise but also sarcastically. The reporter?s description of Muhwezi?s vehicle, ?he alighted from his sleek V8 Lexus 4X4 (estimated at Shs150m? in line 8-9, invokes opulence, an expensive car vis-?-vis the charges of misappropriation of colossal funds. The analysis also gives evidence of the generic use of the word ?source? in lines 62, 64, 68 and 71 concealing the identity of the source. In line 64, the reporter modifies the source, ?The source, who is a senior military intelligence operative?, thus rendering the attribution highly credible (see Geis, 1987; and Stevenvall, 2008 for details on ?unnamed sources?). However, the reporter distances himself from the attribution via the reporting verb ?claimed? (line 65). For comparative purposes, I now turn to analyse a NV report recounting the same event but from a different angle, namely foregrounding of the charges aginst the main news actor. Text 3.1.2hn Headline Muhwezi sent to Luzira jail [j] Ex-minister charged with theft [j] of Sh 1b Lead 1Former health minister Jim Muhwezi was yesterday charged with abuse of office, theft and embezzlement of over sh1b of donor funds for immunisation [j]. Satellite 1: elaboration ? details on outcome of the charges 3He was remanded to Luzira Prison [j]. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 172 Satellite 2: contextualisation ? events leading to court charge 4In a move that took many by surprise, the high-profile politician [j] presented himself to the Police earlier in the morning. Satellite 3: contextualisation ? describing prior events leading to the disruption of social order 6Muhwezi, who left for the UK last Monday, a day before the Police was to arrest him, flew back into the country on Sunday and turned himself in at the Criminal Investigations Department at 10:20am [j]. Satellite 4: attitudinal assessment ? law-abiding citizen 9?He had earlier communicated that he would be returning and that he would come to the Police at 10:00am on Tuesday. However, we were surprised when his lawyers called saying they were coming with their client to the CID headquarters today,? said Police spokesman Asan Kasingye. He added that Muhwezi arrived in Uganda at 11:00pm on Sunday night. Satellite 5: elaboration ? description of his appearance and support from well-wishers 14Accompanied by his lawyer, Oscar Kambona, and his wife Suzan, a confident [af] and impeccably dressed Muhwezi [j] first addressed his supporters, thanking them and dismissing the accusations against him as falsehoods [j]. Satellite 6: contextualisation ? prior events leading to the charge 17He then spent close to two hours at the CID headquarters, where the Police said he recorded a charge and caution statement [ap]. Among the politicians who turned up were Rukungiri LC5 chairman Zedekia Karokora, minister for local government Kahinda Otafiire and state minister for labour Mwesigwa Rukutana [j]. Satellite 7: contextualisation ? events leading to the charge in court 21Shortly after midday, Muhwezi emerged from the CID offices and drove to Buganda Road Court in a six-car convoy, led by a Police patrol truck with roof lights flashing and sirens blaring [j]. Satellite 8: contextualisation ? prior events prior to court proceedings 23Moments earlier, the Police, commanded by the Regional Police chief for Kampala Extra, Edward Ochom, had sealed off the court premises [j]. Satellite 9: elaboration ? details of court proceedings 25Muhwezi appeared composed [af] as the charges were read to him by Chief Magistrate Margaret Tibulya in a fully-packed courtroom [ap]. The former minister, who was represented by three lawyers, denied all the charges. The magistrate advised him to apply for bail. Satellite 10: elaboration ? further details of court proceedings 28?Just as a formality, I want to inform you that you can seek bail before the High Court. You are remanded till June 6 for mention of the case,? Tibulya said before adjourning the court. Satellite 11: consequences ? effects of the court charge 31One of his lawyers, Chris Bakiza, later told the press they would seek bail immediately. His wife Susan tried to follow her husband as the prison warders led him away to the court cells but she was stopped. Ministers Rukutana and Otafiire later talked to him in his cell [j]. Satellite 12: elaboration ? details of the charge 34On the first charge, Muhwezi is alleged to have requisitioned sh1,071,255,000 of the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunisation (GAVI) between March 2004 and April 2005. He is also accused of causing a financial loss of sh774,400,000 from the same funds [j]. Satellite 13: elaboration ? more details of the charge 37Jointly with his former deputy, Mike Mukula, he is also alleged to have requisitioned sh263,855,000 from the GAVI account at Citibank Uganda, and stolen sh210,000,000 between Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 173 February 11 and October 28, 2005 [j]. The money was reportedly meant for health advocacy conferences organised by the First Lady?s Office. The conferences were supposed to have been held at Acholi Inn in Gulu and Mt. Elgon Hotel in Mbale. Satellite 14: elaboration ? further details of the charge 42Muhwezi and former State House official Alice Kaboyo, now on remand in Luzira, are also accused of stealing sh214,000,000 from the GAVI fund account at the National Bank of Commerce between February 23 and March 23, 2005 [j]. Satellite 15: elaboration ? details of the charge 45On the last charge, Muhwezi allegedly authorised the banking of sh214,000,000 from the GAVI account in the name of Alice Kaboyo in the National Bank of Commerce when he knew that this would cause a financial loss to the Government [j]. (New Vision, 29.05.2007, p. 1-2) Generic features and move (satellite) structure The NV?s lead in Text 3.1.2hn recapitulates the significant elements of the news events (the charges and imprisonment) unlike the DM?s version opening above. However, the reporter foregrounds the ?surprise return? (in the third, fourth and fifth satellites) of the news actor and only returns to elaborate the lead?s content later on. Like some of the antecedent news reports, this story comprises some moves (Satellites 5 throughout to 8), which are organised in a temporal arrangement evident in the time adjuncts indicating temporal sequence, for example, ?first? (line 15), ?then? (line 17), ?after midday? (line 21), and ?moments earlier? (line 23). This temporary progressive order interferes with radical editability, a property I discussed earlier in Chapter Four and Five. Another comparative difference exhibited in this report is the foregrounding of the charges against the main news actors in lines 34-36, 37-41, 42-44, and 45-47, which include causing financial loss and stealing money (see also Text 3.1.4hn below). Both reports recount the news event in significant details but each of them focuses on distinct aspects. Appraisal resources Like its sister version above (Text 3.1.1hn), the NV story exemplifies negative inscriptions of propriety, id est., reporting non-compliance with civic responsibilities, which are foregrounded in the lead and the last four satellites. Apart from the explicit use of negative terms such as ?abuse of office, theft and embezzlement? (lines 1-2), ?stolen? and ?stealing? (lines 38 and 43), the rest of the propositions are couched in legalese, which do not necessarily depict the appraised with negative values. Even the use of negative terms is modified with such verbs as ?allege? or ?accused of?, which appear to distance the author from the value position of the statement. Like the DM version, the story contains values of social esteem (lines 4, 18-20, 26). These are projected via invocations which depict the high standing of the personality involved. They include ?turned himself in at the Criminal Investigations Department at 10:20am? (lines 7-8), ?a six-car Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 174 convoy, led by a Police patrol truck with roof lights flashing and sirens blaring? (line 22), ?had sealed off the court premises? (line 24), and ?a fully-packed courtroom? (line 26). Both news reports therefore evaluate the main news actor as a politician of repute (high-profile politician), with popular support (presence of high profile personalities at the time of need), confident and not worried about the charges. The news report exhibits a comparative difference that relates to the name of Muhwezi, which is mentioned 8 times without positive attributes in the NV report while it appears 18 times with positive attributes (with such honorifics as ex-health minister, Maj. Gen., Gen., MP for Rujumbura, the one-time director-general of the Internal Security) in the DM report (see also Pounds (2010) and sub-section 5.2.3). Text 3.1.3hn Text 3.1.3hn recounts the same event carried by both the DM and NV. However, the E news story appeared much later (June 26) after the event had taken place and possibly the news of the arrest should have already been known by the people in south-western Uganda via electronic media (radios) or Orumuri whose version appeared much earlier (see text 3.1.4hn below). Therefore, the E story rather recounts how the funds were systematically ?mismanaged?, focusing on a different news actor, Ms. Alice Kaboyo. Headline How Gavi money [funds] was used [spent] Oku sente za GAVI zaakozesiibwe Antecedent/lead 1Recently, the former Minister of Health and the MP for Rujumbura Maj. Gen Jim Muhwezi and his colleagues, Dr. Alex Kamugisha, Capt Mike Mukula and the former presidential aide on political affairs and seminars, Alice Kaboyo were arrested and put in Luzira Prison for misusing their offices and stealing money meant for immunising children [j]. Enshumi nkye ehingwire, owaabaire ari Minisita w?eby?Amagara kandi MP wa Rujumbura, Maj. Gen Jim Muhwezi na bagyenzi be Dr. Alex Kamugisha, Capt Mike Mukula n?owabaire ari Omuhwezi wa Purezident aha nshonga z?eby?obutegyeki na za semina Alice Kaboyo bakakwatwa baatebwa omu kihome Luzira ahabw?emishango y?okukoresa kubi ofiisi zaabo, n?okwiba sente z?okugyema/kutsirika abaana. Satellite 1 ? elaboration on how the money was embezzled 5Forged Letters [j] [Cross-title] Amabaruha g?ebikwangara 6Alice Kaboyo used to write to Jim Muhwezi forged letters [j] requesting Muhwezi money and he would put a hand [sign] on them and they would pay her. One of the fake letters that Kaboyo used to write to Muhwezi [ap], of which Entatsi received a copy, was dated 5/11/2004. Alice Kaboyo wrote to Muhwezi requesting for money to use in teaching the youths in higher institutions of Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 175 learning about the drive of immunising the children. When Muhwezi received this letter on 22/11/2004 he sent it to Dr Alex Kamugisha to do what is necessary [for action]. Then on 25/11/2004, Kamugisha also sent it to the Principal Accountant to pay. This letter that had on it a budget, 310,400,000 was paid on 26/11/2004. Alic Kaboyo akaba ahandiikira Jim Muhwezi amabaruha g?ebikwangara arikushaba sente Muhwezi nawe ataho omukono bamushashura. Zimwe aha baruha za Kaboyo arikuhandiikira muhwezi ezi Entatsi entugire koze n?ey?ebiro 5/11/2004, Alice Kaboyo akahandiikira Jim Muhwezi arikushaba sente z?okukozesa omu kushomesa eminyeeto omu matendekyero g?ahaiguru omu hururu y?okugyema/okusirika abaana. Muhwezi baruha egi ku yaagitungire 22/11/2004 yaagyohereza owa Dr. Alex Kamugisha kukora ekirikwetaagisa. Reero 25/11/1004 Kamugisha nawe yaagyohereza owa principal Accountant kushashura. Ebaruha egi eyabaire ateriho bagyezi 310,400,000/=. Zikashashurwa 26/11/2004. Satellite 2 ? elaboration, how money was requisitioned 14Then on 23/2/2005 Kaboyo wrote requesting for money to teach/train the youth in teacher training institutions about Health programmes especially immunisation of children. In this letter, she gave a budget of 214 jobs, which they paid on 23/3/2005 on voucher number 23/3 in Jim Muhwezi?s name. Reero 23//2/2005 Kaboyo akahandiikira arikushaba sente z?okushomesa eminyeeto omu matandekyero g?eby?obwegyeese puroguraamu z?eby?amagara na munonga eby?okugyema/okusirika abaana. Omu baruha egi, akahayo embariirira [bagyeti] y?emirimo 214, eri bashaswire 23/3/2005 ahari voocha No. 23/3 omu maziina ga Jim Muhwezi. Satellite 3 ? further details on how money was embezzled 17On 25/7/2005, she wrote two letters. One letter informing the Permanent Secretary to the Ministry of Health that they spent money amounting to 500,184,400= which she was given but that it was little and she added her own 1,662,416=. And that they should refund it. This was paid to her on 27/9/2007. Ebiro 25/7/2005, akahandiika ebaruha ibiri. Ebaruha emwe akaba naamanyisa Omuhandiiki Mukuru w?eby?Amagara arikumumanyisa ku baahitsya sente zirikwangana 500,184,400/= zi barikumuha kwonka ku zabaire nkye akongyeraho eze 1,662,416/=. Ngu mbwenu ku bashemereire kuzimugaruriraho. Ezi bakazimushashura 27/9/2007. Satellite 4 ? elaboration of amount requisitioned, its purpose and payment details 21In the second letter, she was requesting for another [more] money to teach [train] further the youths in the higher institutions of learning to totally eradicate diseases that disturb the children through immunisation. In this letter, which she wrote to Jim Muhwezi, she gave a budget of 527,000,000 but Muhwezi wrote that she should be given 250,000,000 because that GAVI money was little. This was given to her on 9/11/2005 on cheque number 000068. Omu baruha eya kabiri, akaba naashaba ezindi sente kwongyera kwegyesa eminyeeto omu matendekyero g?ahaiguru kubaasa kumariraho kimwe endwara ezirikuteganisa abaana kurabira omu kugyemwa/ kusirikwa.omu baruha ezi ei yaahandiikire Jim Muhwezi akahayo embariirira ya 527,000,000/= kwonka Muhwezi yaahandiika ngu bamuhe 250,000,000/= ngu ahabw?otusente twa GAVI kuba tukye. Ezi bakazimuha 9/11/2005 na cheeki No. 000068. Satellite 5 ? specification of total amount embezzled by the news actor 26Out of the money equivalent to 1.6bn which was lost, Kaboyo alone requested 776,082,416Shs. Aha sente zirikwingana 1.6bn ezaabuzire, Kaboyo wenka akashaba 776,082,416/= Satellite 7 - Attitudinal assessment + elaboration, further details on embezzlement 27Kaboyo made Mukula cry [j] [Cross-title] Kaboyo akariza Mukula. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 176 28Though there was misuse of this money, Kaboyo was highly responsible for the imprisonment of the ministers and dismissal of the employees of Ministry of health [j]. Mike Mukula shed a tear [af] saying that one time he gave Kaboyo money equivalent to 250 million to take it to the office of the wife of the head of the country [office of the first lady] but when they called to thank him, they said that they saw 40 million only [j]. (Entatsi, June 26-July 2, 2007, p.10) N?obu babaireho okukozesa kubi esente ezi, Kaboyo niwe yaakirizeyo kutwara ba Minisita omu kihome n?okubingisa abakozi ba Minisiture y?ebya?Amagara. Mike Mukula akaragaza omuziga yaagira ngu omurundi gumwe akaba Kaboyo sente zirikwingana 250m kuzitwara omu ofiisi ya muka mukuru w?eihanga, kwonka ku bagiire kumuteerera esimu kumwebaza, baamugambira ku baareeba 40m/= zonka. Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 3.1.3hn The headline effectively captures the content of the news story but is at variance with the lead - there is no interdependence between the headline and the lead. The report unfolds in three major rhetorical moves signposted by the cross-titles (lines 5 and 27), which comprise the antecedent, description of loss of funds, and evaluation of a news actor (Kaboyo), respectively. The cross-titles have a bearing on the generic structure of the report. This text reveals that there is interdependence between the cross-title and the subsequent segments (see the generic move structures of Texts 3.1.1hn and 3.1.4hn). The antecedent or lead apparently provides a background of a previous event (implicit intertextuality). In the second phase (satellites 1-5), the reporter recounts the sequence of how the funds were drawn. The reporter begins with the letters written in November 2004 in satellite 1 while Satellites 2 and 3 recount letters written in 2005. Satellite 4 elaborates on the contents of one of the letters in the antecedent satellite. Satellite 5 provides a summary of the funds embezzled by the news actor. The report also unveils a blend of recount and description in this phase. For example, the report describes the contents of letters: the dates when the letters were written and received; the amount that was requisitioned; the purpose of funds; and payment details (voucher or cheque numbers). These figures furnish facts to the reader because hard news flourishes on facts and figures (Bell, 1991). The last phase, attitudinal evaluation, exemplifies interpersonal meanings judging the news actor?s behaviour. Appraisal resources The text has limited attitudinal values except in lines 3-4, 5, 6, and 7-8, which exemplify judgement of propriety (misuse of offices and stealing money and writing forged letters) (see also the DM and NV versions above) while the locutions in lines 27-29 exhibit inscriptions of treachery and untrustworthiness. In lines 30-32, the locutions evoke attitudes of insensitivity, greed, and selfishness on the personality of Ms. Kaboyo. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 177 The text also displays authorial position in lines 28-29, in which the news actor?s behaviour is held accountable for the suffering of other news actors, N?obu babaireho okukozesa kubi esente ezi, Kaboyo niwe yaakirizeyo kutwara ba Minisita omu kihome n?okubingisa abakozi ba Minisiture y?ebya?Amagara [Kaboyo was highly responsible for the imprisonment of the ministers and dismissal of the employees of Ministry of health]. Contrary to White?s (1997, p. 13) description of the appraisal element in the body phase, the appraisal in text 3.1.3hn emanates from the reporter not ?an expert external source?. Throughout the text, Kaboyo and Muhwezi?s actions are foregrounded while those of Mukula and Kamugisha are in the background; Kamugisha remains in the obscurity as well. Kaboyo is depicted as an active player (constantly requesting money). Her name is repeated nine times in the original version. Text 3.1.4hn This report equally appeared after the major disruption of social order (the arrest and imprisonment of former health ministers) had taken place (see also text 3.1.3hn above)28. Headline Muhwezi to be jailed for 7 years [j] ? IGG The IGG swore that even all the wealth [property] of Muhwezi will be attached Muhwezi kukomwa emyaka 7- IGG IGG arahiire ngu n?ebyogaiga bwa Muhwezi byona nibiza kukwatwa Lead 1Maj. Gen. Jim Muhwezi?s issues continue to really worsen! [af] After spending three days in Luzira prison, the IGG now wants Muhwezi to be imprisoned for seven years. Ebya Maj. Gen. Jim Muhwezi nibyeyongyera kuba kubi buzima! Bwanyima y?okumara ebiro bishatu omu kihome Luzira, hati IGG naayenda ngu Muhwezi akomwe emyaka mushanju. Sub-lead: ? details of new sentence for misappropriation of funds 3The Inspector General of Government [ombudsman] Faith Mwondha wants Maj. Gen. Jim Muhwezi, Capt. Mike Mukula, Dr. Alex Kamugisha?s property to be attached once they lose the case of misappropriation [M] and misuse of money meant for polio immunisation [ap]. Kariishoriisho wa gavumenti Faith Mwondha naayenda ngu ebintu bya Maj.Gen.Jim Muhwezi, Capt.Mike Mukula, Dr. Alex Kamugisha bikwatwe baaheza kusingwa omushango gw'okushomankura n'okukoresa kubi empiiha ezaabaire ziri ez?okusirika polio. Satellite 1: justification for double punishment based on corruption laws 28 Apart from reporting fresh news from the region which may not be easily captured by the national newspapers, the regional newspapers are at a disadvantage while reporting national news events which are usually captured by the daily newspapers or the instant electronic media. Therefore, it appears that these newspapers adopt a different angle of the story for their readership rather than reporting ?stale news?. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 178 6Mwondha told members of the African Parliamentary Network against Corruption that the laws within the ambit of the IGG provide for a double punishment to a person who is guilty [accused] of misappropriation [M] and bribery [ap]. Mwondha agambiire ba memba ba African Parliamentary Network against Corruption ngu amateeka agari omu mikorere ya IGG nigaikiriza kufubira omuntu orikuba naajunanwa obushomankuzi n'oburi bw?enguzi kufubirwa emirundi ebiri. Satellite 2: elaboration ? prescribed punishment for misappropriation and embezzlement 9She said that such cases of eating [M, misappropriation] and embezzlement of funds for immunisation [j] which Muhwezi and his friends are accused of, whoever is guilty of the offence is not only imprisoned for seven years but their property is also attached and sold. Agizire ngu nk'omushango gw'okurya n'okuburabuza empiiha z'okutsirika endwara ogu Muhwezi na bataahi barikujunaanwa, orikusingwa orubanja tarikukomwa emyaka mushanju yonka kureka n'ebintu byabo nibikwatwa biguzibwa. Satellite 3: elaboration ? more details on law of attachment 13She said that although the law of attaching property has been in existence, it has never been implemented. Agizire ngu n'obu eiteeka ry'okukwata ebintu by'obugaiga ritwireho tirikateebwaga omu nkora . Satellite 4: elaboration ? details on procedure of attaching property 15The IGG will look for court brokers who will sell the property on behalf of government once it is found out that they ate that money [M, j] including Jim Muhwezi, Mike Mukura, Alex Kamugisha and Alice Kaboyo who have been released from Luzira on bail, because of GAVI funds. IGG naaza kuronda ba burooka abaraaguze ebintu omu iziina rya gavumenti aha baraashangwe ngu bakarya sente ezo aharimu Jim Muhwezi,Mike Mukura,Alex Kamugisha na Alice Kaboyo abarugire kwemererwa kuruga omu kihome Luzira ahabw'empiiha za GAVI. Satellite 5: attitudinal assessment of corrupt people 18The IGG condemns all people who are believed to have misused 7.9 billion [j] that was given to Uganda from Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunisation (GAVI). IGG naajumirira abantu abo boona ahabw?okuteekateekwaho kuba bakoreise kubi biriyooni 7.9 ezaahairwe Uganda kuruga omu Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunisation (GAVI). Satellite 6: Contextualisation ? prior events, details of charges against former minister 20Charges read out for him [Muhwezi]. [Cross title] Emishango ei bamushomaire. 21It is said that Jim Muhwezi is accused of the offence of requisitioning and authorising Shs. 1,071,255,00= [j] given to the Ministry of Health from GAVI between March 2004 and April 2005, which contravenes laws governing public expenditure [j]. Nikigambwa ngu Jim Muhwezi naajunannwa omushango gw'okushaba n'okuhamya empiiha 1,071,255,000= ezaahirwe minisiture y'eby'amagara kuruga omu kitongore kya GAVI ahagati y'okwezi kwa kashatu 2004 n?okwakana 2005 ekirikuhenda amateeka omu nshohoza y'esente z'abantu. Satellite 7: contextualisation ? further details on prior events, charges Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 179 24Muhwezi is also accused of causing financial loss of Shs. 774,400,000= [j] from the GAVI account in the same ministry with Citibank Uganda between March 2004 and May 2005, which he instructed to be given to Alice Kaboyo who was a secretary of President Yoweri Museveni. Muhwezi naagaruka ajunanwa okufeereza eihanga empiiha 774,400,000= kuruga aha akawunti ya GAVI omu ministure niyo emwe aha Citibank Uganda ahagati y'okwezi kwa kashatu 2004 n?okwataano 2005 ezi yaaragiire ngu baheereze Alice Kaboyo owaabaire ari omuhandiiki wa Purezidenti Yoweri Museveni. Satellite 8: contextualisation ? more details on charges 27Muhwezi is further accused of stealing 214 million from GAVI [j]. State attorneys say that Kaboyo committed the offence between February and March 2005 at Jim Muhwezi?s residence, Kololo and at National Bank of Commerce along Parliamentary Avenue, Kampala. Muhwezi naayongyera avunanwa okwiba miriyooni 214 kuruga omu Gavi. Abatonganirizi ba gavumenti nibagira ngu Kaboyo akakora omushango ogwo ahagati y'okwezi kwa kabiri n'okwakashatu 2005 omu maka ga Jim Muhwezi Kololo n?aha National Bank of Commerce aha Parliament Avenue Kampala. Satellite 9: contextualisation ? further details on charges of the co-accused 31On the other hand, Capt. Mukula is accused of requisitioning and authorising the use of Shs. 263,855,000 [j] from Gavi between February and October 2005. Capt.Mukula orubaju orundi naajunanwa okushaba n'okuhamya enkoresa y'empiiha 263,855,000 kuruga omu Gavi ahagati y'okwezi kwa kabiri n'okwikumi 2005. Satellite 10: contextualisation ? other details on charges of the co-accused 33He is also accused together with Muhwezi of making disappear [stealing] 210 million [j] from Gavi which they allege to have used in workshops to train people at Acholi Inn in Gulu and Mt Elgon Hotel, Mbale, and believed to have been organised by the First Lady?s office, Maama Janet Kataha Museveni, who is also an MP for Ruhaama. Naagaruka ajunaanwa hamwe na Muhwezi okubuzaho miriyooni 210 kuruga omu Gavi ezibarikugira ngu bakazikoresa omu nteerane z'okushomesa abantu ezirikugambwa kuba zitakatebekanisibwa kuruga omu ofiisi y'omukyara wa Purezidenti Mama Janet Kataha Museveni kandi hoona ori MP wa Ruhaama ezaabaire Acholi Inn omuri Gulu na Mt Elgon Hotel Mbale. Satellite 11: contextualisation ? further details on charges of the co-accused 37Dr. Kamugisha is said to have authorised the release of Shs. 10,788,750 from GAVI to Dr. Aida Nankinga [j] of Sheema North, Bushenyi. It is said that this money was used to train people how they should be immunised but the money was not accounted for [j]. Dr Kamugisha naagambwa kuba yaikiriize okuheereza Dr Aida Nankinga owa Sheema North Bushenyi empiiha 10,788,750 kuruga omu Gavi ezi yaagizire ngu zikakoresibwa omu kushomesa abantu oku bashemereire kusirikwa endwara kwonka tibaroorekire enkoresa yaazo. Satellite 12: contextualisation ? other details on charges of the co-accused 40Kaboyo is accused of misappropriating from GAVI 250 million [j] for the government on 9.11.2005. Alice Kaboyo contested for the seat of Member of Parliament for Kiruhura but lost to B. Lusaniya [j]. (Orumuri, June 4-10, 2007, p1-2) Kaboyo naajunanwa okuhindura miriyooni 250 ezaabaire ziri eza gavumenti kuruga omu Gavi akazikoresa ebye 9.11.2005. Alice Kaboyo akaba ayetsimbire ahabwa MP Kiruhuura yaasingwa B. Lusaniya. Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 3.1.4hn Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 180 The opening of Text 3.1.4hn (lines 1-2) exemplifies value-laden locutions. In the first line, the reporter includes a phrase, ?really worsen?, that heightens the news actor?s case. It also indicates that the reporter concurs with the value of the statement. The three-day stay in prison and the seven- year jail sentence for the accused preferred by the IGG are construed by the reporter as elements that are exacerbating the news actor?s offense. The next satellite (lines 3-5) appears to function as a secondary lead, which is equally reached out by the rest of the satellites for further specifications. The satellite sums up the news report, that is, the news actors (the accuser and the accused), the case (misappropriation of immunisation funds), and the judgement (attachment of property). It is evident that the body components of the news report do not depend on this opening (lack of interdependence) like the English-language news report explored by Thomson et al (2008) and White (1998). The second phase (like Text 3.13hn above) comprises two main moves: the first which foregrounds the law of property attachment in addition to a jail sentence as a means of punishment for misappropriation of resources; and the second which recounts the corruption charges imposed on the news actors. Note that in the second phase, which is signposted by a cross- title (line 20), the satellites recount events prior to the news report?s point of social disequilibrium [attachment of property]. Although these events are within the context of the news report, they are at variance with the point of social disorder (refer to a discussion of the influence of cross-title on the generic structure of a news report under generic move structure of Text 3.1.1hn). In Figure 6.1, I propose a generic structure for this news report. The text in lines 21-36 of Text 3.1.4hn is similar to that obtaining in lines 34-47 of Text 3.1.2hn, an indication of explicit intertextual referencing or rather dependence of Orumuri on the mainstream English newspaper (since the O story was published a few days later). However, the O version carries more information than that carried by the NV. In addition, the last satellite incorporates content of local interest for her readers: the indication of the area of jurisdiction of the First Lady (line 36), the link of misappropriation to the locality (lines 37-39), and description of the involvement of one of the suspects in a local election (lines 41-42). The last sentence, describes further the personality of the news actor involved in the news event. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 181 Figure 6.1: Proposed generic structure of Muhwezi to be jailed for 7 years ? IGG, Text 3.1.4hn Appraisal resources The opening begins with negative values ?Ebya Maj. Gen. Jim Muhwezi nibyeyongyera kuba kubi buzima!?, which literally translated as ?Maj. Gen. Jim Muhwezi?s issues [matters] continue to really worsen!?. The reporter uses a post-modifying adverb ?buzima? [really bad], which apparently has a similar English appraisal function of up-scaling the negative quality (see Martin and White, 2005, p. 141-142 for details on up-scaling of qualities) as well as indicating that the reporter concurs with the negative value carried by the locution. Like the other versions that recount this event, attitudinal values of the O report relate to judgement of propriety - ?corruption lexis? - (lines 5, 8, 9, 10, 16, 18, 21, 23, 24, 27, 33, 39, and 40) realised via grammatical metaphors (see Table 6.1 below). Sats 3-5 Lead IGG wants 7- year jail for Muhwezi Headline Sat 6 Sub-lead IGG wants property of corrupt attached Sat 1 Sat 2 Sat 7 Sat 10 Sat 9-10 Sat 8 Sat 12 Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 182 Table 6.1: Examples of Runyankore-Rukiga grammatical metaphors for corruption in Text 3.1.4hn, Muhwezi to be jailed for 7 years The Runyankore-Rukiga phrase Literal meaning and explanation English equivalent gw'okushomankura (line 5) ?okushomankura? means to eat something very fast if one is stealing it; eat what has not been given to you misappropriate obushomankuzi (line 8) misappropriation omushango gw'okurya n'okuburabuza empiiha okubuzaho (line 9) a case of ?eating and hiding money?; ?okuburabuza? means to conceal the truth. bakarya sente (line 14) They ate money ekirikuhenda amateeka (line 16) which ?breaks the laws? contravenes the law ajunaanwa okufeereza eihanga empiiha (line 24) accused of ?making the country lose? money accused of causing financial loss to the country okubuzaho miriyooni 210 (line 33) ?making 210 million disappear? Further analysis reveals one token of negative capacity of the news actor (lines 41-42), Alice Kaboyo contested for the seat of Member of Parliament for Kiruhura but lost to B. Lusaniya, which evokes lack of leadership values manifested in Kaboyo?s defeat at the local election. In a way, this covert value heightens the negative perception of the news actor: a loser and incompetent politician who had been entrusted with public funds was bound to cause financial loss29. It is evident from the four news reports recounting the same event that there are fewer realisations of affect but more judgement values. The texts exemplify dominant negative assessment of social sanction of propriety. 6.2.2 Opinion on GAVI funds The editorial in Text 3.1.1ed below addresses the GAVI scandal prior to the arrest of the former health ministers while Texts 3.1.2ed and 3.1.3ed appear after the arrest of the three ministers. 29 It has been a practice that election losers who are NRM-party leaning (described as ?cadres?), are often rewarded with lucrative government jobs (they access the job as a result of political patronage, not out of merit). Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 183 Text 3.1.1ed Headline What is behind the growing Gavi Scandal? Presenting Grounds for Argument 1The Ugandan public generally does not appear tuned into Global Alliance for Vaccines Initiative (Gavi) scandal [ap] in which the Ministry of Health, under former Minister Jim Muhwezi, has failed to properly account for Shs1.5 billion [j]. What explains this reaction? Prompting an Argument 4Could it lie in the ironical fact that despite several inquiries into suspected corruption in the junk helicopters deal [ap], Uganda Revenue Authority and ghost soldiers [ap], nobody has ever gone to jail or been prosecuted? Or is it because the Ugandan public has become a little cynical about the government?s stated zero tolerance for corruption? Background Information 8There are questions which should make the President to reflect on his administration. Not for the first time, yet another inquiry into misappropriation of public funds [ap] has named a close family member of his. The First Lady had been adversely named [j] in the way Gavi funds were spent, although she has since issued a statement of explanation. Argument 1 12Pundits suggest that the public?s cynicism may be because graft [ap] has become the side show [ap] in the real political power play currently underway in Uganda. They say that there is more than meets the eye to the Gavi scandal because, for instance, in the case of the junk helicopters [ap], the President?s brother confessed to receiving an inducement to swing the deal [j] but the President chose to turn the other way [j]. Pull quote 17It seems when there are political gains to be had the country?s political leadership had conveniently looked the other way [j] ? to the detriment of the cause of good governance [ap]. Argument 2 19Then, remember the Shs 5 million given to members of parliament to vote for the lifting of presidential term limits [ap]? Whatever way you look at it this was one of the most flagrant demonstrations of political corruption [ap]. Argument 3 22It seems that when there are political gains to be had the country?s political leadership has conveniently dithered [j]? to the detriment of the cause of good governance [ap]. Hence, the lip service [ap] paid to the fight against graft [ap] becomes even clearer when you hear rebuttals from Muhwezi and other co-accused that the misappropriation of the Gavi funds was allegedly done with the President?s knowledge [j]. So what is driving the more than usual interest in this case? Argument 4 27Is it merely an opportunity for the Inspector General of Government to test her powers of arrest and prosecution in this unprecedented case against a high profile suspect?[j] Argument 5 29Or is it to ward off the potential for censure made latent in the affidavit of Ms Alice Kaboyo, one of the people named in scandal? Kaboyo has made serious allegations [ap] that could amount to improper conduct on the part of the President in dealing with public finances [j]. (Daily Monitor, 17.05.2007, p. 10) Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 184 Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 3.1.1ed Text 3.1.1ed presents a slight generic move deviation from what we have observed in the previous generic moves of editorials examined in Chapter Four and Five. The editorialist does not start by providing background information because it is assumed that this is common knowledge (see also texts 1.2.1ed and 2.4.1ed). The news stories relating to the GAVI scandal and subsequent arrest of its officials had dominated the headlines and radio talk shows at the time, in other words, it was a running story. The writer presents a general statement in lines 1-3 and poses a rhetorical question (line 3) to which she returns to provide answers in subsequent arguments. The next element embodies two rhetorical questions, which serve as a provocation into debate and seeking to draw the reader?s attention to the argument. White (2003) has posited that such questions (pseudo or rhetorical questions) open the dialogic space, permitting alternative voices and provoking the reader into further argument. Indeed, these questions are the focus of subsequent arguments. At this moment, the writer then provides the background of the argument, the consequences of the inquiry into misappropriation of public funds before presenting the arguments. The argumentation stage continues up to the end of the editorial without an overt closure. The editorial covertly instantiates other similar existing texts before it, the corruption discourse on junk helicopters, URA, ghost soldiers, and lifting presidential term limits in lines 4-5, 13-15, and 19 respectively, which the reader is assumed to be aware of. Appraisal resources The editorial, like its corresponding hard news reports on GAVI funds, exemplifies judgements of propriety since it is addressing human conduct. The analysis equally yields significant occurrences of appreciation (2, 4-6, 8, 11, 13, 19-20, 22-23, and 29) occurring alongside those of judgement. As noted above, the writer employs rhetorical questions, which indicates that the author entertains other alternatives, thus opening up the dialogic space for the reader. The editorialist?s stance is embedded in the rhetorical question that s/he poses. For example, in line 4-7, the editorialist asks: ?Could it lie in the ironical fact that despite several inquiries into suspected corruption in the junk helicopters deal [ap], Uganda Revenue Authority and ghost soldiers [ap], nobody has ever gone to jail or been prosecuted?? In this question, the writer is covertly pointing out that, in fact, nobody has gone to jail in spite of the three inquiries that implicated those who were involved. The editorial exhibits other instances of Entertain, which include the modal auxiliary ?could? (lines 4 and 29); and what Martin and White (2005, p. 105) call ?appearance-based postulations? (?appear?, ?suggest?, and ?seems? in lines 1, 12, 17 and 22 respectively). Such postulations which Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 185 allow alternative possibilities appear to render the editorial less powerful and less assertive (Le, 2004). However, the writer avails instances of negative behaviour (lines 9, 10, 14-16, 17-18, 19-21, 24-26 and 30-31), which covertly prove the point that the government is not determined to fight corruption. Text 3.1.2ed Headline Nobody is untouchable Stimulating Issue 1The arrest of two former ministers and the warrants against a third minister and a former state house official are important signals [ap] that the Government is serious about fighting corruption [j] and that nobody is above the law. Background Information 1 4Former health ministers Jim Muhwezi and his deputy ministers Mike Mukula and Alex Kamugisha have been accused of diverting funds [j] of the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunisation (GAVI). The $4.3m (sh7.9b) was a reward for Uganda?s good performance in immunization coverage in 2002 [j]. But the IGG investigation, which was ordered by President Yoweri Museveni, found that sh1.6b was uncounted for [ap]. Background Information 2 9Frustrated by the level of corruption among some of his closest allies [af], the President last month ordered the arrest and prosecution [j] of those involved. Background Information 3 11Muhwezi, Mukula and Kaboyo immediately swung into action, using court to try and block their arrest [j]. Background Information 4 13In their petitions, they questioned the independence and the powers of the IGG. They even went as far as trying to drag the President into the GAVI mess [j], claiming he knew about the funds and had directed them to divert some of the money. For two reasons, their arguments are not convincing [ap]. Argument 1 17One, as a member of the Constituent Assembly, Muhwezi was involved in defining and approving the position and the powers of the IGG. And two Museveni?s directives are always in writing [j]. More fundamentally, why would the President order an investigation into a scandal he was involved in himself? Argument 2 21But the GAVI scandal [ap] has also exposed the laxity of some donors in accounting for funds provided by tax payers somewhere in the world [j]. How can such an amount of money just be given as a reward? Was it based on an action plan and a budget proposal? Who was monitoring it? And how come the President, and not GAVI, ordered an investigation? [j] Closure ? command 25Let the due process of the law take its course. And let those who misused public money for personal enrichment be answerable. (New Vision, 23.05. 2007, p. 8) Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 3.1.2ed Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 186 Text 3.1.2ed begins with addressing the Stimulating Issue element (see also Texts 2.4.1ed and 3.1.3ed), which states in unequivocal terms the stance of the editorialist, that is, in favour of the arrest of the former ministers. The writer then builds up the debate through a series of background information (lines 4-16) before launching into the actual argument (lines 17). The recursive Background Information elements (BI1-BI4) recount a series of events prior to the arrest. These moves enter into dialogue with prior discourses on similar issues. Following Bazerman (1994), this intertextual representation can be recognised through the writer?s reference to familiar locutions such as ?GAVI mess?, ?GAVI scandal? (lines 14 and 21); and personalities - Jim Muhwezi, Mike Mukula, Alex Kamugisha, and Alice Kaboyo. Although there were other individuals involved in the misappropriation of GAVI funds, the four were ?synonymous? with this news event. The Closure element displays a command identified by use of ?let? (line 25). Appraisal resources While both texts (3.1.1ed and 3.1.2ed) debate issues of propriety, evaluation of the latter focuses on the positive values of the President and government in fighting corruption. The following propositions demonstrate the writer?s positive judgement of the government: ?the Government is serious about fighting corruption? (2), ?The $4.3m (sh7.9b) was a reward for Uganda?s good performance in immunization coverage in 2002? (6-7), ?the President last month ordered the arrest and prosecution [j] of those involved? (10-11), and ?Museveni?s directives are always in writing? (18). However, like Text 3.1.1ed, this text exemplifies negative inscriptions of those who are involved in the scandal, depicting their social sanction of propriety as wanting (lines 5 and 9) as well as depicting their behaviour as manipulative (lines 10 and 13). Lines 21-24 exemplify unprecedented negative judgement on GAVI itself via a series of rhetorical questions which surreptitiously portray the negligence of donors, thus questioning their social esteem of capacity. Text 3.1.3ed Headline Let?s support government on corruption Tushagike gavumenti aha nguzi Stimulating Issue 1The government of Uganda last week made history [ap] [did the unprecedented]. Gavumenti ya Uganda wiiki ehweire ekozire ekyafaayo. Background Information 2It arrested ex-ministers of health Capt. Mike Mukula and Dr. Alex Kamugisha, it took them to court, and they were sent to prison [in] Luzira [ap]. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 187 Ekwatsire abaabaire bari ba minisita b?eby?amagara Capt. Mike Mukula na Dr. Alex Kamugisha yaabatwara omu kooti, baasindikwa omu kihome Luzira. Background Information 4This happened after the IGG?s investigation related to the money for immunization against Polio, which is said to have been embezzled during the time when those ministers were in office. Eki kibaireho bwanyima y?okucondooza kwa IGG kuri kukwata aha mpiiha z?okutsirika endwara ya Polio ezirikugambwa kuba zaashomankwirwe omu bunaku obu ba minisita abo baabaire bari omu ofiisi. Background Information 6Similarly, the cousin to the President?s wife, known as Alice Kaboyo was also arrested over the same issue and she was imprisoned [ap]. Omu muringo nigwo gumwe muzaara wa muka Purezidenti orikumanywa nka Alice Kaboyo nawe akwatiirwe enshonga niyo emwe yaakomwa. Background Information + Argument 8Even the letter to arrest [warrant of arrest] their elder [senior] minister Gen. Jim Muhwezi, is there waiting for him. The moment he returns from UK, where he is now, he will be arrested. Truly this shows that there is no one who is above the law [ap]. Obwo na minisita mukuru waabo Gen. Jim Muhwezi ebaruha y?okumukwata eri aho emutegyereize kandi ahu araizire kuruga Bungyereza ei ari hati naaza kukwatwa. Buzima eki nikyoreka ngu tihariho ori ahaiguru y?ebiragiro. Closure ? appeal for collective effort 11Therefore all of us should stand [rally] behind the government and support it in arresting and punishing people who are suspected to have misused their offices for corruption [j]. (Orumuri, May 28-June 3, 2007, p. 3) N?ahabw?ekyo abantu twena tushemereire kwemerera enyima ya gavumenti tukagishagika omu kukwata n?okufubira abantu abarikutekateekwaho kuba bakoreise kubi ofiisi zaabo omu by?enguzi. Generic features and generic pattern ? Text 3.1.3ed In Text 3.1.3ed, the editorialist addresses the news event recounted in Texts 3.1.1hn, 3.1.2hn, 3.13hn, and 3.1.4hn. The Headline presents a command appealing for the fight against corruption. This is re-echoed and reinforced in the Closure element. This editorial is similar to Text 1.1.3ed, that begins with a Stimulating Issue that applauds the government?s actions. The editorial is largely comprised of the Background Information elements and devoid of argument elements. Although the text does not comprise any argument, it appeared under the editorial space and fulfils the communicative function of stating the newspaper?s official position on corruption and it is blatantly opinionated, given the positive attitudinal evaluation exhibited in the Background Information element (Vestergaard, 2000; Biber and Conrad, 2009). Although the editorial lacks the Argument element, it does not imply that this element becomes optional. The present text presents a distinctive case in which the editorialist employs BI elements to achieve an intention of lauding government efforts to fight corruption. In the Closure element, the editorialist calls for a concerted effort to fight corruption. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 188 Appraisal resources The editorial exhibits a single instance of negative inscription assessing human behaviour (line 12). On the contrary, the text displays positive inscriptions and invocations that endorse government?s action in cracking down the negative behaviour of its employees. The government made a record in arresting, prosecuting and imprisoning the former ministers (lines 1, 2-3), and equally arresting a relative of the President?s wife (6-7). This appears to allude to the existence of preferential treatment for those close to the president?s family. In lines 9-10, the proposition, ?Truly this shows that there is no one who is above the law? further evaluates government?s determination and impartiality. The writer construes the government?s actions (prompting the mark-up of appreciation) as remarkable (Martin and White, 2005). The use of Buzima [Truly] serves to intensify the value position of the writer. 6.3 EMBEZZLEMENT OF UPE FUNDS Universal Primary Education (UPE) was introduced in Uganda in 1997. The programme required additional sector funding, more than what government had anticipated because of the overwhelming enrolment. More donor funds were dedicated to the sector, thus making UPE government?s priority in the education sector and taking the largest share of government budget (Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development (MFPED), 2011). Funds for UPE were disbursed to schools in form of capitation grants and on the basis of the number of pupils per school. The funds were also meant for infrastructure development (building classroom blocks) and purchasing scholastic materials. The news reportage on embezzlement of UPE funds involves inflating enrolment figures (?ghost? pupils phenomenon) in order to get more funds, shoddy work on infrastructure development, and misappropriation of funds meant for scholastic materials among other requirements (Zwart, 2003). 6.3.1 Recounting missing funds In the following sub-section, three news reports recount how funds meant for Universal Primary Eductaion (UPE) in various districts went missing and the demand for accountability from local leaders and parents. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 189 Text 3.2.1hn Headline Shs 84m UPE funds missing in Masindi Lead 1MASINDI - The district authorities here are taking stern measures against [j] primary head teachers who have not accounted [j] for UPE funds amounting to Shs 84 million. Satellite 1: elaboration ? details of event 3The teachers had been asked to explain the whereabouts of the money during the last financial year, but six months later, nothing has happened [j]. Satellite 2: elaboration further details, example of an offender 5Mr John Bosco Odaga, the headmaster at Kirwara Primary School in Kiryandongo sub-county was arrested [j] on Friday after he could not account [j] for Shs 7m in two years. Satellite 3: elaboration ? details of missing funds 7Details indicate that he did not account [j] for Shs 3m, while he was still head teacher at Diang Primary School. He also has to explain the Shs 4 million lost [ap] at Kirwara. Satellite 4: attitudinal assessment of event 9"I tell you, we must arrest all of them," said Mr Kanaginagi Ateenyi, the district secretary for education. Satellite 5: attitudinal assessment of event 11"Six months after the end of the financial year, 30 schools have not accounted for over Shs 84 million," he told The Monitor in a telephone interview. Satellite 6: elaboration ? further details of event 13Kanaginagi said he had personally arrested Odaga. Satellite 7: attitudinal assessment 14"He was at my office but could not explain anything of what we wanted. I took him to Nyangahya sub-county headquarters. He is inside," he said. (Daily Monitor, 15.12.2003, p. 7) Generic satellite structure ? Text 3.2.1hn Text 3.2.1hn exhibits a generic structure that resembles the news reporting structure obtaining in the contemporary Anglo-American journalistic practice. The report?s body components derive from the nucleus to which they reach out for elaboration and contextualisation. In the last four satellites (lines 9-10, 11-12, 13, and 14-15), the reporter refers to an external voice to appraise the news event. Appraisal resources Similar to the previous recounts, in 6.2, the attitudinal values exemplified in this report largely relate to judgement of human conduct in which their moral principles are assessed. The text exhibits minimal inscriptions of negative behaviour. The negative values are conveyed via ?mild? negative inscriptions such as ?missing? in the headline, ?the Shs 4 million lost? in line 8; and verbal Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 190 negations, ?who have not accounted?, ?he could not account?, ?he did not account? in lines 2, 6 and 7 respectively, which convey ?less? judgment values. Since the story appeared on page 7 and involved the less prominent persons, it does not appear to have attracted strong attitudinal values from the reporter. We also observe that embezzlement issues of UPE do not seem to have attracted national attention, but were of interest to the regional areas and appearing prominently in Runyankore-Rukiga newspapers. Text 3.2.2hn Headline Shs 425m Kibale UPE funds missing ? RDC Lead 1A total of sh425m meant for Universal Primary Education (UPE) activities in Kibale district has gone unaccounted for [j], the Resident District Commissioner, Henry Basaliza Araali, has said. Satellite 1: elaboration ? details of missing funds 3Basaliza disclosed this during a district council meeting at Rukurato Hall on Friday. He expressed disappointment [af] at the way public funds were going unaccounted for [j] in various schools in the district. Satellite 2: attitudinal assessment of corruption in the area 6?It is unfortunate [af] that there is a high level of corruption [ap] in this district due to lack of nationalism? [ap], he said. Satellite 3: elaboration ? further details on missing funds 8Basaliza said out of sh669m released to the district in the 1998/99 financial year, only sh257m was accounted for. Satellite 4: consequences ? measures taken 10He directed all the head teachers to submit all their UPE accountabilities before the beginning of the second term. Satellite 5: contextualisation ? prior events leading up to the event 12However, the acting District Education Officer, Mr. John Kyaboona, told the meeting chaired by the speaker, that the Ministry of Education and Sports had since 1997 released about sh828m to the district under UPE but only sh403m, had been accounted for. Satellite 6: contextualisation ? details of similar event 15The Chief Administrative Officer, Simon Kimoi, also told the members that another sh15.8m had gone missing [ap] in various sub-counties in the district. Satellite 7: consequences ? details of 17The council was also informed that several headteachers were on the run [af], following the arrival of a team of IGG staff in the district. Satellite 8: contextualisation ? prior events before current event 19The Inspector General of Government (IGG), was recently called in to investigate the increasing corruption and mismanagement of public funds in the district. Satellite 9: consequences ? measures taken to solve the problem 21The district council chairman, Sebastian Ssali Sekitooleko, called for the reinstatement of secretaries to sectoral committees to sign financial documents as a measure to curb corruption in the district. (The New Vision, 20.04.2001, p. 2) Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 191 Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 3.2.2hn The generic structure of Text 3.2.2.hn resembles that of the previous text (3.2.1hn) as well as the contemporary news structure propounded by White (1997). In this news report, the journalist uses external voices to narrate the story. These are exemplified via the following introductory words: ?He expressed?, ?Basaliza said?, ?He directed??, ?the acting? told?, ?The Chief?also told??, ?The district?called for?? in lines 4, 8, 10, 12, 15, and 21 respectively. The reporter, however, does not quote verbatim (except on one occasion, lines 6-7) but paraphrases the utterances of these voices. Appraisal resources Like Text 3.2.1hn, the above text employs scanty and mild terms to express attitudinal values, for example, ?unaccounted?, ?disappointment?, ?unfortunate?, ?gone missing? in lines 2, 4, 6, and 16 respectively. The news report also displays variation of lexis in the introduction of external voices (?expressed?, ?told?, ?directed?, ?informed?, and ?called for?). The token in line 17, ?were on the run? flags fear, that is, the fear of headteachers from being arrested. It also realizes the guilt of the headteachers. Text 3.2.3hn Headline The headmaster Nyamitanga made disappear [embezzled] 13,800,000= Heedimasita Nyamitanga aburizeho 13,800,000/= Lead 1The parents of St. Lawrence Nyamitanga have shown big complaint [af] for the money of their school equivalent to 13,800,000 which was lost [went missing] [j] in the hands of the former headmaster, Mr. Muganga Innocent. Abazaire b?eishomero rya St. Lawrence P.S. Nyamitanga, boorekire okwetomboita kuhango ahabw?esente z?eishomero ryabo ezirikuhika 13,800,000/= ezaburiire omu ngaro z?obaire ari heedimasita w?eishomero eryo, Omw. Muganga Innoncent. Satellite 1: elaboration ? details of news event 4Consoling the parents [af], the head [chairman] of the PTA committee Mr. Muzaaya Januarius read to the parents a letter requesting the office of the Town Clerk Mbarara where the matters of stealing that money [j] have reached [have been lodged] and he informed them of the means which are being put in place to see that that money is refunded. Arikuhuumuriza abazaire, mukuru w?Akakiiko ka PTA Omw. Muzaaya Januarius, ashomeire abazaire ebaruha erikushaba ofiisi y?Omuhandiki w?Orurembo Mbarara, ei enshonga z?okwiba sente ezo zihikire kandi yaabamanyisa n?oburyo oburiyo nibuteekwaho kureeba ngu sente ezo zaashashurwa. Satellite 2: contextualisation, events prior to the news event 8Meanwhile, the report of the auditor from Mbarara Municipal Council commands Muganga to account for how money equivalent to 1,947,898= of PTA of first term 1999 and second term 2000 was spent. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 192 Ebyo bikiri aho, ripoota y?Omubazi w?ebitabo kuruga Mbarara Municipal Council, neeragiira Muganga kuha obuhame burikworeka nk?oku sente zirikwingana 1,947,898/= eza PTA eza taamu y?okubanza 1999 na taamu ya kabiri 2000 zaashohozibwe. Sub-satellite 1: elaboration ? details of missing funds 11The report continues to request Muganga to show how UPE money amounting to 7,908,540= of first term 1999 and second term 2000 was spent. Ripoota neegumizamu eshaba Muganga kworeka sente za UPE zirikwingana 7,908,540/= eza taamu y?okubanza 1999 na taamu ya kabiri 2000 oku zaashohoziibwe. Sub-satellite 2: elaboration ? further details of report 13The report ends by requesting Muganga to explain in detail how he was spending other funds amounting to 3,977,800 like that of water, games, transport and many others which were not entered [recorded] in the books as the treasurer?s report shows. Ripoota neehendera erikushaba Muganga kushoboorora omu bwijwire nk?oku yaabaire neeshohoza sente ezindi ezirikwingana 3,977,800/= nk?ez?amaizi, emizaano, engyenda n?ebindi bingi ezitataahiibwe omu bitabo nk?oku ripoota y?omubiiki erikworeka. Sub-satellite 3: elaboration ? other details of report 16According to what is shown in the report of the auditor, the Principal Education Officer for Mbarara Mr. Charles Turyahikayo wrote to Muganga to cooperate, advising him to cooperate with the accounts clerk and to ensure that the vouchers on which he was paying the money are well written with the signature of who authorised the payment. Kurugiirira omu byorekirwe omu ripoota y?omubazi w?ebitabo, Principal Education Officer ahabwa Mbarara Omw. Charles Turyahikayo ahandikiire Muganga arikumuhabura kukoragana n?omubiiki w?ebitabo (Accounts Clerk) kandi akareeba ngu vookya ezi yaabaire naashashuriiraho sente zahandiikwa gye obwo ziriho n?omukono gw?omwikiriize okushashura okwo. Sub-satellite 4: elaboration ? further details of report 20The letter continues and advises Muganga to prepare books like the ledger book and Vote book which were used until he was removed from the office. The letter reminds Muganga that he should clearly show how the money shown [reflected] in the report was used. Ebaruha neegumizamu ehabura Muganga kutebekanisa ebitabo nk?ekya Ledger Book na Vote Book ebyayejunisiibwe kuhisya obu yaihwa omu bwa heedimasita. Ebaruha neyijusya Muganga ku ashemereire kworeka gye nk?oku esente ezaayorekwa omu ripoota zaakozesiibwe. Satellite 3: contextualisation ? prior events leading to complaint of parents 23The Town Clerk, Mr. David Bashakara, recently wrote to Muganga asking him to explain how he used the money shown in the auditor?s report and gave him only two weeks after receiving this letter to have worked on that matter, short of that, he will be imprisoned and pay that money and be punished in accordance with the law. Omuhandiiki Mukuru w?orurembo, Omw. David Bashakaara, Enshumi nkye ehingwire ahandikiire Muganga arikumushaba kushoboorara oku yaakozeise sente ezirikworekwa omu ripoota y?omubazi w?ebitabo kandi yaamuha saabiiti ibiri zonka kuruga yaatunga ebaruha egi kuba yaakozire aha nshonga egyo, kitari ekyo naaza kukomwa kandi ashashure sente ezo kandi aheebwe n?ekiheneso nk?oku mateeka garikugamba. Satellite 4: elaboration ? further details of missing funds 27That money which Muganga used in a way that is not understood [ap] is equal to 13,834,244= (Entatsi, October 18-24, 2001, p.20) Esente zoona ezi Muganga yaakozeise omu muringo gutarikwetegyerezibwa nizingana 13,834,244/=. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 193 Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 3.2.3hn Although the generic structure of Text 3.2.3hn is similar to previous texts, a progressive recount of events occurs (?continues?, ?ends? in lines 11 and 13 respectively), which, as pointed out earlier, interferes with the radical editing proposed by White (1997). The text equally exhibits anaphoric referents, ?the?, for example, ?the report? and ?the letter? in lines 11, 13 and 16, and lines 20 respectively. The news story is also reliant on other texts for its contents (intertextuality). The reporter uses some extracts from the auditor?s report to recount embezzlement of the UPE funds (lines 8-10, 11-12, and 13-15). The reporter refers to letters, one written by the Principal Education Officer (lines 15-19, 20-22); and the other by the Town Clerk (lines 23-25). Figure 6.2: Proposed generic structure of The headmaster of Nyamitanga made ? Text 3.2.3hn One other significant feature which needs to be highlighted is what I describe as a sub-satellite that originates from a given body satellite. A close examination of the body satellites of Text 3.2.3hn indicates that the news reporter at a given point constructs another segment in which s/he further specifies an element of an adjacent or another body satellite. This segment does not refer to the lead/nucleus although it unfolds within the context of the news report. For example, Satellite 2 The letter continues and advises... Consoling the parents, the head... The Town Clerk, Mr. David Bashakara ... According to what is shown in the report... The report ends... The report continues. Lead The parents of St. Lawrence Nyamitanga have shown big complaint ? Meanwhile, the report of the auditor from Mbarara Municipal Council commands... That money which Muganga used? Headline The headmaster of Nyamitanga embezzled 13,800,000= Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 194 recounts events leading to the point of disruption of social order, i.e., the complaint about the embezzled funds (Lead). However, subsequent ?satellites? (sub-satellites 1-4) recount (specify) the auditor?s report (Satellite 2) but remain within the narrative context of the news text without necessarily referring to the lead. Sub-satellite 3 elaborates further the auditor?s report but does not depend on the lead. I illustrate this ?sub-satellite phenomenon in figures 6.2 and 6.3 below. Figure 6.2 shows the relationship between the headline/lead and other satellites while figure 6.3 indicates the disconnection between the lead and the sub-satellites of Satellite 2. Figure 6.3: An example of sub-satellites generated from a body satellite Appraisal resources It is evident that the news report exemplifies limited negative and positive inscriptions. Although the writer does not directly invoke negative attitudinal values to recount the misappropriation of funds, the focus on the auditor?s report and the District Education Officer?s letter appears to portray the news actor?s ability to manage UPE funds as doubtful. Note the use of polite expressions ?eshaba?, ?erikushaba?, ?ehabura? lines 11 and 13, and 20 rendered ?request? and ?advise?, respectively as opposed to ?instruct? or ?order?. Since we had no access to the actual report, we cannot ascertain whether the writer was being soft on the culprit or whether this was the actual rendering of the report. However, since the report is awash with propositions that indicate that the news actor is required to account for the various amounts of money implies that there was a problem of accountability. Sub-satellite 3 ? elaboration According to what is shown in the report of the auditor, the Principal Education Officer for Mbarara Mr. Charles Turyahikayo wrote to Muganga to cooperate, advising him to cooperate? Lead The parents of St. Lawrence Nyamitanga have shown big complaint ? Satellite 2 ? contextualisation Meanwhile, the report of the auditor from Mbarara ... Headline Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 195 Another collective characteristic evident among the Runyankore-Rukiga news stories in this sub- theme is their use of metaphors related to eating and drinking to describe embezzlement of public (UPE) funds. Below, I provide some of these examples culled from the news corpus on embezzlement of UPE funds: ? ?Nikigambwa ngu heedimasita ogwo akahuuta empiiha ezo? [it is said that that head teacher drunk [embezzled] that money?] (Orumuri, September 24-30, 2001, p. 8) ? ?Nikwo kushashuraho abanyabuzaare ba Atwine na Mwebaze 4336735/= ezaasigara akazimira? [he then paid relatives of Atwine and Mwebaze 4336735/= and swallowed the balance] (Entatsi, August 18-24, 2004, p. 3) ? ?Revuranda ahutsire miriyooni 3.6 za UPE? [a reverend drunk 3.6m of UPE]; ?Kanso eshaziremu ngu omukozi orakwatwe ahurutwire empiiha agume aheebwe ekifubiro kirikuremeera?. [The Council decided that an employee who is caught for having greedily eaten money should always be given a heavy punishment] (Orumuri, November 22-24, 2004, p. 15) The study also established that other expressions relate to disappearance; for example, ?ziburize amaisho? [it disappeared/got lost]; ezaaburiire omu ngaro, [which disappeared within the hands?] (see Entatsi, October 18-24, 2001, p.20). The news corpus on embezzlement of public funds also exhibits some news reports that are recounted in humouristic and dramatic fashion. The openings of such recounts are usually dominated by interpersonal meanings to the extent of including exeggerations. The opening below illustrates some of these news reports. ?Ebya Gen.Muhwezi na Mbabazi ni bibi? [Gen. Muhwezi and Mbabazi?s issues are bad] Otareebire eki tihaine eki aritebeza abaijukuru!!! Ba MP babaire baziingire emikono y?amasaati hamwe n?empare, ekooti bazisumuriire amapeesha beetekateekire okuramura minisita Amama Mbabazi hamwe na Maj. Gen.Jim Muhwezi ababaire bari hakye kuguturana ebikonde omu paramenti orwakana oruhweire. (Orumuri, 6th October, 2008) [Whoever did not see [witness] this, they will have nothing to narrate to his grandchildren!!! The MPs pulled the sleeves of their shirts and trousers, unbuttoned their coats, ready to separate Minister Amama Mbabazi and Maj. Jim Muhwezi who were about to box each other in parliament last Thursday] The opening sentence cajoles the reader to engage with the news event. Given the negative assessment in the headline, the reader would definitely wish to discover what happened. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 196 6.3.2 Opinion on embezzlement of UPE funds Text 3.2.1ed Headline Who?s eating [j] UPE money [?] Background Information ? donor decision to delay release of funds 1Have the donors delayed Shs100bn for the education sector because of the failure [ap] of the ministry to meet targets agreed last October? The Education Agency Funding Group, a group of 14 donors who fund about 90% of the education sector?s Shs494bn annual budget, on Friday announced a decision that was understood to mean they had delayed the outstanding support. Background Information ? further details on delay of funds 5On Monday they issued a statement saying a final decision on delays had not yet been taken. Among the sticking issues is the failure [ap] of the ministry of Education to present audited accounts, the failure to reduce the student teacher ratio, and student book ratios [j]. Presenting Grounds for Argument 8The bulk of this money goes into Universal Primary Education (UPE). The development in this area would ordinarily overwhelm a typical third world country like Uganda [ap]. Argument 1 10UPE has sent enrollment from 2.6m pupils in 1996, to 6.8m today. Those are official figures [ap]. However recent investigations suggest the number of pupils could be lower, and head teachers and Education officials have inflated [j] them and are stealing the funds [j]. When announcing UPE in 1996, Museveni said he envisaged it would be the year 2005 before the number of pupils rose to 6m. Four years earlier they are 6.8m, and instead of the 150,000 plus classrooms needed for this number, there are only 37,209 [ap]. The ideal student teacher ratio of 40 to 1 therefore hasn?t been achieved, and instead it stands at over 100 to 1 [ap]. Argument 2 17However the money has been flowing, yet primary school teachers in some areas go without pay for four months [af]. The mushrooming private schools [ap], which pay higher and promptly [j], are therefore draining away very many teachers. Argument 3 20While it would have been tough to build over 120,000 classrooms in five years, the present count is low because of corruption [ap]. Contracts were given to lousy contractors [j], a lot of them MPs, Local Councillors, and simply non-existent firms [ap]. Shs454bn is a lot of money for a ministry, even if it hadn?t been Education that has a long history of embezzlement [ap], to handle. As it happens, the ministry also happens to be a badly led [ap], and Prof. Kiddu Makubaya is the lowest rated minister of Education [j] to have ever been appointed by President Yoweri Museveni since 1986. Closure 26There is a problem [ap] in Education, which won?t go away by donors holding their noses, and government hiding its head in the sand [ap]. The UPE stakes are very high. Bookkeeping at the Ministry of Education is broken [ap], and it needs to be fixed. (Daily Monitor, 11.04.2001, p. 8) Generic features and pattern structure ? Text 3.2.1ed The editorial begins with a rhetorical question (headline and lines 1-2) whose answer(s) is/are covertly provided in subsequent elements. It then progresses by providing Background Information in lines 1-4 and 5-7. The writer relies on previous events and voices in lines 2-4 and 5-7 (an announcement (on Friday) and a statement made (on Monday) by the Education Agency Funding Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 197 Group) for background information. The analysis of English language editorials in NV and DM so far reveals that the Background Information move is obligatory. The next segment, lines 8-9, presents the Grounds for Argument (PGA). In lines 10-16, the writer presents the first Argument, and the other Argument segments appear in lines 17-19 and 20-25. A closer observation reveals that the writer makes use of statistical figures (lines 3, 10, 14-16, 20 and 22) to present the arguments. The Closure element (lines 26-29) rounds off the arguments by highlighting what the problem is and suggests a recommendation. Appraisal resources This editorial largely exemplifies instances of appreciation which are attributed to an entity/system, the actions of the Ministry of Education (lines 1, 6-7, 15, 24, 26 and 27-28) and products or processes of social value (lines10-11, 16, and 21). The editorial equally exemplifies judgement of behaviour related to the entity?s actions which are executed by individuals in line 7 as well as actual negative behaviour of individuals (head teachers and education officials) in line 12. The editorialist also invokes inscriptions of incompetence in lines 1-2 [the release of funds is based on accomplishment of agreed-on targets - accountability], and deceit in lines 10-11. Lines 14-15 appear to evoke a negative attitude of incompetence, that is, lack of planning skills. Text 3.2.2ed Headline Those who embezzle government funds should be punished accordingly Abari kushomankura esente za gavumenti bafubirwe nk?oku kishemereire Background Information 1News coming out of newspapers and radios largely indicates that most officials of government departments have had the money end in their bellies [M, j]. The department with a lot of difficulties [ap] is that of Education and Sports where heads of schools especially primary schools have used UPE funds for their self-interest [j]. Read page 5, RDC has directed that heads of schools should be imprisoned. Amakuru agari kushohorera omu mpapura na Rediyo ahahango nigoreka ku abakuru b?ebitongore bya gavumenti abingi esente bazimariire omu mabondo gaabo. Ekitongore ekiine oburemeezi buhango n?eky?obwegyese n?emizaano ahu bakuru b?amashomero na munonga aga purayimare begaruriize eza UPE. Shoma Peegi 5 RDC aragiire bakuru b?amashomero kukomwa. Presenting grounds for Argument 6When you read that story, you may be tempted to think that maybe those are the only ones who have been caught, no! The number of school heads who are playing about with UPE money [M, j] is big and that makes [cripples] government services limp [M, ap]. Ku orikushoma sitore egyo obundi oyenda kutekyereza oti shana obundi abo nibo bonka abakwasirwe, ngaaha! Omubaro gw?abakuru b?amashomero abari kuzanisa esente za UPE ni muhango haza ekyo nikicumbangiza obuheereza bwa gavumenti. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 198 Argument 9Such a kind of practice goes on and affects even secondary schools and other government departments, especially the sub-counties where secondary school head teachers misuse the students? money [j] to the extent of denying them exams [j] after their money getting lost in the hands of the school heads [M, j]. Enkora egyo negumizamu ekwata n?emashomero ga siniya n?ebintogore ebindi bya gavumenti na munonga amagomborora ahu ba heedimasita ba siniya barikukoresa kubi esente z?abeegi kuhika aha kuzibira abaana kukora ebigyezo bwanyima y?esente zaabo z?ebigyezo kuburira omu ngaro z?abakuru b?amashomero. Argument 13In the sub-counties and town-councils, the tax payers? money and the other [disbursements] from the Central Government disappears before eyes [has been found missing] and the work for which it was planned remains undone. Omu magombora na za tauni kanso sente z?empa-mushoro n?ezindi kuruga omu gavumenti ya rwagati zishangire nizibuza amaisho reero emirimo ei zabaire ziteekateekirwe egumiraho. Argument 16The evils [ap] that exist within those government departments are many and they seem to be increasing although the government is trying to devise means of fighting it [j]. Although different offices in government including that of the IGG and RDCs have tried a lot [hard] to fight [j] those evils [ap] which include corruption, nothing has been done to reduce them [j]. Ebihagaro ebiri omu bitongore bya gavumenti ni bingi, kandi ni bireebuka nibyeyongyera n?obu gavumenti erikugyezaho kutaho emihanda y?okubirwanisa. N?obu ofiisi zitari zimwe omu gavumenti ezirimu eya IGG nangwa n?eza RDC zigyerizeho munonga kurwanisa ebyo bihagaro ebirimu n?oburi bw?enguuzi beitu tihariho kintu ekikozirwe aha kubikyendeeza. Closure ? recommendation 20Given such an image, Government and its departments that fight evil-doing should work tirelessly to see that whoever is caught in such a wrong act is punished. (Entatsi, August 7-13, 2003, p. 4) Omu kishushane ekiri kityo hoona gavumenti n?ebitongore byayo ebirikurwanisa ebihagaro ebyo bishemereire kukora obutaruha kandi n?okureeba ngu ogwo weena orakwatiirwe omu kikorwa kibi ekyo yafubirwa. Generic features and pattern structure ? Text 3.2.2ed Text 3.2.2ed begins with the Background Information (lines 1-5), which highlights the contemporary issue in the news as well as reference to an on-going text from which the present argumentation is derived. The next element presents Grounds for Argument (lines 6-8). The iterative Argument elements follow. The editorial ends with a Closure in which a recommendation is presented. The generic structure therefore does not deviate from the previous texts I have examined. Appraisal resources The editorial exhibits similar attitudinal values prevailing in earlier texts. The writer equally uses grammatical metaphors to evaluate the news actors? conduct. Line 2 presents a metaphoric expression, ?bazimariire omu mabondo gaabo? [have had the money end in their bellies], which implies that the money the officials embezzle is reflected in their pot-bellies. Usually eibondo, Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 199 which is the singular form of amabondo, signifies riches/wealth. For example, such a phrase, ?areetsire eibondo? [he has developed a pot-belly], ordinarily implies that someone is becoming rich(er). In line 8, the reporter employs another Runyankore-Rukiga grammatical metaphor, ?nikicumbagiza obuheereza?, which approximately corresponds to the English expression, ?crippling the services?. The editorialist employs non-core lexis in the headline, Abari kushomankura [those who embezzle] and lines 16 and 18 ebihagaro [evil]. In Runyankore-Rukiga, kushomankura translates as ?eating greedily? (see Table 6.1) while ebihagaro would mean a taboo or, in religious parlance, ?a sacrilegious sin?. 6.4 BRIBERY 6.4.1 Recounting bribery among civil servants The news reports in this category recount bribery within civil service where corruption has been endemic. Below, I examine news recounts involving the arrest of Uganda Revenue Authority officials. URA is a body that assesses various taxes and collects revenue for the government. Its employees have for a long time been considered well remunerated but also known to receive kickbacks from the public. The news event below involves the arrest and charging of URA officers who had undervalued taxes. The news report relates to bribery because the motive behind the undervaluation of taxes for a client is a kickback or a ?commission? (usually a fraction/percentage of the goods undervalued). Thus an officer who voluntarily or by connivance undervalues taxes receives an inducement [a bribe] in return. Text 3.3.1hn Headline URA staff held over [j] Shs 800m Lead 1Six Ugandan Revenue Authority officials were yesterday charged with causing financial loss of more than Shs 784 million [j]. Satellite 1: elaboration ? identifying those involved in bribery 3They are: Ms Evelyn Nyakato, an assistant commissioner; Mr Robert Karemire, a revenue assistant officer; Mr Charles Enenu, a junior revenue assistant officer; Ms Christine Winyi, an assistant revenue officer; Mr Hassan Kakooza, an assistant revenue officer and Ms Immaculate Lugoloobi, a principal revenue officer. Satellite 2: elaboration ? other details of event 7They denied the charges before the Buganda Road Grade One Magistrate, Ms Susan Kanyange. Satellite 3: consequences of those involved 8They were sent to Luzira prison [j], but the magistrate advised them to apply for bail in the High Court. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 200 Satellite 4: elaboration ? details of charges 10Prosecution alleges that the six accused persons [j] and others still at large [j], acting as customs tax valuation and assessment officers at the Kampala Long Room, undervalued taxes [j] on the customs bill of entry forms. Satellite 5: elaboration ? other details of bribery 13This led to under-collection of taxes [ap]. Satellite 6: contextualisation ? details on how the event unfolded 14Nyakato, Karemire, Enenu, Winyi and Lugoloobi were also charged with abuse of office [j]. They were allegedly paid Shs 14, 375, 000 by Genesis to undervalue taxes [j]. Satellite 7: contextualisation ? details relating to when bribery was committed 16Prosecution alleges that all the accused persons [j] committed the offence [ap] between October 10, 2001 and April 27, 2002 at the URA offices in Nakawa, Kampala. Satellite 8: elaboration ? other details of event 18The case was adjourned to July 28 for mention. (Daily Monitor, 01.07.2003, p. 14) Generic features and generic move (satellite) structure ? Text 3.3.1hn Text 3.3.1hn exemplifies a nucleus to which the other body components refer for specification, thus revealing a similar structure to the contemporary English-language hard news report (White, 1997). On the other hand, radical editability is somewhat difficult to achieve with this news report because of anaphoric references that the reporter employs. For example, if satellite six (lines 14-15) were to appear before the first satellite (lines 3-6), it would appear awkwardly incoherent. The expression ?This? which begins Satellite five refers to ?undervalued taxes on the customs bill of entry forms? located in the antecedent satellite. The two satellites therefore go together. However, the other satellites which comprise ?they? and ?the accused persons? can be shuffled without posing functional incoherence because the two expressions seem to refer to the news actors in the lead. The last segment functions as a coda of some sort to the story Appraisal resources The text exhibits scanty attitudinal values like the previous texts in Section 6.3. The evaluation employed is naturally associated with social sanction, given the nature of the report. The report comprises negative inscriptions, which realise the unethical conduct of the accused persons (lines3-6). Thus, the propositions ?causing financial loss [j] of more than Shs 784 million?, ?undervalued taxes?, ?under-collection of taxes?, ?abuse of office? in lines 1, 11, 13 and 15 indicate the laws that were contravened. The reporting verb, ?alleges? in lines 10 and 16 demonstrates the reporter?s voice being detached from the issues that are reported. The responsibility is shifted to ?prosecution?. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 201 Text 3.3.2hn Headline Police arrest senior URA officers over corruption [j] Lead 1BUSINESS at the Uganda Revenue Authority (URA) headquarters and the Malaba customs branch came to a standstill [ap] yesterday as the Police raided and arrested [j] seven senior officials over undervaluing goods [j] worth sh500m in taxes. Satellite 1: elaboration ? details of arrest 4The officials were arrested [j] by over 20 armed policemen and later charged at the Buganda Road Magistrate?s Court with abuse of office and causing financial loss [j] to the Government. Satellite 2: elaboration ? details of accused 6The arrested include Evelyn Nyakato, an assistant commissioner, Customs, Immaculate Lugolobi, a principal revenue officer, Jonathan Kyamanya, an assistant revenue officer in charge of Malaba customs, Hassan Kakooza, Robert Karemire, Charles Enenu and Christine Winyi, all revenue officers. Satellite 3: elaboration ? details of arrest 10The police arrived at exactly 10:00am in a sky-blue Mitsubishi omnibus and sealed off [af] the gates at the Long Room. Satellite 4: elaboration ? further details of arrest 12No one was allowed to enter or to leave the premises as the Police ransacked [j] the office block. Kakooza fainted [af] while Winyi?s legs shook violently [af] as the mean-looking Police officers [j] told them, ?You are under arrest.? Satellite 5: attitudinal assessment of news event 15Terrified workers looked on helplessly [af] as their colleagues were whisked away. ?I don?t know why I am being arrested. I know nothing? Winyi said before hurrying off [af] to the security post at the URA gate where the others had been taken. Satellite 6: elaboration ? further details of arrest 18The gates were thrown open at 11:30am and the arrested [j] taken away in the omnibus. Sub-satellite (refer to Satellite 5): consequences ? events after the arrest 19The terrified workers [af] refused to resume work and demanded an explanation [j] from Commissioner General, Annebrit Aslund, who advised them to resume work. ?We are working in a very difficult time but we have to continue. I don?t know whether I will be at my desk tomorrow,? an official only identified as Asiimwe said. Satellite 8: consequences ? post-arrest events 23The suspects appeared before Grade One Magistrate Susan Kanyange and denied the charges. Satellite 9: consequences ? post arrest events 24Kanyange remanded them in Luzira Prisons until July 28 for mention since she did not have the jurisdiction to grant bail. Edwin Karugire, Allen Kagina, commissioner customs, Hussein Kashillingi, a presidential legal adviser and Teddy Ssezi Cheeye, the ISO deputy director for economic monitoring, were at the court. Satellite 10: consequences ? post arrest events 28The four held private discussions [af] outside the court after the suspects were sent on remand. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 202 Satellite 11: contextualisation ? prior events leading up to the arrest 29State Attorney Jane Kajuga Okuo told the jammed court [ap] that between October 10, 2001 and April 4, 2002 at URA Nakawa office, the suspects undervalued taxes [j] on goods imported by Genesis, an electronics importer. (New Vision, 11.07.2003, p. 1) Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 3.3.2hn Text 3.3.2hn recounts the same event as Text 3.3.1hn, however, the former is constructed in details and in a dramatic manner evident in the following action verbs: ?the Police raided and arrested?? (line 2); ?police arrived at exactly ? and sealed off?? (line 10); ?the police ransacked the office block? (line 12); ?The gates were thrown wide open at 11:30 am and the arrested taken away?? (line18). The drama is also exhibited in the description of emotions ? ?Kakooza fainted??; ?Winyi?s legs shook violently??; ?Terrified workers looked on helplessly??; ?before hurrying off to the security post?. The report exemplifies a generic structure, which resembles the contemporary English-news reporting reigning in the Anglo- American journalistic practice (Thomson et al, 2008). Nonetheless, lines 19-22 do not reach back to the lead for specification. This segment derives from Satellite 5, and thus the label, sub-satellite (see the analysis under generic move structure of Text 3.2.3hn and figures 6.2 and 6.3 above). In the same vein, it would be argued that although ?them? (line 24) in Satellite 9, refers to the arrested officials, the satellite is closely linked to the previous satellite (line 23). The report equally presents other satellites that relate to each other. For example, Satellites 5 and 7, 9 and 10 are related via anaphoric referents, and in Satellites 4 and 5, the reporter gives only the surnames of the news actors whose full names are mentioned in Satellite 2. As mentioned earlier (in the discussion of Text 3.3.1hn above), radical editability becomes constrained by the relatedness within the satellites. Appraisal resources This news story is presented with more negative attitudinal values than the previous text (3.3.1hn) recounting the same news event. Text 3.3.2hn displays negative inscriptions relating to abuse of office. In lines 3, 5 and 30, ?undervaluing goods?, ?abuse of office and causing financial loss?, and ?the suspects undervalued taxes? depict the negative conduct of the officers, which is at variance with the laws of the state. Unlike Text 3.3.1hn, this text higlights other negative values that describe the circumstances of the news events. Lines13, 15, 16 and 19, exemplify emotional values realized in the description of behavioural surge of the third party (lines) as well as mental disposition. In particular, we note the reporter?s rendition in lines 10 and 28; the sealing off the premises invokes a state of insecurity, and the holding of private discussions equally seems to indicate a state of uneasiness and anxiety (insecurity). These negative attitudinal values indicate the tenseness of the situation. Additionally, the negative propositions ?The police raided and arrested?, ?sealed off the Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 203 gates?, ?the police ransacked?, and ?the mean-looking Police officers? in lines 2, 10, 12 and 13 respectively, realise the manner in which the police carried out the arrest. In line 18, ?the arrested? is indicated as a token because, on the surface, it implies that the arrested people are guilty until proved innocent (according to the law in Uganda, one [a suspect] is guilty until proved innocent). Text 3.3.3hn Headline The state attorney of Mbarara jailed because of a bribe [j] Omuhoreereza wa Gavumenti Mbarara akomeirwe ekituga Lead 1The state attorney known as Bernard Ruzinda was arrested [j] by police receiving a bribe of 100,000= [j] and was sent to Kyamugorani to be conversing with [people] [M, j] there. Omuhoreereza wa Gavumenti, omanyirwe nka Bernard Ruzinda, akwatsirwe pooriisi naayakira ekituga ky?emitwaro 10, atyo yaayohorezibwa Kyamugorani kuba naagaaniira n?abaayo. Satellite 1: elaboration ? details of the case 3Mr. Ruzinda was brought before the Chief Magistrate of Mbarara court, Richard Mafabi, accused of eating [accepting] a bribe [j]. He denied the case, and then he was sent to Kyamugorani. These [these events] occurred on 21/10/2004. Omw. Ruzinda areetsirwe omu maisho g?omuramuzi (Chief Magistrate) wa Kooti ya Mbarara, Richard Mafaabi, arikujunaanwa ogw?okurya enguzi. Omushango agwehakaine nikwo kwohereezibwa Kyamugorani. Ebi bibaireho 21/10/2004. Satellite 2: contextualisation ? events prior to arrest 6Ruzinda is said to have asked for a bribe of 150,000 [j] from the owner of the Toyota Collora vehicle, registration number UAE 5769E, Mr. Mohamed Kaburangenyi who drives a special hire. Kaburangenyi is accused of with not putting a lining mark on his vehicle [j] as required. Most special hire cars in Mbarara do not have lining marks, nonetheless they do their work as usual. Kaburangenyi is also in Kyamugorani. Ruzinda naagambwa kuba yaashabire ekituga ky?emitwaro 15 kuruga ahari mukama wa motoka Toyota Collora Ltd No. UAE 5769E Omw. Mohamed Kaburangenyi, orikuvuga special Hire. Kaburangenyi naajunaanwa obutaha kikuubo aha motoka ye. Emotoka za Special Hire enyingi z?omuri Mbarara, tiziine bikuubo kandi nizikora emirimo yaazo nak butoosha. Kaburangenyi obwahati nawe ari Kyamugorani. Satellite 3: elaboration ? details of arrest 11Mr. Ruzinda was arrested [j] by police with an officer from the office of the IGG in Kampala, Mr. Agaba. He received the money near the Mbarara University canteen. After being arrested, Ruzinda said that ?I am going to Kyamugorani to spend a full year before pleading?. Omw. Ruzinda akwatsirwe pooriisi, hamwe na ofiisa kuruga omu oifiisi ya Kariishoriisho (IGG) eya Kampala, Omw. Agaba. Sente azaakiriire haihi na kantini ya University eya Mbarara. Ahaanyima y?okukwatwa, Ruzinda agizire ati, ?Naaza kuza Kyamugorani kumarayo omwaka gwona ntakahorize.? Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 204 Satellite 4: consequences ? post arrest event 14In the police prison, Ruzinda is said to have bought [paid off] the prisoners [j] so that they do not cane him because he is the one that makes them suffer by refusing them to be quickly released [j]. (Entatsi, October 27-November 2, 2004, p.1-2) Omu kihomekya pooriisi, Ruzinda naagamwa kuba aguzire abatsibe ngu batamuha emigoba-nte ahabw?okugira ngu niwe arikubanyangaraza ayangire ngu batarekurwa juba juba. Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 3.3.3hn Text 3.3.3hn exhibits a similar generic structure obtaining in the Anglo-American English news reporting. The nucleus serves as a node for the rest of the satellites (lines 3-5, 6-10, 11-13, and 14- 16). The news report by the same token conforms to the principles of radical editability. The reporter, unlike in previous news reports that employed anaphoric references, refers to the main news actor at the head of each satellite, a feature that enhances the non-progressive structure of a news report. From the lead, the news story recounts the verdict of the magistrate; it then goes back in time to elaborate the cause of the arrest, i.e., accepting a bribe. In the next satellite, it specifies with whom he was arrested and the place of arrest. The last segment narrates the news actor?s unexpected behavior. Appraisal resources The text comprises evaluations relating to the social sanction of propriety (the lead, lines 1-2, 4, 6, and 14). The reporter?s comical style via the metaphor in line 2 gives an impression that the accused would be treated in the same measure as those he has been convicting. In the last satellite, the reporter?s evaluation is cynical, depicting the main news actor violating the laws he is supposed to uphold (succumbing to bribery), which appears to uphold the accusation leveled against him. The text presents two tokens in lines 2 and 11. In line 2, the reporter employs a metonym, Kyamugorani, a name of place. However, the readers would know that the suspect was sent to prison because that is where the prison is located. The expression ?kuba naagaaniira n?abaayo? [to be conversing with?] is cynical because Kyamugorani [a prison] would not be a place for holding conversations for a man of his calibre. ?Omw. Ruzinda akwatsirwe pooriisi? [Mr. Ruzinda was arrested by police] in line 11 has equally been marked as a token because it implies that there is ?a prima facie? case, to employ a legal term (see Text 3.3.2hn above), and society would treat them as guilty of an offense for which they have been arrested until they are proved innocent. Text 3.3.4hn Headline Minister Bitangaro gave a bribe ? IGG Minisita Bitangaro akaha enguzi ? IGG Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 205 Lead 1IGG Jotham Tumwesigye wrote to President Y.K Museveni to punish his Minister who is also an MP for Bufumbira South, Kisoro, Sam Bitangaro. IGG Jotham Tumwesigye ahandikiire Purezidenti Y.K.Museveni kufubira Minisita we kandi MP wa Bufumbira South Kisoro Sam Bitangaro. Satellite 1: elaboration ? details of the bribery 3He affirmed that Bitangaro gave Deus Byamugisha, the government prosecutor, a bribe of 170 million [j]. IGG ayomesereize ku Bitangaro yahaire omuhorereza wa gavumenti Deus Byamugisha ekituga kya miriyoni 170. Satellite 2: elaboration ? further details of the case 5It is said that Bitangaro gave Byamugisha a check in the name of his company of Bitangaro & Co. Advocates. Nikigambwa ngu Bitangaro akaha Byamugisha Kyeki omu iziina rya kampuni ye y?obwa puriida eya Bitangaro & Co. Advocates. Satellite 3: elaboration ? other details of the case 7Bitangaro says that he loaned Deus Byamugisha, that money not as a bribe. Bitangaro we naagira ngu akaguza Deus Byamugisha sente ezo kitari kituga. Satellite 4: contextualisation ? prior events leading up to the case 8It is said that before Bitangaro ate ministership [became a minister] [M, j], the government gave him the unaccountable [money] [af] (19 billion) because of a case he lodged against the government on behalf of two companies that sold cars and other army equipment to Uganda. Uganda had refused [j] to pay and then those companies passed through the lawyers of Bitangaro, who drank [won] [M, j] the case in court. Nikigambwa ngu Bitangaro obu yabaire atakariire bwa Minisita, Gavumenti ekamuha obutabarwa (19 biriyoni) ahabw?omushango ogu yahababiire gavumenti omu iziina rya kampuni 2 zaheeru ezagurize Uganda emotoka n?ebindi bikwato by?amahe ezi Uganda yabaire eyangire kushashura nikwo ezo kampuni kurabira omu ba puriida ba Bitangaro omushango bakaguhuuta omu kooti. Satellite 5: contextualisation ? recounting other related events 13The IGG report states that the lawyers of Sam Bitangaro know everything [j] within the office of the director of public prosecution [DPP], who bursts all secrets, to find the argument and how to defeat them [j]. Ripoota ya IGG neegira ngu ba puriida ba Sam Bitangaro nibamanya buri kimwe ekirikufa omu ofiisi y?omuhorereza wa Gavumenti eshonjogora ebihama ebona kutunga empoza n?oku erabasingye. Satellite 6: elaboration ? denying the case Bitangaro denied the IGG report that he has ever given a person a bribe except he has always exchanged loans with Byamugisha since their youthful days. Bitangaro we ayehakaine ebigambo bya IGG ku atakahahoga muntu kituga kwihaho atuura naaguzana sente na Byamugisha kwiha omu butsigazi. Satellite 7: attitudinal assessment of prior events 17He added and said that even the blind could have won that case and that even if you awoke him from sleep, he would win it. Ayongyeire yaagira ngu n?empumi ekaba nebaasa kusinga ogwo mushango ngu n?obu wokumwimukize omu turo akagusingire. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 206 Satellite 8: attitudinal assessment of related events 19The IGG says that some lawyers work in collaboration with the office of the government prosecutor, the latter lose the cases and they share the costs [j]. (Orumuri, July 19-21, 2004, p. 3) IGG naagira ngu ba puriida bamwe nibakoragana na ofiisi y?omuhorereza wa Gavumenti banu basingwa emishango babagana sente z?enkaitsi. (Orumuri, July 19-21, 2004, p. 3) Generic features and move (satellite) structure - Text 3.3.4hn Text 3.3.4hn recounts a related event like Text 3.3.3hn, that is, bribery involving judicial officers. The story unfolds in a non-chronological arrangement and each subsequent body satellite refers to the main news actor. Each satellite refers, via anaphoric referent, to an element of some antecedent satellite. For example, in line 7, ?that money? refers to ?a bribe of 170 million? in the first satellite (lines 3-4), while ?that case? in line 17 refers to the case elaborated in the fourth satellite. In fact, lines 17-18 are generated from the previous satellite (lines 8-12). This sub-satellite feature has been discussed above (see Texts 3.2.3hn and 3.3.2hn). It is evident that this generic feature constrains radical editability. Appraisal resources Although the news report?s headline signposts attitudinal assessment of negative conduct, the reporter depicts the news actor as an astute lawyer via positive inscriptions: ba puriida ba Bitangaro omushango bakaguhuuta omu kooti, [the lawyers of Bitangaro, who drank [won] the case in court], ba puriida ba Sam Bitangaro nibamanya buri kimwe ekirikufa omu ofiisi y?omuhorereza wa Gavumenti [the lawyers of Sam Bitangaro know everything [j] within the office of the director of public prosecution [DPP]], and n?empumi ekaba nebaasa kusinga ogwo mushango ngu n?obu wokumwimukize omu turo akagusingire [even the blind could have won that case and that even if you awoke him from sleep, he would win it] in lines 11-12, 13-14 and 17-18 respectively. Thus the would-be misconduct of the news actor appears to be exonerated by the positive values of his social esteem of capacity. The above propositions together with the shifting of blame to other news actors in line 19-20 depicts the main actor, Bitangaro, as an upright individual, the negative judgment in the headline notwithstanding. The reporter employs unknown sensors (bednarek, 2006), Nikigambwa, in lines 5 and 8, which in a way distances his responsibility from the truth value carried by the attribution. 6.4.2 Opinion on bribery among civil servants In the following sub-section, I examine editorials that debate issues of aberrant damage. They do not deliberate the exact events recounted in the news reports analysed above but relate to issues of similar nature, i.e., bribery. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 207 Text 3.3.1ed Has the second revolution started [?] Background Information 1Accountability stories are dominating the newspaper headlines. The district Police commander of Oyam was arrested this week over receiving a sh1m bribe to release a suspect [j]. The Hoima mayor got netted for allegedly selling town council land without approval [j] from the town council. [Background Information] Background Information 5NAADS officials and sub-county chiefs in Iganga district are made to pay back co-funds and money for goods that were either undersupplied or over-priced [j] amounting to shs350m. And a Mbarara magistrate was convicted to two years in jail [j] last month for receiving a sh200,000/= bribe [j] from a businessman. Attitudinal assessment 9President Yoweri Museveni seems to be making good on his promise to fight theft in public offices [j]. ?Now I have time and I have come into the middle of these high-class thieves [j]. Soon you will hear about the causalities [ap]. I have already set up systems here and there, traps to catch them,? he told a cabinet retreat in October. He cited roads, health, agriculture and education as sectors pervaded by massive corruption [ap]. Attitudinal assessment 14?A road which would be constructed at sh100m is put at sh400m. Attitudinal assessment 15Deliberate theft! Those involved will pay! People who have been stealing drugs are already in the net. You will hear about them!? Attitudinal assessment 17On NAADS, Museveni said half of the sh135b spent this year is being stolen on the way. ?But we will make those thieves vomit what they have stolen,? he vowed. Closure 19The cleaning exercise has started [j] in the health sector, NAADS, the police and the judiciary. It needs to be extended to all districts of Uganda. It also needs to be extended to other sectors, especially education and roads. But for the second revolution to have a bigger impact and gain more credibility, the net must be cast wider to catch the big fish as well. (New Vision, 05.12.2009, p. 10) Generic features and pattern structure ? Text 3.3.1ed Text 3.3.1ed exhibits a distinctive structure compared to other editorials I have examined before. Like other editorials, the writer begins with the Background Information segment (lines 1-4 and 5- 8). However, in presenting the grounds for argument (line 9), the editorialist introduces an unprecedented feature in the genre of editorials, an external voice (lines 10-12) which continues throughout to line 18. The introduction of an external voice appears to negate the Argument element; however, the editorialist appears to align with the locutions of the external voice (line 19). In a way, the locution [the second revolution/the cleaning exercise] is accorded high value, thus presenting an argument for the writer to which she aligns herself and calls for its extension in lines 20-23. This deviation Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 208 from the conventions of a genre is not new; Bhatia (1997, 2004) has observed how genre writers at times, in an effort to achieve private intentions, mix genres. The Closure comprises the habitual recommendation and position statement (line 22 ? ?the net must be cast ??). Appraisal resources The text resembles antecedent texts in as far as attitudinal values are concerned; the evaluations revolve around negative human conduct in the Background Information stages and via an external agent. However, this editorial comprises positive attitudinal values, which evaluate the actions of the main news actor in lines 9 and 19. The editorial equally exemplifies elements that heighten the levels of corruption. The use of such vague lexical items and generalisations as ?accountability stories?, ?NAADS officials? in lines 1 and 5 respectively (see also Virtanen (2005)), appear to portray corruption levels as overwhelming. Text 3.3.2ed Headline Taking bribes has set roots Okurya ebituga kutsimbire emizi Background Information 1The workers in the court have undermined [j] the world [society] because of taking bribes [j]. Read the story and see how the state attorney took a bribe instead of fighting that habit [j]. Abakozi b?omu kooti baremeise ensi ahabw?okurya ebituga. Shoma sitore orebe omuhoreereza wa gavumenti (Prosecutor) oku ariire ekituga omu mwanya gw?okurwanisa omuze ogwo. Background Information 3President Museveni recently said that he will bring judges from outside Uganda to investigate the wrongs [ap] that have always been in court like taking bribes and others [j]. Ijo Purezidenti Museveni akyatwire ku arikuza kwiha abaramuzi aheeru ya Uganda bakacondooza ebihagaro nk?ebyo ebituura omu za kooti nk?okurya ebituga n?ebindi. Argument 1 5It should be clearly known that passing of fair judgments in our Uganda courts happens only among a few [ap] judges. When it gets to the lower courts, it removes a hen?s nail [it gets worse] [M, ap]. In most cases, many judges and other workers in courts instead of relying on truth to solve the people?s grudges they just make them conflict with one another the more [j]. Buzima kishemererie kumanywa ngu okucwa amazima omu kooti zaitu za Uganda kuri omu baramuzi bakye. Reero ku kikuhika omukooti ez?ahansi kicwa enkonko orwara. Kaingi abaramuzi bamwe n?abakozi abandi ab?omu kooti nibasigisibwa amazima agu bashemereire kukozeesa kuramura abantu, babateeranira kimwe. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 209 Argument 2 9Some of the murder cases [ap] would not be happening but they are brought about by swallowing [hiding] the truth because of bribes [j]. Even, the bribes [ap] are not only in courts but many government offices are rotten [ap] because of that practice [ap]. Emwe emishango y?obwitsi tekabaireho, beitu neereetwa okumira amazima ahabw?ebituga. Nangwa n?ebituga tibiri omu za kooti zonka, beitu haihi ofiisi nyingi za gavumenti zijunzire ahabw?omuze ogwo. Argument 3 12To know [show] that that habit [ap] is difficult to fight, it has even began spreading into the religions [ap]. Before getting a job there, one has to first offer a bribe [j] or if it is a woman, she bribes the [her] legs [M, ap] [succumbs to sexual demand]. Kumanya ngu omuze ogwo gwine eirwanisa gutandikire kuza omu madiini. Waaza kutungayo omurimo, noobanza waahayo ekituga, nari akiba ari omukazi, otuga amaguru. Argument 4 15What is surprising and loses meaning [af] is that even when such committees of inquiry investigate, nothing has been done or implemented [af]. For example, see [recall] what Ssebutinde investigated, little was implemented [af/ap]. When those who steal [j] are caught, the court removes a charge from them [j/af], what is stolen is not replaced [ap]. Ekirikutangaaza kandi kikabura amakuru ebi obukiiko nk?obwo kukyondooza, tihaine kihango kikorwa, nari kuteebwa omu nkora. Reeba ebi Ssebutinde yaacondoorize, ni kamwe na kamwe akateirwe omu nkora. Abarikwiba ku barikubakwata, kooti ebeihaho omushango, ebyeibirwe tokahurira ngu bigareirweho. Closure ? position statement 19Government still has a long way to go in fighting bribery because those who would be fighting them like courts, that?s where the evil is rooted [entrenched] [M, ap]. (Entatsi, October 27- November 2, 2004, p. 4) Gavumenti ekiine orugyendo omu kurwanisa okurya ebituga ahabw?okuba abaakubaire nibabirwanisa nka za kooti, okwo niyo okurya ebituga kutsimbire emizi. Generic features and pattern structure - Text 3.3.2ed The above editorial (Text 3.3.2ed) derives from the news report which has been examined earlier (Text 3.3.3hn above). In the second line of the initial Background Information, the editorialist overtly references this news report (intertextuality). The generic structure resembles that of previous editorials I have already examined. Appraisal resources Like antecedent editorials, Text 3.3.2ed exemplifies evaluations of the social sanction of propriety. The first comparative difference is the numerous negative inscriptions that the text exhibits. The text equally exhibits appreciation values (see observations on Text 3.1.1ed above). However, in lines 17-18 the propositions ?little was implemented? and ?the court removes a charge from them?, simultaneously express surprise (see Martin and White, 2005, p. 61ff). The editorial comprises metaphors (lines 6, 14 and 20). In line 6, the writer employs the expression kicwa enkonko orwara derived from ?okucwa enkoko orwara? [to cut/remove a hen?s nail], which Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 210 literally translates as ?to worsen?. This expression shows the extreme nature of the conduct because it is difficult to cut/remove a hen?s nail. In line 14, the writer employs a euphemistic expression, okutuga amaguru [to bribe with one?s legs, i.e., succumbs to sexual demand for a job], to conceal the immorality of the action. The metaphor in line 20, okurya ebituga kutsimbire emizi, [the evil is rooted [entrenched]] appears to have similar English meaning ? ?that?s where the vice is entrenched?. 6.4.3 Recounting bribery in the Ugandan Police Texts 3.4.1hn and 3.4.2hn from the English daily newspapers, which appeared as front page stories, recount the arrest of senior police officers. Investigations of corruption in the police began with the Sebutinde Commission appointed in 1999. Since then, the police have been severally cited as the most corrupt institution in Uganda (Zwart, 2003; East African Bribery Index 2011; see also lines 40-41 in text 3.4.1hn below). Text 3.4.1hn Headline Kayihura arrests Kiboga District police bosses Sub-headline They arrested people in bar for no good reason [j] IGP transfers them with immediate effect Lead 1The Inspector General of Police, Maj. Gen. Kale Kayihura, has arrested six Kiboga District police officers, including two bosses, over allegations of corruption and torture [j]. Satellite 1 ? elaboration on identity of arrested officers 3The arrest included Acting DPC George Khauka, the OC CID, Mr. Robinson Okidi, detective Wilson Livingstone Ojuku, OC duties, James Kakulu, detective Salafina Ogwang and Special Police Constable Francis Kasana. All suspects were paraded before the public on Sunday [j]. Satellite 2 ? elaboration, reasons for arrest 6Mr. Khauka was arrested on allegations of disobeying [j] lawful orders, false imprisonment and arresting suspects in ungazzeted areas [j] while the other five were arrested but later suspended to allow the Police Professional Standards Unit carry out investigations. Satellite 3 ? elaboration, role of Police Professional Standards Unit 9The unit is investigating corruption related offences, torture and extortion [j] against the five officers. Pull quote 11?I am tired of coming here to apologise. Let us use the law,? Kale Kaihura, Inspector General of Police Satellite 4 ? contextualisation, describing event that led to the arrest 12Their arrest was sparked off when they rounded-up over 30 people, some of whom were civil servants and court employees, who were watching a football match in a Kiboga bar at night last week [j]. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 211 Satellite 5 ? further details on event that led to the arrest 15The officers allegedly preferred charges of being idle and disorderly [j] against the suspects but the Resident State Attorney advised them to charge them with rogue behaviour [j]. Satellite 6 ? attitudinal assessment 17?I am tired of coming here to apologise. Nickson (Byona) arrest him. Let us use the law. Khauka, you are under arrest,? Gen. Kayihura said amid applause from the public and local leaders [af] at Kiboga Township. Satellite 7 - attitudinal assessment 20?He (Khauka) knows it because he has spent 30 years in the Police that there is a policy given to Gen. (Katumba Wamala) former IGP by the President not to arrest people on idle and disorderly offence,? he said. Satellite 8 ? effects of arrest 23Maj. Gen. Kayihura also ordered for the transfer of the police officers with immediate effect in the area and tasked the Regional Police Commander, Mr. Richard Mivule, to oversee the administration until a new management is appointed. Satellite 9 ? contextualisation, events prior to the present news event 26Second time [Cross-title] 27This is the second time the IGP is arresting senior police officers in the same area in less than a year. Satellite 10 ? contextualisation, events prior to the present news event 29Early this year, he arrested the Kiboga CID boss for failing to handle [j] a suspected ritual sacrifice [ap] of a girl in Ntunda Sub-county. Satellite 11 ? contextualisation, events prior to the present news event 31Last week, the Oyam District Police Commander, Mr. Hassan Ali Inziku, was detained over allegations of soliciting and receiving a Shs1m bribe [j]. Satellite 12 ? contextualisation, 33Since the professional standards unit started its work in 2007, some 3,000 police officers have been arrested for indiscipline and crime-related cases [j], representing 10 percent of the Force?s strength. Satellite 13 ? attitudinal assessment 36State Minister for Micro Finance Ruth Nankabirwa said since the district?s police commanders were taken three months ago for training, crime has taken an upward trend [ap]. Satellite 14 ? attitudinal assessment 39?Ten shops opposite the district central police have been broken in, ?she said. Satellite 15 ? contextualisation, 40In a 2008 integrity survey report, the Inspectorate of Government ranked the Police among the most corrupt government institutions [ap] according to public perceptions. Pull quote 42Not above the law 43The Inspector General of Police, Maj. Gen. Kale Kaihura, has arrested six Kiboga District police officers, including two bosses, over allegations of corruption and torture [j]. (Daily Monitor, 10.12.2009, p. 5) Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 3.4.1hn Text 3.4.1hn unfolds in numerous stages (see also Text 3.1.1hn), that is, fifteen satellites. The recount exhibits a major headline with sub-headlines (secondary headlines), which sum up the point Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 212 of disruption (arrest of officers), the reason for the arrest, and the solution (transfer of officers). I have not included the pull quotes as distinctive satellites since these reference what is in the actual text; they are culled from the on-going report. They draw the reader?s attention to the news story. The report also unfolds in two major stages; we observe that from line 26, signposted by a cross- title, the reporter goes back to recount events preceding the current point of disruption (see also Texts 3.1.1hn, 3.13hn). This contextualisation (White, 1997; Thomson et al., 2008) continues throughout to line 34. In short, the news report unfolds in a discontinuous manner and thus conforms to the pyramid structure of English news reporting; however, it does not permit radical editability for similar reasons advanced earlier on (see the generic structure of 3.3.2hn above). Note that satellites 13 and 14 neither refer to the lead nor to the cross-title, a possible insertion intended to highlight the presence of a minister at the event (see Text 3.4.2hn below, lines 50-51, where her inclusion resonates with the textual flow of the news report). Appraisal resources Like antecedent reports, the above recount exemplifies similar negative attitudinal values belonging to the sub-category of social sanction of propriety. It comprises limited appreciation values (lines 28-29, 36-37, and 40). In line 5, there is an attitudinal token, which implies the reporter?s disapproval of the action of parading the officers. It can be viewed as degrading their social esteem in society, their unbecoming conduct notwithstanding. Another token is found in lines 12-14. Although the action of arresting criminals would be regarded as a normal civic duty of keeping law and order, in this case it is considered negative because it was against the policy, which is recounted via the external voice in lines 20-22. Text 3.4.2hn Headline Kiboga DPC arrested Lead 1The Police boss, Kale Kayihura, has ordered the arrest of the Police commander of Kiboga district, William Kawuka, for allegedly extorting money from the public and detaining people in his office [j]. Satellite 1: contextualisation ? earlier event before present news event 4This is the second district Police commander to be arrested in a week. The anti-corruption squad on Wednesday arrested the acting Oyam Police commander, Hassan Ali Inziku, for allegedly receiving a sh1m bribe [j]. Satellite 2: elaboration ? details of arrest 7Kawuka and five other Police officers were arrested on Sunday in Kiboga and whisked off to Kampala for interrogations. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 213 Satellite 3: elaboration ? details of others that were arrested 9The others are detectives Kakuru, Okidi, Ogwang, Ojuku and Special Police Constable Francis Kasana. They were immediately suspended pending investigations. Satellite 4: elaboration ? further details of arrest 11Kayihura, who personally oversaw the arrest of the officials during a meeting with residents of Kiboga town, said Kawuka had three cases to answer: unlawful arrest and false imprisonment of residents, detaining people in un-gazzetted areas and disobeying orders from the President [j]. Satellite 5: elaboration ? other details of the event 14Richard Mivule, the Police commander for the central region, was ordered to take over as acting DPC, assisted by Abbey Ngako. Satellite 6: elaboration ? further details of event 16During the public meeting, held at the town council chambers, Kawuka admitted arresting over 70 people and detaining them in his office at night for being ?idle and disorderly? [j]. Satellite 7: attitudinal assessment 18?We carried out a swoop in the town and held several people in my office past midnight. But most of them were released on Police bond while others were taken to court,? he said. Satellite 8: elaboration ? details of the arrested 21Kawuka, who looked frightened [af], was asked by the Police boss under which section of the law he carried out the swoop [grad] at night and detained civilians in his office [j]. Satellite 9: contextualisation ? event leading up to commiting offence 23The DPC invoked the law against being idle and disorderly [ap]. But his explanation just angered [af] Kayihura, who ordered the CID officials to hand-cuff him. Fortunately for Kawuka, the hand-cuffs could not be traced. Satellite 10: consequences ? post-arrest event 26Kayihura ordered the release of 24 suspects [j] who were arrested recently for being idle. He said President Museveni issued a directive to all Police officers to stop arresting people for being idle and disorderly. Satellite 11: attitudinal assessment of news actor 29He wondered [af] how a senior Police officer, who has served in the force for over 30 years, could be unaware of the President?s directive. Satellite 12: attitudinal assessment of event 31?You mean you are not aware of the President?s directive issued 10 years ago when Gen. Katumba Wamala was still the Inspector General of Police?? he asked. Satellite 13: elaboration ? further details surrounding arrest 33Kayihura emphasised discipline in the force, vowing that officers who destroy [j] its image would be dealt with. Satellite 14: attitudinal assessment 35?We do not want people using my name to extort money or even imprison people in un-gazetted areas.? He said over 3,000 Police officer were being held in Luzira Prison for various offences. Satellite 15: consequences 38Kayihura said the Police should work together with the public to fight crime [j]. Satellite 16: contextualisation ? prior events 39Earlier, in their petition, the residents said the DPC and his staff detained suspects for weeks without taking them to court and extort money from relatives [j] to grant them bond. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 214 Satellite 17: contextualisation ? prior event before arrest of DPC 41Robert Ssempagala, a resident of Kiboga town, said he was arrested while watching a football match in a bar and detained in the DPC?s office until morning. Satellite 18: attitudinal assessment of prior event 43?I was beaten and taken to the Police for watching a football match at night in a bar. My relatives had to bribe some Police officers before I got Police bond the following day,? he said. He asked the Police boss if there was a law prohibiting people from watching football at night. Satellite 19: contextualisation ? other details related to news event 47The residents also wondered [af] why they should pay for Police bond. ?Is Police bond free or should we pay money for someone to be released on bond?? Dennis Lukyamuzi asked. Kayihura clarified that Police bond is free. Satellite 20: elaboration ? other details of people at the event 50The Minister of State for Micro-finance, Ruth Nankabirwa, attended the meeting as well as the Kiboga LC5 boss, Siraje Nkugwa. (New Vision, 08.12.2009, p. 1?2) Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 3.4.2hn The text, like its sister version above, unfolds in a discontinuous arrangement and equally has numerous satellites. One significant comparative difference is that while in Text 3.4.1hn the reporter?s attributions were limited to the Inspector General of Police?s voice, Text 3.4.2hn includes varied externalised voices (lines 18-20, 31-32, 43-45, and 47-48). However, reference to the police boss is more prominent in the NV report (17 times) than in the DM report (13 times) signalling the significance the reporter attaches to the source. In this regard, Li (2009) demonstrates how the choice of the source of external voice is significant to the value position being conveyed. The choice may foreground agency of a particular news actor while diminishing the saliency of another. For example, the number of times an external source (voice) is cited signifies the significance of that source. Although the news recount unfolds in a non-linear progression, attempts at re-arranging its satellites to conform to radical editability would lead to a ?non-coherent news story?. This is brought about by some of the satellites hanging together. For example, Satellite five (lines 14-15) does not refer back to the nucleus/lead but ensues from antecedent satellites. Similarly from Satellite 10 (line 26) onward, we observe recounts that contextualise the major point of disruption but are not necessarily dependent on the lead. The reporter references other voices and texts in line 23 (the law of being idle and disorderly), line 31 (the President?s directive, see also lines 20-22 of Text 3.4.1hn), line 39 (residents? petition), and lines 47-50 (police bond). Appraisal resources The attitudinal assessments in Text 3.4.2 belong to the sub-category of social sanction of propriety, that is, non-compliance with the law, which are comparable to texts examined earlier on. The Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 215 negative inscriptions refer directly to the regulations or laws that have been contravened, for example, extorting money from the public in lines 2-3; bribery in lines 6 and 44; and unlawful arrest and detention in lines 12-13, 22, 35-36, 39-40 and 41-42. The news report also exhibits non- authorial affect (portrayed emotions) ?Kawuka, who looked frightened? (line 21), and mental disposition: ?his explanation just angered Kayihura?, ?He wondered?, and ?residents also wondered? in lines 24, 29 and 47 respectively (see Bednarek, 2008a). Text 3.4.3hn30 Headline The police in Kamwenge have insisted on bribes [j] Abapooriisi Kamwenge bahamiire aha bituga Lead 1The councilor of Nkoma Mr. Fred Busingye has brought to light/revealed the actions of the Police who keep on looking for an excuse from people who have cases and who do not so that they put them in prisons. And before they release them they pull out [get] [M, j] money from them. Below are the names of some of the locals who were put in custody, and from whom they ate [got] money without being taken to court [j]. Kansara wa Nkoma Omw. Edward Busingye, ateire aha mushana ebikorwa by?abapooriisi abarikusiba nibeetoorereza aha bantu abaine emishango n?abatagiine, barikubata omu bihome reero baaza kubarekura bakabanyururamu sente. Reeba ahaifo amaziina g?abataka abamwe abu bateire omu nkomo, bakabaryaho na sente, batatweirwe omu kooti. Satellite 1: elaboration ? details of examples of bribery 6Mrs Jenerous Maritazaari they removed from her 30,000= [j] after reconciling with the one she was quarrelling with. Omuky. Jenerous Maritazaari bamwihireho 30,000/= bwanyima y?okuheza kugarukana n?ou abaire naatongana nawe. Satellite 2: elaboration ? further details of examples of bribery 8Mr. Asimwe they imprisoned him for three days without allowing him to go out until he sent information to relatives and they sent 35,000= to the police [j] and he was released. Omw. Asiimwe bamukomire ebiro bishatu, batarikumwikiriza kushohora, okuhitsya obu atumire aha banyabuzaare, bakaheereza abapooriisi 35,000/= bakamurekura. Satellite 3: elaboration ? further details of examples of bribery 10Mr. Ndyanabo they arrested and asked him for money, which he did not have; they beat him from their office and blood came out of [he bled from] the nose and mouth [j]. Omw. Ndyanabo bakamukwata baamubuuza sente zaabura, bamuteerera omu ofiisi yaabo (pooriisi) yaareetwa eshagama omu nyindo n?omukanwa. Satellite 4: elaboration ? further details of examples of bribery 12Mr. Rutajunwa has been arrested, spent two days in police [custody] they hit him and extracted [got] 40,000= from him [j], and released him. 30 Although Text 3.4.3hn appears to be an issue report (White 1997) on the basis of an ?existing issue?, I wish to argue that the report falls within the hard news category of an ?event story? because the action [release of the report] of the councillor is regarded as the disruption of the social order that bursts the hitherto unknown rampant bribery within Kamwenge police. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 216 Omw. Rutajunwa aherize kukwatwa yaaheza omu pooriisi ebiro bibiri nibamuhonda, baamunyururamu 40,000/= bamurekura. Satellite 5: elaboration ? further details of examples of bribery 14Mr. Kabateraine Musa, the Chairman LC 1 of Rwencwera, they slapped him after asking him 60,000= [j] to redeem someone he knows who had a case. Omw. Kabateraine Musa, ceyamaani LC1 Rwencwera bamuteire empi bwanyima y?okumushaba 60,000/= z?okucungura omuntu ou arikumanya obaire aine omushango. Satellite 6: elaboration ? further details of examples of bribery 16The police arrested Ziriheihi, beat him and plundered his 50,000= [j] after he had reconciled with the one he had hatred with [j]. Abapooriisi bakwatsire Ziriheihi bamuteera kandi baamunyagaho 50,000/= obwo yaaherize kugarukana n?ou abaire naharangatana nawe. Satellite 7: elaboration ? further details of examples of bribery 18They arrested Mr. Byarugaba without a case and snatched from him 20,000= [j]. Omw. Byarugaba bamukwatsire ataine mushango baamunyakuramu 20,000/= Satellite 8: elaboration ? further details of examples of bribery 19The police arrested Bitwabaabo, beat and injured him and sent a message to relatives and removed from them 30,000= [j]. Abapooriisi bakwatsire Bitwabaabo, baamuteera baamuhutaaza baatuma aha banyabuzaare baabaihaho 30,000/=. Satellite 9: elaboration ? other details of police misconduct 21When they beat Mr. Kindiguya and sent for money from relatives, which they did not have, they then took him to court and charged him with a forged case [j]. Omw. Kindiguya ku bamuteire baatuma n?aha banyabuzaare sente zaabura z?okubaha, baabona kumutwara omu kooti kandi baamutaho n?omushango gw?ekigingiriire. Satellite 10: elaboration ? other details related to news event 23Councillor Busingye said that he does not know whether the new Police head, Maj. Gen. Katumba Wamala knows how the people in Kamwenge are being harassed by his police [j]. The report of harassing the people [ap] of Nkoma was also given to the L.C.5 Chairman Kamwenge. (Entatsi, June 21-27, 2001, p.13) Kansara Busingye agizire ngu tarikumanya yaaba mukuru wa pooriiisi omusya Maj. Gen. Katumba Wamala naamanya oku abantu ba Kamwenge barikubonabonesibwa abapooriisi be. Ripoota y?okubonabonesibwa kw?abantu ba Nkoma, eheirwe na ceyamani LC 5 Kamwenge. Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 3.4.3hn Text 3.4.3hn exhibits a generic structure comparable to that of English hard news reporting (White, 1997). The lead (lines 1-5) serves as a point to which the body components reach for specification. The satellites recount various incidents involving arrest, detention, assault, and bribery. Each move identifies a name of the police victim or the police [identified in general terms]. The segments of the story can be reshuffled without posing challenges to the textual lucidity. The reporter simply describes incidents of police?s negative actions. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 217 Although the statement in the lead states: ?Below are the names of some of the locals who were put in custody, and from whom they ate [got] money without being taken to court? (lines 4-5), the report does not only list the names but goes ahead to recount what occurred to them. This move equally renders the last segment (lines 23-25) unfit to occupy any of the satellite positions preceding it. The satellite appears to occupy the position of a coda in a recount. Appraisal resources The text presents negative inscriptions recounting the misconduct of the police. Like most Runyankore-Rukiga news reports, the reporter employs verbal metaphors, which describe different ways of obtaining money from the victims of the police [civilian population], thus amplifying the degree of the negative actions of the police. They include (bakabanyururamu 40,000/= [they extracted from them?] ? in lines 3 and 12; baamunyagaho 50,000/= [they plundered him?] in line 16; and baamunyakuramu 20,000/= [they snatched from him] ? in line 18. The report exhibits negative inscriptions of social sanction of propriety like the antecedent stories in this category. The reporter also uses the generic pronoun ?ba-? [they] and the passive, perhaps to conceal the agent, that is, particular policemen/women who took the money or tortured the victims. Text 3.4.4hn Headlines Two police men were imprisoned for eating [accepting] bribes [j] The DPC trapped them with a groundnut [a bait], they swallowed it without chewing [M] Abapooriisi babiri Rukungiri batsibiirwe okurya enguzi DPC abategire akanyobwa baakamirakwo Lead 1Two policemen from the spy department [CID] in Rukungiri district were arrested and imprisoned for being suspected of eating [taking] a bribe [j] from a woman so that they can investigate the case of raping her child [ap]. Abapooriisi babiri b?ekitongore kya ba mbega omu disiturikiti ya Rukungiri bakwatsirwe batsibwa ahabw?okuteekateekwaho kuba bariire ekituga aha mukazi ngu babaase kucondooza omushango gw?okuhamba omwana we. Satellite 1: elaboration ? details of event, those arrested and reasons for arrest 4That [news] received show that the DPC Mr. Eric Naigambi is the one who ordered the arrest of Julius Sande and Kyarisiima after receiving information that Shs100,000/= was taken away from a trader [j], Jane Kyamuresire. Abatungirwe nigooreka ku Mukuru wa pooriisi (DPC) Omw. Eric Naigambi niwe aragiire okukwatwa kwa Julius Sande na Kyarisiima bwanyima y?okutunga okumanyisibwa ngu omushuubuzi Jane Kyamuresire akaihwaho shiringi 100,000/=. Satellite 2: causes ? event that led to arrest 7The daughter of this woman known as Edith Asiimwe is reported to have been raped by Innocent Tumusiime [j] of Bwona, Nyakagyeme. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 218 Muhara w?omukazi ogwo omanyirwe nka Edith Asiimwe naagambwa kuba yaahambirwe Innocent Tumusiime owa Bwona, Nyakagyeme. Satellite 3: elaboration ? details of the case 9The head of investigations at the police of Rukungiri, Mr. Rashid Juma said that the case charged with these policemen was number GEF 14/01 and that of the rapist [j] is SRB/468/01. Orikukurira eby?okucondooza haa pooriisi ya Rukungiri Omw. Rashid Juma agizire ngu omushango ogwiguriirwe aba pooriisii aba ni namba GEF 14/01 kandi ogw kihamba SRB/468/01. Satellite 4: elaboration ? further details of the case 11Orumuri was informed that those two policemen arrested Kyamureesire, charging him with assisting a girl of 15 years to abort [j]. They then said that to be released, he has to pay Shs100,000/= [j]. Orumuri rumanyisiibwe ngu abapooriisi abo babiri bakakwata Kyamuresire nibamuvunaana ogw?okuhamba omuhara w?emyaka 15 okwihamu enda reero baagira ngu kumurekura n?okushashura shiringi 100,000/=. Satellite 5: contextualisation ? prior events leading up to the arrest 14Jane first gave them 40,000/= and they told him to always report to police. That Kyamuresire told RDC Kemerwa and she also told the special branch person to contact the head of the CID so that they trap them with a groundnut [a bait]; they swallowed it without chewing [M, j]. They were caught [arrested] with a bribe of sixty-thousand shillings of twenty thousand notes [j]. Jane akabanza kubahaho 40,000/= bamugira ngu agume ayeyanjure aha pooriisi Kyamuresire ngu akabiteera RDC Kemerwa nawe yaagambira owa special branch kureeba mukuru wa ba mbega ngu batege abapooriisi akanyobwa baakamirakwo. Bakwatsirwe n?ekituga ky?emitwaro mukaaga omu bupapura bwa 20,000/= Satellite 6: elaboration ? other details of event 18It is said that they did not deny that act [charge] and what remains is their judgement. (Orumuri, December 10-16, 2001, p. 9) Nibagambwa kuba batehakeine ekikorwa ekyo basigarire kusharirwa omushango. Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 3.4.4hn Text 3.4.4hn?s generic structure resembles White?s (1997; 2000) news report. It unfolds in a discontinuous arrangement. The headline/lead serves as an anchor to which the remainder of the body sub-components reach out for specification. Appraisal resources The text exemplifies negative inscriptions relating to professional ethics of the news actors, i.e., the moral conduct of the police: accepting bribes (headline and lines 1-2), taking money from complainants (5), asking for a bribe (12-13), and possessing a bribe (17). The negative inscriptions in lines 3, 7, 10 and 12 refer to other immoral conduct (rape) of another news actor. In line 16, the reporter employs unmediated expression via metaphor that seems to ridicule the police who could not understand the trick; this provokes judgement of foolishness on the side of two policemen who were arrested. Thus the reporter aligns with the value position of the proposition. Since in most Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 219 cases, the police has denied involvement in bribery, the reporter appears to have found proof to accuse them. 6.4.4 Debating bribery among the police force Text 3.4.1ed Headline Police force needs to do much more Background Information 1Police authorities on Thursday paraded traffic cops [j] whom they accused of taking bribes [j] in the course of their work, which is to make sure our roads stop being the killing fields [ap] they are. Background Information 3This is an extension of a recently launched crack-down on lawlessness on the roads [j]. Unlincensed drivers, drivers of vehicles in poor mechanical condition, and those who are reckless [j] are being pulled over [j]. [Conceding] Argument 1 6There is no overstating the importance of what the police authorities are doing [ap] in a country with one of the worst traffic accident rates [ap] in the world. Argument 2 8But there was something noticeably odd [ap] at the Thursday parade gleefully presided over by Traffic Police Commissioner Steven Kasiima, publicist Judith Nabakooba and Mr. John Ndugutse, the head of the Police Professional Standards Unit that carried out the operation. The highest ranked of the 17 cops paraded is a corporal [j]. The others are constables, and probation police constables. It is all so laudable for the authorities to crack down on corruption in the Uganda Police Force [j]. By all means this effort must continue. Argument 3 14The question, however, is: where are the senior officers who also take bribes [j]? Why go only for the small fry [j]? Is it because they are too inexperienced to hide their bad ways [j]? Pull quote 16The question, however, is: where are the senior officers who also take bribes? Why go only for the small fry? Is it because they are too inexperienced to hide their ways? Argument 4 18No answers to these questions were given at the Thursday parading [ap], which parading is itself a debatable issue with all its humiliation of the suspects [ap]. Argument 5 20One astute reader [j] sent this newspaper a letter noting that the paraded policemen and women ?do not at all reflect the real traffic officers with big stomachs seen on the roads every day conniving with traffic law offenders [j]?. We agree. Argument 6 23The public perception that the police authorities were simply pulling a publicity stunt [j] may stick if the process of fighting corruption in the force is not seen to be fair, thorough and wide- ranging. The public expects no less. Position statement 26We want to see the big fish being fried in public [M] as well. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 220 Directive 27That said, the government must show sensitivity and flexibility in budgeting [j]. The force needs more money for recruitment, pay equipment, better training, and better housing [j]. Argument 7 29What is the point in attracting investors ? the sensible although never-ending sing-song of this government ? to a country where safety of their lives and property are not assured [ap]? Directive 31Of course, Ugandans come first in all this. But even out of self-interest, the government must improve the lot of our policemen and women. (Daily Monitor, 11.05.2008, p. 11) Generic features and pattern structure ? Text 3.4.1ed The generic structure of the editorial in Text 3.4.1ed above resembles the structure of editorials I have previously examined (see Texts 3.1.1ed, 3.1.2ed, and 3.2.1ed). However, the editorial displays a property that is noteworthy, that is, the direct attribution in line 20 (see also Text 3.3.1ed) that the editorialist employs here to support the argument. Although most editorials have not been explicitly referring to external voices, it is evident that this is a distinctive feature. Most editorialists rely on previous voices and texts to generate a background for their arguments or develop them without attribution. Because these voices and texts have become common knowledge at that moment [are in the public domain], editorial producers, and often news reporters, appear at liberty to use them as their personal opinions, thus generating interpersonal meanings. Appraisal resources One significant comparative difference to note in this text is that it exhibits both assessments relating to bribery but also to the moral standards of the police chiefs. Although the action of parading the corrupt police officers (lines 1, 8 and 19) may have been construed as exposing the corrupt and, therefore, a deterrence to others, the editorialist construes it as an act of lowering the social esteem of these officers. In the third argument, the writer presents rhetorical questions, thus opening the dialogic space (see also Text 3.1.1ed) (White, 2003). In lines 10-11, 14-15, 21-22 and 27, the reporter?s locutions trigger attitudinal values of victimisation and discrimination in the police and government?s ineptitude respectively. In lines 22, 25, and 26, there is authorial emphasis which stresses the value position of the statement. Martin and White (2005, p. 128) have pointed out that ?such insistings or emphasisings imply the presence of some resistance, some contrary pressure of doubt or challenge against which the authorial voice asserts itself?. The authority of the editorial is equally reflected in the use of deontic modal ?must? in lines 13, 27 and 31 as well as ?indirect realisations of directives? (headline, line 28) which indicate obligation and do not entertain alternative voices (monogloss) (see also White 2005, p110-111) . Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 221 Text 3.4.2ed Headline Police, you disgraced [j] your honour Pooriisi muhemwire ekitiinisa kyanyu Background Information 1For a long time, people have been talking about the department of police as one that is neglected, not cared for; a matter that has led to its services not being good. Okumara omwanya muraingwa, abantu batwire nibagamba aha kitongore ky?abapooriisi nk?Ekinagiriirwe, ekitarikufuubwaho; ekintu ekireeteire obuheereza bwakyo kutaba burungi. Background Information 3Many times police have been found guilty of different offenses including corruption and bribery, dishonesty and crime [ap] which involve waylaying people and vehicles in roads [j]. Emirundi mingi abapooriisi bashangirwe barikukwatwa emishango etari emwe erimu oburi bw?enguzi n?ebituga, okuryangatanisa n?obutemu oburimu okutega abantu n?emotoka aha mihanda. Presenting Grounds for Argument 5Although it is known that the work of the police is to maintain law and order, they have often been found to bring chaos because of self-interest [j]; which is believed to be caused by inadequate pay. N?obu kiri ngu abapooriisi ogwabo gukaabaire ogw?okurinda obusigye, beitu kaingi bashangirwe nibo barikubutabura ahabw?okwendamu ebyabo; ekirikuteekateekwa ngu nikireetwa okushangwa batarikuheebwa empeera erikumara. Argument 1 8Last week, two policemen from Kabwohe Police post were arrested and imprisoned [j] because they participated in robbery [ap]. It is believed that they will be charged with neglect of duty and participating in criminal activity [j]. Esabiiti ebweire, abapooriisi babiri ba Kabwohe Police Post bakwatsirwe, baateebwa omu kihome ababw?okushangwa beetabire omu kikorwa ky?obushuma ekirikuteekatekwa ngu nibabaasa kwija kujunaanwa ogw?okusigaho omurimo bakaza omu bikorwa by?obutemu. Argument 2 11This is not different from those who have been spending the whole day on the road and collecting money while people are finished by [perish in] accidents every day and without forgetting those who pervert justice by hiding files in order to eat [take a bribe] [j]. Ekishushani tikirikutaana n?ekyabo ababaire nibasiiba aha nguuto nibashorooza empiiha reero abantu bakamarwa za butandu bwasya bwira obwo oteebirwe n?abo abarikubuzabuza emishango bakabuza fairo ngu nibenda eky?okurya. Argument 3 14That kind of conduct taints [j] the glory of all policemen and it clearly and openly shows that most of them are not responsible [j] because they abandon what they are supposed to do and do what is not [j]. Enkora y?omuringo ogwo, neeshiisha ekitiinisa ky?abapooriisi boona kandi eyorekyera kimwe butunu ku baingi omuribo batari b?obujunaanizibwa ahabw?okureka kukora ebi bashemereire bakakora ebitari byo. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 222 Argument 4 17However, this does not mean that all policemen are like that. There are those who [j] went into that job with two hearts [intentions] [j]; which might always lead to tarnishing [j] the name of every policeman. Haza eki tikirikumanyisa ngu abapooriisi boona nikwo bari batyo. Hariho abaagiire omu murimo ogwo beine emitima ebiri; ekirikubaasa kwija kuguma nikijumis eiziina rya buri mupooriisi weena. Closure - advice 20While the government is thinking about the existence [welfare] of the police, it would be good that the police you should know what you were called for and the importance of your job. Gavumenti yaaba eiryo neegyezaho kuteekateeka aha kubaho kw?abapooriisi, kikaabaire kirungi abapooriisi mwamanya eki mwayeteirwe n?obukuru bw?omurimo gwanyu. Advice/recommendation 22You were called to keep law and order, stop spoiling it, so that your glory can remain. (Entatsi, January 18-24, 2001, p. 4) Mukeetwa kurinda obusingye, murekye kuba niimwe mwabushiisha, ekitiinisa kyanyu kibone kugumaho. Generic features and pattern structure ? Text 3.4.2ed Text 3.4.2ed has a similar generic pattern to the previous editorials I have examined above. It begins with providing background information, presents grounds for argument, arguments and closes with an advice/recommendation. Appraisal resources The editorial comprises attitudinal values of social sanction. For example, in lines 3-4, the writer assesses the police?s conduct of propriety as negative: oburi bw?enguzi n?ebituga, okuryangatanisa n?obutemu oburimu okutega abantu n?emotoka aha mihanda [guilty of different offenses including corruption and bribery, dishonesty and crime ? way laying people and vehicles in roads]. In Argument 1 and 2, the writer further cites the evils associated with the police in Uganda: nibo barikubutabura ahabw?okwendamu ebyabo, nibashorooza empiiha reero abantu bakamarwa za butandu bwasya bwira obwo oteebirwe n?abo abarikubuzabuza emishango bakabuza fairo ngu nibenda eky?okurya [collecting money while people are finished by [perish in] accidents every day and ? pervert justice by hiding files that they want what to eat [a bribe]]. In Argument 3, the writer presents the consequences of bad conduct: Enkora y?omuringo ogwo, neeshiisha ekitiinisa ky?abapooriisi boona [conduct taints [j] the glory of all policemen]. In Argument 4, the editorialist begins with a counter-expectancy indicator, ?however?, which counters the negative evaluation and exonerates some of the police officers without necessarily stating that there are ?good officers?. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 223 6.5 CONCLUSION In this chapter, news recounts and editorials on corruption in Uganda were examined, focusing on embezzlement of public funds (GAVI and UPE funds) and bribery in the civil service and police. The news corpus was specifically gathered from news reports and editorials recounting the follow- up news event in which the former ministers of health were arrested and imprisoned for mismanaging GAVI funds. The corpus on UPE equally comprised recounts and expositions on the failure to account UPE funds and mismanagement of funds intended for UPE activities including scholastic materials and infrastructure. The chapter also included analysis of news reports and editorials on corruption among the Uganda Revenue Authority officers and the police. The analysis of hard news genres on corruption in the English daily newspapers and Runyakore- Rukiga weekly newspapers indicates that news reporting in Uganda largely bears resemblance to journalistic practice obtaining in the Anglo-American news culture. Most of the news reports examined (see Texts 3.1.2hn, 3.2.1hn, 3.2.2hn, 3.3.1hn, 3.3.2hn, 3.4.1hn, and 3.4.2hn) exemplify a similar generic structure proposed by White (1997) and Thomson et al (2008). In the main, the news reports unfold in a discontinuous arrangement and there is interdependency between the nucleus and the body components. There are, nonetheless, significant deviations that the news reportage presents. The reporters in Text 3.1.1hn choose an entry point that is is at variance with other news reports in this category. Apparently, there is no interdependency between the headline and the lead; the headline does not necessarily summarise the contents of the lead (White, 1997) nor do the body satellites reach out to the lead for specification. Whereas the watershed point of other news reports on embezzlement of GAVI funds consisted in the arrest and imprisonment of the former ministers, the NV version?s lead exemplifies a counter-expectational point, disproving the expectation of the public at the moment [that the former Minister would not return to face arrest and court charges]. The reports also exhibit individual differences in their build-up. Some of the reports unfold in a progressive manner signalled via time adjuncts (see Texts 3.1.2hn and 3.3.2hn). Apart from the news reporters? use of coherence markers, anaphoric references, and chronological arrangement of news events, which were highlighted in Chapters 4 and 5, another common property displayed by this news corpus is the relationship between satellites. Some of the satellites are bonded together such that their separation causes ?functional incoherence? to the story (see Texts 3.1.1hn, 3.1.2hn, 3.3.1hn, and 3.3.2hn. Therefore, it is rather challenging to apply radical editability across NV and DM news reports of this category with success. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 224 The presence of cross-titles in the longer news reports (Texts 3.1.1hn, 3.1.3hn, 3.1.4hn, and 3.4.1hn) equally constrains the orbital flow of body satellites and thus restricts radical editability. The cross-titles exhibit interdependence with subsequent segments, which is similar to one that occurs between a lead and its headline. Some of these segments may be at variance with the nucleus of the report and thus their reordering affects the structural coherence of the news report. The second trait concerns what I described as a sub-satellite construction under the generic move structure of Texts 3.2.3hn, 3.3.2hn, and 3.3.4hn. It is evident from the examined texts that at a given point in the unfolding of a news report the reporter appears to deviate (for private intentions) from the central point of the lead31 and introduces within a given satellite a parenthetical segment to elaborate further an element of an adjacent or another satellite. This generic feature equally interferes with re-ordering of satellites to achieve radical editability. At this point, I wish to argue that the news texts examined so far give the impression that radical editability is incompatible with non-progressive arrangement despite interdependency between the lead and body satellites (see Texts 3.1.2hn, 3.3.1hn, 3.3.2hn, and 3.4.2hn). It is important to note that while the Ugandan hard news story largely resembles the broadsheet English news report, a considerable number of news reports examined in this news corpus present a generic structure that deviates from the Anglo-American proto-type whose generic structure was proposed by White (1997) and Thomson et al (2008). The genre analysis of Runyankore-Rukiga and to some extent the hard news report generic structure of English daily newspapers oscillates between the ?conventional? structure and a ?distinct structure?. A further closer examination of the discursive processes and professional practices of the genre producers would perhaps provide an understanding of this phenomenon. With regard to the generic pattern of editorials, the genre analysis gives evidence that there is no common pattern defining the genre of editorials on corruption; an indication that seems to suggest that they are constructed by different individual genre writers without explicit guidelines and whose private intentions and goals (Bhatia, 2004; Bazerman, 2004) manifest in the end product. For example, the editorial corpus on corruption exhibits a number of distinct structures across the linguistic divide (see Texts 3.1.2ed, 3.1.3ed, and 3.3.1ed). However, in analysing the texts, we have to bear in mind the dynamic nature of genres. As Bhatia (2004, p. 113) rightly puts it, ?analysing genre within any framework is essentially an attempt to explain and account for most of the realities of the world, which are complex, dynamic and unpredictable?. 31 It could also be argued that such a segment further provides the context of an element of the lead. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 225 The variations of the Ugandan editorial genre notwithstanding (Babaii and Ansary, 2005), the editorials largely resemble those examined in Chapters Four and Five and generally fit into the following generic pattern: H+(SI)+BI+(PA)+(PGA)+An+C. Presently, the editorial texts examined reveal that the headline (H), Background Information (BI), Argument (A) and Closure (C) are obligatory elements across the English and Runyankore-Rukiga texts. However, in the Runyankore- Rukiga editorial (Text 3.1.3ed), the writer presented the editorial in an appealing manner without any argumentation32 while in the English Text 3.3.1ed, which is also devoid of an argument element, the editorialist only makes reference to an external voice. Note that the two editorial texts belong to the government-owned media outlets. The Stimulating Issue element, which conveys the positive attitudinal values in favour of government?s actions, only occurred in Texts 3.1.2ed and 3.1.3ed, which appeared in the government papers. The use of rhetorical questions in editorials (Texts 3.1.1ed, 3.2.1ed, 3.4.1ed) to enhance the opening of dialogic space but also to assist the editorialist to implicitly pass on an argument were exemplified in the privately-owned newspapers, the Daily Monitor. The appraisal analysis indicates that the corpus displays dominant instances of negative inscriptions of social sanction of propriety, that is, non-compliance with the civic responsibilities as well as state laws. These linguistic resources therefore reveal the journalistic stance on the normative breach but also the role news reportage plays in ?fighting? corruption (see also Nogara, 2009). Nonetheless, a couple of news texts, especially the editorials of government owned newspapers, exemplified positive evaluation (Texts 3.1.2ed, 3.1.3ed, 3.3.1ed, and 3.4.1ed) that extol government?s processes and actions in combatting corruption. These very editorial texts deviate from the conventional generic move structure (see discussion on generic structure of editorials above), an indication of the ability of genres producers to manipulate these generic features to achieve their own goals (Bazerman, 2004). It is also evident from the corpus that the Runyankore-Rukiga news texts employ metaphors relating to eating and disappearing to evaluate negative behaviour involving misappropriation and mismanagement of public funds (Text 3.1.4hn, 3.2.3hn, and Table 6.1). 32 I have noted that in the late 2000s (beginning with 2007) that the genre of editorials was slowly disappearing in the Runyankore-Rukiga newspapers because there were fewer editorials. The newspapers started writing brief editorials and in form of an appeal/request rather than argumentation (this is evident in Text 3.1.3ed). In a personal communication with one of newspaper managers, the genre of editorials reveals the newspaper?s stance on a given political issue, which they would not wish to do. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 226 Another comparative engagement feature exemplified by the corpus relates to how reporters foreground or background the actions/behaviour of the news actor. This is evident in Texts 3.1.1hn, 3.1.3hn, 3.4.1hn and 3.4.2hn. In conclusion, the news and editorial corpus on corruption in Uganda entails texts that overtly recount and debate specific personalities involved in the corruption discourse; therefore the reports and editorials embody negative inscriptions of human conduct belonging primarily to the sub- attitudinal category of social sanction of propriety. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 227 CHAPTER SEVEN NEWS REPORTAGE AND COMMENTARY ON LAND CONFLICT IN UGANDA 7.1 INTRODUCTION This chapter departs from the argument advanced in Chapter Two that the generic structure of the English-language news report has been adopted by Ugandan media texts but that there are varying considerations which are worth exploring for further research in Ugandan media discourse and genre analysis. The news corpus examined in this chapter comprises hard news reports and editorials on aberrant damage that recount and comment on issues of land conflict in Uganda. Land conflict in Uganda is a sensitive issue, which is widespread, and land disputes continue to proliferate (Rugadya, 2009). In the last decade, some of the salient land conflicts reported in the media include the Kibaale land question (Republic of Uganda, 2006); the Buganda land including the disputed 9000 square miles land (see Section 7.4); tribal tensions between pastoralists and farmers in Buliisa district; and conflicts stemming from the debate on the Land Amendment Bill 2007 among others. News reports and editorials from these key land conflicts constitute the news corpus examined in this chapter. Wehrmann (2008, p. 9) postulates that conflicts involving land emanate from various interests such as the ?the right to use the land, to manage the land, to generate an income from the land, to exclude others from the land, to transfer it and the right to compensation for it?. This chapter therefore, explores news articles on land conflict deriving from different interests such as eviction by land proprietors, violent clashes resulting from land disputes, land grabbing involving influential people, and the perennial Buganda land issue concerning demand for the 9,000 square miles from government. The news recounts on land conflict are intimately linked to each other (see also news recounts in Chapter Four). For example, a hard news report on eviction may recount some events involving violence while a news report on Buganda land exemplifies events of land disputes involving land grabbing or even eviction. The guiding factor in the selection of a news text for inclusion in this category is not the definite taxonomy obtaining in the grand literature of land conflicts but rather the immediate element behind the disruption of the social equilibrium (White, 1997, 1998). The exploration is also grounded in the cross-linguistic comparison of English and Runyankore- Rukiga news texts on the one hand, and government and privately-owned newspapers on the other. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 228 It should be noted that the Runyankore-Rukiga newspapers did not carry news reports and editorials on Buganda land. Therefore, the analysis is limited to the English daily newspapers? texts. A similar textual convention for genre and appraisal resources analysis used in previous chapters for identification of genre features and appraisal resources is applied to this chapter. 7.2 REPORTAGE ON PROPERTY RIGHTS 7.2.1 Recounting eviction events The selected corpus for this section focuses on news reports in the English daily newspapers recounting the same event in which pastoralists in the western district of Buliisa were evicted. The conflict began in 2004 when the Balaalo pastoralists invaded the agricultural area owned by the Bagungu (Rugadya, 2009). The Balaalo claim legal user rights and efforts by government to relocate them have been futile. The Runyankore-Rukiga stories on the other hand include news reports of a similar nature: an eviction of 300 families from ?their land? by a Resident District Commissioner. The second recount involves eviction of people from ?church land? by a local Pentecostal church. Text 4.1.1hn Headline Eviction [ap] of pastoralists begins in Buliisa District Secondary headlines Lawyer says no one will evict the pastoralists Pastoralists have sabotaged [j] development Lead 1The eviction [ap] of pastoralists in the mid-western district of Buliisa has commenced, Daily Monitor has learnt. Satellite 1 ? elaboration, confirmation of the eviction from reliable source 3Buliisa RDC Ms Florence Beyunga said pastoralists occupying natural reserves [j] have already been given marching orders. Satellite 2 ? attitudinal assessment 5?We have directed the herdsmen to vacate the conservation areas. If they are adamant [j], we shall force them out?, Ms Beyunga told Daily Monitor by telephone yesterday. Satellite 3 ? contextualisation, background to the current news event 8The pastoralists commonly known as Balaalo [ap] have since June 2007 been engaged in a bitter land and ethnic conflict [ap] with the Bagungu farmers in the district. Sub-satellite 1a ? cause of present conflict 10The two ethnic communities are scrambling [j] for ownership of a fertile [ap] 40- acre piece of land covering the villages of Waiga, Bugana, Kichoke and Kataleba. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 229 Pull quote 12?We have directed the herdsmen to vacate the conservation areas or else we force them out? Ms Florence Beyunga, Buliisa RDC Satellite 4 ? contextualisation 14Ms Beyunga said the pastoralists have been grazing in Murchison falls National Park and Bugungu Game Reserve [j], which contravenes [j] environmental guidelines. Satellite 5 ? elaboration, how the eviction will be effected 16According to the RDC, the eviction process [ap] would be twofold. ?We are initially using diplomacy telling them to vacate, but time will come when force [ap] would be used?, she said. Satellite 6 ? elaboration, people implementing eviction 19The eviction [ap] is being implemented by officials from the Uganda Wildlife Authority and security personnel. Satellite 7 ? effects of eviction 21However, those leaving the reserves are reportedly relocating to a disputed [j] land in Waiga, Bugana and Kataleba. Sub-satellite 1b ? elaboration, opinion of local leaders 23But local leaders in Buliisa insist that the pastoralists should vacate the district immediately. Satellite 8 ? attitudinal assessment of a local leader 25?We appreciate the government?s efforts to clear reserves of any intrusion. But our joy will only be short-lived until the herdsmen are completely relocated outside this district?, said the LC5 Chairperson, Mr Fred Lukumu. Satellite 9 ? attitudinal assessment of those involved in conflict 28Buliisa MP Stephen Mukitale who was once injured in a fight [ap] with the herdsmen alleged that the pastoralists have sabotaged [j] development projects in the district. Satellite 10 ? further evaluation of opponent 30He said they have blocked [j] the Bagungu farmers from accessing cultivation land. The Bagungu used to grow cotton, rice and sorghum [j] on the disputed land [ap]. Satellite 11 ? further evaluation of opponent 32?With impunity and arrogance [j], they have blocked our people [j] from utilising their ancestral land,? Mr Mukitale said. Satellite 12 ? contextualisation of events prior to eviction 34While, addressing a rally at the district headquarters on April 22, President Yoweri Museveni ordered the herdsmen to vacate the district immediately [j]. Sub-satellite 1c ? contextualisation, objection to presidential directive 36The pastoralists protested [j] the decision claiming that they are in the district legally under the protection of the constitution. Satellite 13 ? attitudinal assessment on user rights 38?My clients are in Buliisa legally. No one can illegally evict them,? Mr Fred Mukasa-Lugalambi, the lawyer for the pastoralists, said adding that Ugandans are free to legally settle in any part of the country. The herdsmen contend that they bought the disputed land [ap] at Shs800 million. (Daily Monitor, 15.05.2008, p.3) Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 230 Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 4.1.1hn Similar to previous hard news reports recounting misadventures (Texts 1.1.2hn, 2.1.1hn, 2.2.1hn, 2.2.2hn, 2.3.1hn, 2.3.2hn, 3.1.1hn, 3.1.2hn, 3.4.1hn, and 3.4.2,) Text 4.1.1hn unfolds in a detailed manner. While the news report is presented in non-linear arrangement, it retains segments that are textually inclusive. For instance, Satellite 3 and Sub-satellite 1a are closely related because the phrase, ?the two ethnic communities? (line 10) refer to the ?Balaalo? and ?Bagungu? embedded in Satellite 3. The locution in Sub-satellite 1b is also dependent on Satellite 7 while the pronouns ?he? and ?they?, and ?the decision? (lines 30, 32, and 36 respectively) refer to elements in the respective antecedent satellites. In fact, sub-satellites 1a and 1b can only be understood in light of their immediate antecedents to which they refer for specification (see also Text 3.2.3hn in Chapter Six). Of course, this feature limits radical editability as stipulated in earlier chapters. The headline segment in this news report is a concentration of interpersonal meanings while these diminish in the lead. The news report also presents a pull quote (lines 12-13 and 35-38) that further underscores the forceful nature of the eviction. Appraisal resources The news report largely exhibits negative inscriptions belonging to the sub-attitudinal category of propriety and tenacity. The behaviour of pastoralists is construed, via external voices, as illegitimate and in contravention of laws governing natural resources. For example, in lines 3 and 14-15, they are described as ?occupying natural reserves? and ?grazing in Murchison falls National Park and Bugungu Game Reserve [j], which contravenes [j] environmental guidelines? respectively. In lines 6, 21, and 36, the following negative inscriptions: ?If they are adamant [j]?, ?are reportedly relocating to a disputed [j] land?, and ?pastoralists protested [j] the decision? share the value of obstinacy. Close observation of lines 3-4, 5-6, 17, 23, 35, and the pull quote (12-13) reveals the vigorous [rather militaristic] manner with which the eviction is poised to be effected. The following propositions, the pastoralists ?have been given marching orders?; they have been directed ?to vacate? (repeated five times); ?we shall force them out? (the word ?force? being repeated nine times); and ?vacate? (repeated five times), indicate the reporter?s attitude towards eviction of pastoralists. This foregrounding of ?forceful eviction?, via attribution though, indicates implicit authorial alignment with the negative value posited by these propositions (see also sub-section 3.5.1). Although media literature and practice on the pyramid structure states that major issues are stated first and the least ones last, the ?concluding satellites? are revealing; they counter the negative Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 231 attitudes towards the pastoralists with ?legal justifications?, which references another text, the Constitution, and at the same time aiming to balance the reporting (Richardson, 2007). Note that the negative inscriptions exemplified in lines 9 and 10 are unmediated. These attitudinal assessments fall in the category of the problematic conception of objectivity versus subjectivity (White, 2000). Following White (2000), the reporter?s apparent negative judgement lies in the fact that the conflict between the two groups has already been construed [given previous clashes between the two groups] in negative terms, therefore referring to the phenomenon as ?a bitter land and ethnic conflict [ap]? and ?scrambling [j] for ownership? is natural and normal. In the same vein, the name ?Balaalo? though naturalised and construed as normal, is a diatribe expression used to refer to people from south-western Uganda thus attracting a token of judgement. For example, in a New Vision opinion piece, ?Balaalo-Bagungu wrangle a recipe for bloodshed? on 4 July 2007, the author states: ?They invade like locusts, grabbing land and leaving a trail of resentment in their wake. They are nomadic cattlekeepers, popularly known as Balaalo?. Text 4.1.2hn Headline Army, police evict [j] Buliisa herdsmen Lead 1Six balaalo (herdsmen) [j] have been arrested [j] and 263 cattle, goats and sheep impounded in an operation to evict encroachers in Murchison Falls Park in Buliisa district. Satellite 1 ? elaboration, who is implementing the operation 3The operation, which follows a presidential directive, started on Friday with the deployment of the UPDF, Police and personnel from the Uganda Wildlife Authority (UWA). Satellite 2 ? contextualisation, event leading to the operation 5While touring Bunyoro last month, President Yoweri Museveni directed that encroachers [j] on forest reserves or national parks be arrested. Satellite 3 ? contextualisation, further elaboration on event leading to the operation 7The President, who was meeting the Bunyoro parliamentary caucus at Riviera Hotel in Hoima town, was responding to reports that the Balaalo were grazing their cattle in the park [j] at Bugana and at Bugungu in Buliisa district and in Budongo forest reserve. Satellite 4 ? attitudinal assessment, appraising the operation 10?The exercise (eviction) is going on well. There haven?t been any cases of violence reported and hopefully it will be a very successful one [ap],? Nobert Turyahikayo, the Bulisa chief administrative officer, said on Saturday. Satellite 5 ? elaboration, details of people leading the operation 13The operation is headed by a committee that includes Brig. Fred Mugisha from Masindi barracks, Bulisa RDC Florence Beyunga, district Police commander Paul Mumbogwe, and district internal security officer Mathew Mulumba [ap]. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 232 Satellite 6 ? elaboration, details of the operation 16Masindi barracks spokesman Sgt. Baker Tumusiime said the impounded animals were taken to a collection centre. Satellite 7 ? elaboration, further details of the operation 18?When the owner comes to claim his animals, we hand him over to the Police and release the animals to relatives? [j]. Satellite 8 ? consequences of the operation 20Tumusiime said suspects would appear in court today to answer charges of illegally grazing in a national park [j]. Beyunga urged people still grazing in the park to leave. ?We are not only evicting the Balaalo but anybody who is grazing in the national park.? Satellite 9 ? elaboration 23Some herdsmen accused [j] the local leaders of demanding money to allow them graze in the park [j]. Satellite 10 ? contextualisation, another event prior to the operation 25At a rally in Bulisa last month, the President warned that park and forest rangers, who allowed the herdsmen to use the national reserves, would be arrested. Satellite 11 ? attitudinal assessment, evaluation of the operation 27Bulisa MP Steven Birahwa said the arrests were long overdue. ?This is what we have been complaining about all along. These people (Balaalo) are not above the law to graze in a national park. I am happy the President has responded positively,? Birahwa observed. Satellite 12 ? contextualisation, locating the operation in its historical context 31The Balaalo and Bagungu have been involved in several clashes [ap] over land. The latter accuse the cattle-keepers of encroaching on their land and grazing their animals in their gardens [j]. (New Vision, 19.05.2008, p. 1-2) Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 4.1.2hn Text 4.1.2hn recounts the same event recounted in Text 4.1.1hn though it appeared a couple of days after the DM report. Both texts are presented in a non-chronological arrangement. Their generic structures resemble that of English language news reporting (White, 1997, 1998) explored in Chapters Two and Four. However, at an individual level, the texts display some significant dissimilarities. The first comparative difference is exhibited in the headlines. The DM headline comprises secondary headlines and highlights the key meanings of the report while the NV headline is succinct. In the NV report, there are more sub-components of contextualisation, describing the events prior to the current point of social disruption. These moves exhibit a rhetorical technique that portrays the herdsmen as defying a presidential directive, and thus the justification of the eviction. Appraisal resources The report apparently contains fewer instances of negative evaluation in comparison to 4.1.1hn above. In contrast to the DM version, the eviction process is conveyed via neutral expressions such as ?an operation? [a mere procedure] (lines 2, 3, and 13), ?an exercise? (line 10), following the ?presidential directive? (line 3) and adhering to the legal procedures (lines 18-19 and 20). The Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 233 report also entails locutions that evaluate the operation in positive terms. For example, the attribution in line 10-11, presents it as an exercise devoid of violence and predicts its success. However, the introduction of ?eviction? in parentheses appears as an attempt to distance the reporter from the value position carried by the external voice. A similar technique has been employed in line 1; the expression in parentheses being intended to digress the reader?s attention and soften the negative value realised by ?balaalo? rather than another being a substitute. Implicit judgement is exhibited in lines 13-15, which equally portrays positive values: the operation is coordinated by different commendable government and security agents. Lastly, similar to Text 4.1.1hn, the above text carries negative attitudinal values against the herdsmen. The negative inscriptions in lines 8 and 20-21, ?grazing their cattle in the park? and ?illegally grazing in a national park? realise social sanction, i.e., the breaching of the law by the herdsmen [balaalo] and thus being culpable. The negative inscription in line 32, ?encroaching on their land and grazing their animals in their gardens? further realises the unjust behaviour of the herdsmen. Text 4.1.3hn Headline RDC Mwesigye drove away [evicted] [j] 300 families from the plots of land RDC Mwesigye abingire amaka 300 omu bibanja Lead ? eviction of 300 families and mistreatment of residents 1The RDC of Kasese Capt. James Mwesigye known [alias] as Kyama has now sent [driven] away [j] more than 300 people in the village of Kanoni, Shuura, Kyembogo in Sembabule. Among those driven away from their land [evicted] [j], [some] were beaten [with] sticks [j] and others, their barbed wires [fences] were cut and he went into their land and grazed there [j]. RDC was Kasese Capt. James Mwesigye orikumanywa nka Kyama obwahati abingire abantu barikurenga 300 omu kyaro kya Kanoni Shuura Kyembogo omuri Sembabule. Ahari abo ababingirwe omu mataka gaabo abu obwahati bateirwe enkoni, kandi n?abandi za singyengye zaabo zishazirwe atyo akaza omu mataka gaabo akaza kuriisamu. Satellite 1 ? effects, ill-treatment of residents, threats of retaliation, and alerting the police 5They told Entatsi that nowadays Mwesigye is a bad resident [j] and he harasses and canes [j] them like babies while soldiers are guarding him. They said they are going to take him to president Museveni so that he can explain [resolve] their problems and they are threatening to attack [j] him any time. Those residents took [reported] their matters [complaints] to Michael P.K Mazuma, the OC of Ntutsi Police Station. Bagambiire entatsi ngu obwahati Mwesigye abaire omutuuzi mubi kandi naababonabonesa abateera za kibooko nk?abareere obwo aine abaserikare abamukuumire. Bagizire ngu bariyo nibaza kumutwara owa purezidenti Museveni kuba niwe yaashoboorora enshonga zaabo ngu kandi nibahaya n?okubaasa kumutahirira eshaaha yoona. Abataka abo batwire enshonga aha pooriisi ya Ntutsi owa OC Station Michael P.K Mazuma. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 234 Sub-satellite 1 ? elaborating Sat 1, identification of demonstrators and details of the case 10The people who are demonstrating [j] include Herbert Kamugisha, Goefrey Rwanshaija, William Tumwine, Edward Kobwiju, James Mwesigye, Isingoma Rwembundu, Ninsiima, George Koozi, Moses Karibaterana, Enock Kakyemba, Dan, and others. And the police opened for them a case of investigating RDC Mwesigye, file number SD ref 04/25/03/09. Abantu aba abariyo nibeesharinga barimu Herbert Kamugisha, Goefrey Rwanshaija, William Tumwine, Edward Kobwiju, James Mwesigye, Isingoma Rwembundu, Ninsiima, George Koozi, Moses Karibaterana, Enock Kakyemba, Dan, hamwe nabandi. Kandi pooriiisi ebeiguriireho omushango gw?okucondooza RDC Mwesigye namba SD ref 04/25/03/09. Satellite 2 ? elaboration, further details of mistreatment and threats of retaliation 14Other news say [reports indicate] that his workers including Robert and Ndisize beat Tumusiime Junior and broke [j] his ribs and other parts [compound fractures], he was even hospitalised [af]. They said that if president Museveni does not find time [make arrangements] to come and enter [look] into their matters that they could come and do a big danger which can shed blood [cause bloodshed] [j/af]. (Entatsi, April 7-13, 2009, p. 2) Amakuru agandi nigagira ngu abakozi be abarumu Robert hamwe na Ndisize bakateera Tumusiime Junior bamuhendagura embaju n?ebindi bicweka nangwa yaahika n?aha kitanda kuraguza. Bagizire ngu purezidenti Museveni yaaba atateireho obwire akaija akataaha omu nshonga zaabo ngu nibabaasa kuba baija kukora akabi kahango akarikubaasa kusheesha eshagama. Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 4.1.3hn Text 4.1.3hn, from one of the independent newspaper, recounts the eviction of residents by an RDC. The lead is detailed and longer (45 words) and exemplifies a high concentration of interpersonal meanings. The report is short and unravels in a discontinuous manner; however, one of the satellites (Sub-satellite 1) does not refer back to the Lead but instead retells elements of Satellite 1 (see Figure 7.1). Satellite 2 returns to the lead to elaborate its elements. The news reporter relies on unidentified external voices to recount events of the news: in line 5 - Bagambiire Entatsi ngu [They told Entatsi that?]; line 6 - Bagizire ngu [They said?]; line 14 - Amakuru agandi nigagira ngu [Other reports indicate?]; and in line 16 - Bagizire ngu [They said that ...]. Note that these attributions are recounted using the reporter?s semantic choices. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 235 Figure 7.1: Proposed generic structure of RDC Mwesigye drove away 300 ? - Text 4.1.3hn Appraisal resources The report presents overt negative judgement of the RDC?s cruel and insensitive behaviour: ?[some] were beaten [with] sticks [j] and others, their barbed wires [fences] were cut and he went into their land and grazed there? (lines 3-4); and ?Mwesigye is a bad resident [j] and he harasses and canes [j] them like babies? (lines 5-6). The report also displays the soldiers?s cruel behaviour in lines 14-15, ?his workers? beat Tumusiime Junior and broke [j] his ribs and other parts (14-15)?; and residents? behaviour in lines 8, 10 and 18: ?they are threatening to attack [j] him any time?, ?people who are demonstrating [j] include? and ?they could come and do a big danger which can shed blood [cause bloodshed]? respectively. The negative inscriptions in lines 8 and 18 arguably realise hypothetical affect (Bednarek, 2008a) at the same time. The report exemplifies a Runyankore-Rukiga graduation feature, which is significant to the appraisal theoretical framework. The Runyankore-Rukiga negative proposition ??abakozi be abarumu Robert hamwe na Ndisize bakateera Tumusiime Junior bamuhendagura embaju n?ebindi bicweka?? rendered as ??his workers including Robert and Ndisize beat Tumusiime Junior and broke [j] his ribs and other parts [compound fractures]? in lines 14-15, comprises a verbal phrase, bamuhendagura embaju [they broke his ribs]. In Runyankore-Rukiga the verb kuhenda means ?to break?; however, kuhendagura, which the reporter employs, contains the verbal extension, ?-gura?, added to the verb stem. It indicates that there is intensity in the action implying a negative Nucleus (headline+lead) RDC Mwesigye drove away ? The RDC of Kasese ? Sat 2 ? Elaboration Other news says? Sat 1 ? Effects, They told Entatsi that nowadays? Sub-sat 1 ? elaboration The people who are demonstrating? Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 236 connotation. Thus kuhendagura means ?to break into pieces?; and in this context bakateera Tumusiime Junior bamuhendagura embaju is construed as ?they beat Tumusiime [and as a result] he had a compound fracture of the ribs?. Other examples from Runyankore-Rukiga which function in this manner include kutemagura, ?to cut into pieces?, kwatagura, ?to pour something repeatedly?, for example, kwatagura amaizi is ?to pour water in a wasteful manner?; and kushiishagura, to spoil excessively. All these belong to one category of intensification and realise heightened negative actions. Text 4.1.4hn Headline A church evicted [j] people from land, pulled down [j] houses Ekanisa ebingire abantu omu itaka, yaashenya amaju Lead 1What is for Caesar is Caesar?s; but [therefore], you should not interfere in church matters. Maliba Archdeaconry Church did what a hen does to the chicks [M, j], it threw out [evicted] [j] all those who have been staying on its land, pulled down [j] houses and the alarm cried [was raised vehemently] [M, af]! Ebya kaishari n?ebya kaishari, kwonka eby?ekanisa mubyesaasire; ekanisa ya Maliba Archdeaconary ekozire eki enkoko ekora abaana yaatuntuumura abo boona abatuura aha itaka ryayo, amaju yaagasheenya, enduuru yaaborooga! Satellite 1 ? elaboration and contextualization, describing the ill-treatment of evictees and when it occurred 5By the time you are reading this, 400 people do not have places of abode [af] after the church brought the patrol police of 999 and evicted [ejected] them from land and left houses pulled down [j/af]. These [events] occurred on 10th Oct 2005 at 2:00pm in Maliba. The church ordered that their bits and pieces [ap] be thrown outside, houses be demolished and others set on fire [j]. Ahu orikushomera ebi, abantu 400 tibaine buzo bwanyima y?ekanisa kureeta pooriisi 999 kadenge, ekabacucuura omu itaka n?amaju ekatsiga yaagashenya. Ebi bibaireho ahakya 10.10.05 shaaha 8 z?eihangwe omuri Malib. Ekanisa eragiire ku ebikunta byabo binagwa aheeru, amaju gakashwenywa agandi gakacumikwa omuriro. Satellite 2 ? cause, court order to demolish 10Police had come [came] with court brokers under the orders of the court in Fort Portal. Pooriisi ebeire eizire n?aba kooti burooka obwe barikuragiirwa kooti ya Fort Portal. Satellite 3 ? elaboration, contextualization, and appraisal 11The residents who lost [af] their property are said to have been on that land for 50 years [ap] and that they will be taken away by death only [af]. These inhabitants include Zebede Bwambale and Zakariya Masereka. But the Archdeacon Joseph Bwambale said that the people were warned by the court on 29th Sept 2005 when they lost the case. He said that the people should forget about the church land and look for other dwelling places [j]. (Orumuri, October 17-23, 2005, p. 4) Abataka abafereirwe ebintu byabo ngu bamazire emyaka 50 aha itaka eryo ngu nibaza kwihwaho rufu yonka. Abataka aba barimu Zebede Bwambale na Zakariya Masereka. Kwonka Akidikoni Joseph Bwambale agizire ngu abantu bakaraburwa kare kooti 29.09.05 obu baasingwa omushango. Agizire ngu abantu beesaasire eitaka ry?ekanisa baronde obundi obuzo. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 237 Generic move (satellite) structure ? Text 4.1.4hn Text 4.1.4hn above is similar to Text 4.1.3hn: it is short. Unlike the previous report, the report appears to be an eye-witness recount; however, in Satellite 3 (line 6), there is an implicit reference to external source via the ?subordinating conjunction? ngu [that] rendered here as ?are said? while in line 14, the reporter refers to an external source via the reporting verb ?said?. The report?s body satellites reach the Lead for specification. In Satellites 1 and 3, the reporter combines the functions of elaboration, contextualization, and attitudinal assessment to specify the elements of the Lead. Appraisal resources The report opens with a biblical reference (line 1) that appears to justify the church?s action, and thus revealing authorial voice. The use of the conjunction kwonka, which serves a similar English function of dialogic contraction (disclaim), supplants the antecedent proposition. God?s affairs should be separated from Ceasar?s [business matters]. The negative invocation in line 2, what a hen does to its chicks, eki enkoko ekora abaana derives from the reporter?s analogy between Maliba Archdeaconry Church and a hen and its chicks. In a free range system of poultry, a hen loves its chicks and protects them from wild prey; however, at a given time, it disowns them [chases away] by pecking at them. This is, however, intended to make them independent so that they fend on their own. Yet subsequent propositions (lines 3 and 15) seem to imply a church that has been nurturing her flock has turned around and disowned them, which is contrary to the meaning that the analogy customarily realises. The reporter employs other metaphors; in line 3, the expression ?the alarm cried?, enduuru yaaborooga, flags affect [insecurity] (see also Chapter Four, Section 4.3.1 under text 1.3.3hn). The token in line 15, ?the people should forget about the church land and look for other dwelling places? appears to evoke the church?s arrogance and insensitivity to its folk. Note that the reporter?s use of metaphors conceals his stance, thus achieving neutrality. The report also exemplifies instances of graduation; in lines 3 and 6, through the non-core lexis (Runyankore-Rukiga substitutes for ?evict?), yaatuntuumura and ekabacucuura, heighten the negative value of ?evict?. Both are derived from the verbs okutuntumuka and okucucuura respectively. Okutuntumuka literally means ?to flee? while okucuucuura means ?to run fast?; however, both implicitly collocate with the dust that is left behind after the action [of fleeing or running]. The adjacent proposition entails ?pulling down of houses?, which naturally leaves dust behind, thus up-scaling the intensity of the negative value. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 238 Although in other news reports, the police?s conduct has been judged negatively, in this report, it is [as well as that of the court brokers who carried out the eviction ? line 10] backgrounded while the negative inscriptions and invocations are attributed to the church. Both reports display non-authorial affect (Bednarek, 2008); however, the emotions are realised via figurative expressions (line 4) description of manner and circumstances (lines 5, 6-7 and 11 in Text 4.1.3hn and 15-16 in Text 4.14hn) that provoke emotions in the reader; and predicting affect (lines 18 and 12 in Texts 4.13hn and 4.1.4hn respectively). Note that in both cases, affect is predicted via modality: nibabaasa kuba baija kukora akabi kahango akarikubaasa kusheesha eshagama [they could come and do a big danger which can cause bloodshed] and nibaza kwihwaho rufu yonka [they will be taken away by death only] (see also Bednarek, 2008). 7.2.2 Opinion on issues of eviction This section examines two editorial articles from both government papers. The NV editorialist employs the premise of ?rampant? evictions to rationalise the introduction of the new land law while the O writer discusses an eviction of people from a resettlement area. Text 4.1.1ed Headline Land should not be politicised Background Information ? magnitude and manner of eviction 1Over 57,000 Ugandans have been unlawfully evicted [j] from their land in the past two years. Some evictions [ap] are being carried out at night in a brutal and secret manner [j]. Background Information ? location of eviction cases 3Though evictions [ap] take place in all parts of the country, they are the worst [ap] in the central region. Background Information ? further location of eviction cases 5The districts of Wakiso, Mityana, Mubende, Mukono and Kayunga registered about 50,000 people evicted [ap] in 2006- 2007. Presenting Grounds for Argument 1 ? effects of eviction 7These are not just anonymous numbers in statistics. Every family affected faces a small humanitarian crisis [ap]. PGA 2 ? effects of eviction 9They are uprooted and made homeless [af/j], often losing all their belongings and the next season?s harvest [af]. PGA 3 ? other effects of eviction 11The education of their children is interrupted and in many cases stopped altogether [ap]. And it is generally contributing to an atmosphere of fear and uncertainty [af] among tenants. Initiating an Argument 13The new land act is meant to address these problems [ap]. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 239 Argument 1 ? significance of proposed law vis-a-vis current problem 14It is aimed at the protecting occupants [ap] against unlawful and heartless evictions [ap], which is the basic obligation of any government. Argument 2 ? benefits of the proposed law 16The new bill is also meant to protect the land lords [ap]. It ensures [ap] them that they are paid their annual ground rent, it protects them [ap] against crooked tenants [j] who try to sell their land behind their backs [j], and it protects them [ap] against encroachment and trespass [ap]. Argument 3 ? criticism against those who oppose the new law 19Mengo has not come up with any solid arguments [ap] for opposing the proposed land bill apart from the demagogic but totally unjustified ?etakka ligenda? (land is being grabbed) outcry [ap]. Argument 4 ? further criticism against opponents of new law 21In what seems to be an objective alliance with the opposition [ap], Mengo is now using the land bill to drag in [j] issues which have nothing to do with it: federalism, the expropriation of properties by Obote and even the status of Kampala [ap]. Position Statement 24Land is a sensitive matter. It should not be politicized or used to settle personal scores. Closure - recommendation 25There is need for a sober and rational debate, with a focus on the interest of the common man and the harmonization of relations between tenants and landlords. (New Vision, 15.01.2008, p.12) Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 4.1.1ed The generic move structure of Text 4.1.1ed falls within the same editorial pattern of the English daily newspapers examined before. However, the writer of the present editorial delays the argumentation stage in the recurring stage of PGA (lines 7-11). Appraisal resources The editorialist?s attitudinal assessment in Text 4.1.1ed has focused on phenomena ? entities, processes, and actions. Therefore, unlike previous editorials in Chapter Five, in which judgement was overtly ascribed to individuals, the present editorial assesses things. However, the things can still be identified with personalities since specific institutions are explicitly identified, for example, in Arguments 3 and 4. Although this text displays a high occurrence of appreciation values by the editorialist, it does not totally omit occurrences of overt authorial judgement and affect, as Thomson et al (2008) suggest. Indeed their occurrence is rather limited in lines 1-2 and 17-18 ? ?Ugandans have been unlawfully evicted [j] from? evictions are being carried out at night in a brutal and secret manner [j]?; and ?crooked tenants [j] who try to sell their land behind their backs [j]? respectively. In the first instance, the use of the passive voice obscures the human agent behind the immoral/illegal conduct of eviction. In lines 9-10, the locutions ?They are uprooted and made homeless?, and ?losing all their belongings and the next season?s harvest? are arguably understood to describe feelings like unhappiness and insecurity [of the evicted families] as well as triggering feelings of pity for them in Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 240 the reader, and thus the token judgement textual mark-up. Similar descriptions, which reporters/writers employ to activate emotions, were stipulated in Chapter Four (see Section 4.2.3). This editorial is similar to other editorials from the same newspaper (see Texts 3.1.2ed and 3.1.3ed), in presenting positive attitudinal assessment of the government actions and policies. From line 13 to 18, the editorialist upholds the worthiness of the proposed land bill in protecting the hapless and oppressed people against illegitimate evictions in lines 14-15 ? ?It is aimed at the protecting occupants [ap] against unlawful and heartless evictions? as well as protecting the property owners in lines 16-18. Text 4.1.2ed Headline Help people of Kanyaryeru Muhwere abantu ba Kanyaryeru Background Information 1 ? the conditions vulnerable people (evictees) are experiencing 1Last week, old men, women and weaned children [children] stayed at the RDC?s office [af] in Mbarara town seeking assistance having been evicted [j] together with their livestock from the settlement land in Kanyaryeru. Esande ehweire abagurusi, abakaikuru n?encuukye bakasiiba aha ofiisi za RDC omu rurembo Mbarara barikuronda obuyambi ahabw?okubingwa omu mataka ga Settlement omuri Kanyaryeru n?amatungo gaabo. Background Information 2 ? evaluation of the leaders? conduct and locating the origin of the evictees 4It?s a pity [af] that no leader from the District listened to them or solved their problems [j]. They say [it is believed] that they came from Luwero having survived [survivors of] [af] the war that liberated [ap] Uganda in 1986. They came through Kanyaryeru in Nyabushozi where some acquired land but others did not. Eky?obusaasi nikigambwa ngu tihaine mwebembezi wa disiturikiti owaabahurikiize n?okubashoboorora ebizibu byabo. Nibagira ngu bakaruga omuri Luwero bari emponoka aha rutaro orwazaahweire Uganda omugwa 1986 bareetwa Kanyaryeru y?omuri Nyabushozi ei bamwe batungire emyanya n?abandi bakashaaga. Background Information 3 ? locating the origin of their present predicament 8The survivors [af] say that Mzee33 Eric Kirimaani who was the director, secured [j] them Rwaboko land [village]. In August 2001, when a new director came, he chased [evicted] them [j]. Today, nobody has resolved their problem. They say [believe] that Rev. Charles Bwirizayo has failed them [disappointed] [j] because he eats [takes] bribes [j]; they want [prefer] Kirimani. Emponoka nibagira ngu owaabaire ari dayirekita Mzee Eric Kirimaani akabatungira omwanya gwa Rwaboko kuhitsya omu Augusto 2001 obu dayirekita omusya aizire akababingamu. hati bo tihaine owaabashobororeire ekizibu kyabo nibagira ngu Rev. Charles Bwirizayo narya enguzi niwe abaremeise nibenda Kirimani. Closure ? position statement, specific and general recommendations 12We think that those people should not be evicted without being shown alternative settlement within such a few days. Government representatives should explain and investigate whether the problem [ap] is [associated with] the current director or whether the one who left deceived [j] them. 33 Mzee is a Swahili word [honorific title] for ?elder?. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 241 Government departments in charge of disaster-preparedness and displaced persons should put in place temporary and permanent means to secure settlement for Ugandans. (Orumuri, March 31-April 6, 2003, p. 4) Nitugira ngu abantu abo tibashemereire kubingwa batorekirwe bundii butooro kandi omu biro bikye nk?ebyo. Abajwekyerwa ba gavumenti bashemereire kushoboorora n?okwecumintiriza yaaba ekizibu ni dayirekita oriho nari shi owagyenzire yaaba yaababeihire. Ebitongore bya gavumenti ebirikukwatwaho aha bigwererezi n?abantu abarikubundabunda bishemereire kutaho oburyo bwa juba hamwe n?obw?obutwire kutungira Abanyayuganda obutuuro. Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 4.1.2ed The generic pattern of text 4.1.2ed above compares with text 3.1.3ed which displays no argumentation elements. The writer ?recounts? the unfortunate events leading to their eviction in BI1-3. The Closure element embodies the position statement, ?people should not be evicted without being shown alternative settlement? in a short period (lines 12-13) and recommendations (lines 13- 16). This text further demonstrates that a Runyankore-Rukiga editorial has a varied generic potential. Appraisal resources The editorial exemplifies negative inscriptions of social sanction of propriety: ?having been evicted [j]?, ?no leader from the District listened to them or solved their problems?, ?he chased [evicted] them [j]? and ?he eats [takes] bribes? in lines 2, 4, 7, and 11 respectively; and veracity in lines 11 and 14, ?or whether the one who left deceived [j] them? and ?Bwirizayo has failed them?. The editorial equally exhibits expressions that trigger emotions (see text 4.1.1ed above). In line 1, the locution, ?old men, women and weaned children [children] stayed at the RDC?s office? [abagurusi, abakaikuru n?encuukye bakasiiba aha ofiisi za RDC] is construed as ?vulnerable people? [in humanitarian discourse] who have been displaced (evicted) and spent the whole week realised by ?Esande ehweire ? bakasiiba ??, thus aggravating their suffering, and creating emotions (Bednarek, 2008) of pity for them. This way, the editorialist is seeking to align with the reader to feel pity for the victim. The other instance of ?implicit affect? is projected via the Runyankore-Rukiga noun emponoka in lines 5 and 8 rendered ?survivor?. The Runyankore-Rukiga dictionary defines emponoka as a person left behind after people have perished, for example, in a war. Such a person [survivor] does not have parents/siblings, shelter, or food. Therefore, the expression evokes destituteness, loneliness, misery, and trauma, which trigger feelings of pity for him/her. 7.2.3 Recounting violent clashes The news reports in this section retell violent clashes that emanate from land wrangles and land disputes. DM and NV recount the same news event in which three people were killed due to an on- going boundary conflict between two ethnic groups in eastern Uganda. The New Vision appears to Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 242 have downplayed the deaths since the article appeared on page 9 among the regional news section compared to the DM report that appeared on page 3 within the national news category. Other news reports recount violence involving killing of cattle and destruction of a banana plantation which are equally a result of land wrangles. Text 4.2.1hn Headline 3 hacked to death [j] in fresh wetland row [ap] Sub-headlines Seven so far killed [ap] in one year Museveni directed Otafiire to settle the row [ap] Lead 1Three people were on Thursday evening hacked to death [j] in a renewed boundary row [ap] that has plagued [ap] Mbale and Budaka districts for close to fifteen years [ap]. Satellite 1 ? elaborating details of the attack 3The unidentified civilians, all from Mbale, were killed [j] during a Thursday-attack [ap] that took place at the controversial Mbale-Budaka wetland boarder point. Satellite 2 ? contextualisation, other deaths prior to current event 5The death that comes barely a year after four other people were killed over the same wetland last year, has now brought the total to seven with many more left with injuries [ap]. Satellite 3 ? elaboration, confirmation of the killings from external source 7The Police spokesman for eastern region, Mr Iddi Ssekumbi, confirmed deaths [j] saying the assailants [j] fled [af] the garden on seeing Police. Satellite 4 ? attitudinal assessment, manner of killing 9?Bodies of three unidentified people from Bugisu were found at the border-point after they were hacked to death [j] in a renewed boundary row [ap]. We have taken the bodies to Mbale Regional Hospital mortuary,? Mr Ssekumbi said. Satellite 5 ? effects, measures to counteract subsequent attacks 12Mr Ssekumbi revealed that in bid to offset fears of a counter-attack that has seen many people from Kamonkoli flee their homes to camp at the Police station, they have secured Anti-riot Police personnel from Kampala to help in patrolling the area. Satellite 6 ? contextualisation, earlier efforts to stave off the on-going conflict 15The incident comes after President Museveni recently directed the Minister of Local Government, Maj. Gen. Kahinda Otafiire, to intervene and solve the outstanding row [ap]. Sub-satellite 1 ? retelling Satellite 6 17Daily Monitor reported yesterday that Gen. Otafiire called a meeting on January 15 following Mr Museveni?s directive. Pull quote ? repetition of Satellite 4 19?Bodies of three unidentified people from Bugisu were found at the border-point after they were hacked to death in a renewed boundary row,? Iddi Ssenkumbi, Eastern region Police spokesman Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 243 Satellite 7 ? elaboration, details on possible cause of deaths 22Mr Ssekumbi, however, said Police was also investigating possible links of the deaths to food theft [j]. Satellite 8 - elaboration, further details on possible cause of deaths 24The Kamonkoli Police Post O/C, Mr Ben Gizamba, also pointed at theft [j] as the possible cause of the death of the trio. Satellite 9 ? contextualisation, events leading to present event 26He said although on several occasions the people of Kibiniko and Bungokho sub-counties in Mbale have been the ones attacking [j] those of Kamonkoli over the wetland, this time the people of Kamonkoli got an opportunity to revenge after outwitting policemen [j]. Satellite 10 ? attitudinal assessment, police?s inability to forestall the attacks 29Residents say the continued attacks [j] over the wetland have occurred due to laxity [j] by the Police to control the situation to the level of deploying only eight policemen [j]. Satellite 11 ? contextualisation, prior events 31The Bagwere and Bagisu have been embroiled [j] in the border conflict over the ownership of Namatala wetland for over 15 years [ap]. Satellite 12 ? contextualisation, earlier efforts to resolve the conflict 33Barely a month ago, Budaka leaders petitioned the Speaker of Parliament, Mr Edward Ssekandi, to intervene in the row and have it resolved in bid to end the escalating deaths [ap]. Pull quote ? reiterating elements of the headline, lead and Satellite 12 353 die in land row [cross-title] 36Days after leaders from Budaka district petitioned Speaker Edward Ssekandi over continued hostility [ap] at the Budaka-Mbale border dispute, three people were on Thursday evening killed [j] in renewed wrangles [ap] at the wetland site (Daily Monitor, 31.01.2009, p. 3) Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 4.2.1hn Text 4.2.1hn unfolds in a similar move structure operating in the contemporary English-language hard news reporting culture. The lead/headline segment occupies the core position of the news report, to which the orbitally arranged body satellites return to specify its elements. It equally holds the catastrophe point ? the death of three people, with a high concentration of interpersonal meanings (White, 1997). The report is recounted in detailed fashion (12 satellites), a typical discursive practice common to most DM hard news reports. Therefore, as I posited earlier on, the report?s satellites cannot be re-ordered [for radical editability] without interfering with the text?s functional flow. The news report also presents ?pull quotes? (lines 19-21 and 35-38), which reiterate attitudinal meanings from the nucleus and other body satellites. This is another significant comparative similarity unfolding unfolding across hard news recounts on land conflict in recents years34 by the DM reporters (refer to Texts 2.3.1hn, 3.4.1hn and 4.1.1hn). Appraisal resources The report contains negative inscriptions of the behaviour of people involved in the social disorder, government and the police. The behaviour of conflicting parties is assessed via external voices ? 34 This practice has been observed in news recounts from 2007 onwards. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 244 ?assailants?, hacking to death, killing by poisoning, and attacking in lines 8, 10, 22-23, and 27, respectively. The report also gives evidence of several instances of inscribed values embedded in the journalistic vocabulary that shows the intensity of the conflict (row, plagued, hacked to death, assailants, embroiled, escalating deaths, and hostility). Following White (2000), the report exhibits those linguistic resources, highlighted here in Courier New, which signal the presence of the author?s voice. The following propositions arguably portray the government?s negligence and failure to intervene and resolve the land row: ?a renewed boundary row?; ?for close to fifteen years?; ?The death that comes barely a year after four other people were killed over the same wetland last year?; ?the outstanding row?; and ?the continued attacks? appearing in lines 1, 2 and 32, 5-6, 16, and 29 respectively as well as in lines 33-34 and the last pull quote (35-38). Similarly, the following inscriptions and invocations portray the police as inadequate and inattentive to the ongoing conflict: ?this time the people of Kamonkoli got an opportunity to revenge after outwitting policemen?; ?the continued attacks [j] over the wetland have occurred due to laxity [j] by the Police to control the situation to the level of deploying only eight policemen? in lines 27-28 and 29-30. The reporter?s use of ?plagued?, ?controversial?, ?barely?, ?escalating?, in ?a renewed boundary row [ap] that has plagued [ap] Mbale and Budaka districts?; ?? the controversial Mbale-Budaka wetland border point?; ?? death that comes barely a year after four other people were killed?; ?Barely a month ago?? ?in bid to end the escalating deaths?, respectively and the highlighting of attitudinal locutions via pull quotes demonstrate authorial positioning in this news report, thus signaling the reporter?s subjectivity (see also White, 1997; Thomson et al., 2008; Jullian, 2011). The editorial also exhibits instances of dialogic alternatives projected via probability modals in lines 22 and 25 Text 4.2.2hn Headline Three killed [j] over wetland Lead 1Three Bagisu farmers were on Thursday morning killed [j] at Nasenyi village in Budaka District during fresh clashes [ap] between the Bagwere and Bagisu over the Namatala wetland. Satellite 1 ? elaboration, details following the deaths 3The Budaka District Police Commander, John Olar, said the three, whose identity had not yet been established by press time, were dumped [j] in a forest, about 100 metres from Tirinyi road. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 245 Satellite 2 ? elaboration, efforts by police to prevent the killings 5"We got a tip-off in the morning that some Bagisu armed with pangas were in Namatala wetland heading towards Nasenyi village. The Police rushed to the wetland with some local leaders in a bid to control the situation. Shortly thereafter, we were told that three bodies had been found,? Olar said. Satellite 3 ? attitudinal assessment of possible cause of death and circumstances leading to the attack 9He said two of them may have been stoned to death [j] while the third had a cut on his neck that seems to have been inflicted with a panga. He said the bodies were taken to Mbale Hospital for a postmortem to ascertain the cause of the death. He said a day before the clashes, the Bagisu attacked policemen who had been deployed at the wetland to maintain order [j]. Satellite 4 ? contextualization, prior events leading up to the killing 14Early last month, the Bagisu attacked and injured [j] one Mugwere at Bunyoro village, Budaka District. In a bid to resolve [j] the conflict that began four years ago, the Minister of Local Government, Maj. Gen. Kahinda Otafiire, last September met Bagwere and Bagisu leaders [j] at Kamonkoli Sub-county but his efforts only yielded temporary calm. (New Vision, 01.02.2009, p. 9) Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 4.2.2hn The above news report, like other similar reports, bears resemblance to the contemporary English- language hard news reporting described in White (1998) and Thomson et al (2008). While the report unfolds in an orbital pattern, where the body sub-components reach back to the lead for specification, radical editability is difficult to achieve. Satellites 1, 2 and 3 flow in sequence with each subsequent satellite referring to previous elements via anaphoric devices. In contrast to the DM report in text 4.2.1hn, the NV report is shorter recounted in five segments. Another comparable difference relates to attribution; while the reporter in Text 4.2.1hn varies the external voices (the police spokesperson in satellites 3-5 and 7, the Officer in Charge of Komankoli Police Post in Satellites 8-9, and the residents in satellite 10), the reporter of Text 4.2.2hn above refers to only one external voice, the District Police Commander in Satellites 1-3. Appraisal resources Text 4.2.2hn demonstrates limited instances of attitudinal meanings evaluating the behaviour of the news actors and the manner in which the killings were executed. The report is equally devoid of the interpersonal meanings manifested in Text 4.2.1hn. The choice to present a short news report could also be pointing in this direction. Another interesting comparison is the duration period of the conflict reported: whereas the DM reporter indicates that the district boundary conflict has raged on for more than 15 years (possibly difficult to resolve), the NV report describes it as a 4-year old one, which represents the conflict as a mild one and softens its negative value. The token in lines 11-13 displays the reporter?s choice of the external voice that shifts the blame to the residents who attacked the policemen that would have averted the deaths. This contrasts with the DM report that blames the attack on the laxity of the police. In the same regard, while the DM report appear to Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 246 show government?s negligence of the conflict, the NV reporter?s locutions in lines 15-16 evokes government?s efforts at resolving the conflict. Text 4.2.3hn Headline They cut their father into pieces [j] because of land Batemagwire ishebo ahabw?ekibanja Lead 1The police of Ntungamo arrested and took into custody a young man, Kamukama because it is said that together with his young brother Tinka (who escaped) [af] attacked [j] their father Asanasiyo and cut him into pieces [hacked] [j] and left little [left him for dead] [M, j]. Pooriisi ya Ntungamo ekwatsire kandi yaata omu nkomo omutsigazi omwe Kamukama ahaw?okugambwa ku we n?omurumuna Tinka (otorokire) bataahiriire ishebo Asanasiyo bakamuconga n?omuhoro bakatsigaho kakye. Satellite 1 ? contextualisation, details on time, place and events leading up to the attack 4This happened on 5/9/2002 in Ngoma village of Nyakyera, Ntungamo. The reports that Entatsi received indicate that those brothers asked land from their father and he refused to give it to them [j], so they attacked him and cut him into pieces [hacked] [j]. Eki kibaireho 5/9/2002 aha kyaro kya Ngoma omuri Nyakyera, Ntungamo. Agatungirwe Entatsi nigagira ngu enyinemwe ezo zikashaba ishebo ekibanja yaakibeima ngu nabo nikwo kumutaahirira bakamutematema. Satellite 2 ? elaboration, details of the attack 7When they realised that he no longer had that [strength] for crying for mercy [af], they left knowing that he has died. Ku batsigire atakiine n?agataka baabona kugyenda obwo barikumanya ngu yaafa. Satellite 3 ? elaboration, efforts to save the father 9One woman who quickly got to know what has happened, quickly made an alarm [af] and that?s when the residents came and found the small heart still beating [he was still alive] [M, af], they rushed him to Itojo Hospital [j]. Omukazi omwe orahukire kumanya ekyabaho ngu arahukire kuteera enduuru nikwo abataka kwija bakashanga akatima nikakiteera batyo bakamwirukangiza Itojo omu irwariro. Satellite 4 ? elaboration, further details on conduct of the killers 12Those young men are said to have even taken his money 700,000= [j] which the old man confessed while crying for mercy [af], which was kept in a small pot [j]. Abasigazi abo nibagambwa kuba hoona batweire empiiha ze 700,000 ezi muzeeyi ogwo atakire, ezibaire zibiikirwe omu kanyungu. Satellite 5 ? elaboration, whereabouts of one of the killers 15Tinka is said to have ran away to Rwanda [af]. (Entatsi, September 19-25, 2002, p. 7) Tinka naagambwa kuba atorokiire Rwanda. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 247 Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 4.2.3hn The news report in Text 4.2.3hn exemplifies similar generic structure to the English-language hard news reporting. Radical editability has also been found to work with this report contrary to other Runyankore-Rukiga hard news reports (see table 7.1 below). Table 7.1: Radical Editability with Text 4.2.3hn, They cut their father into pieces because of land The original news report The radically edited news report Batemagwire ishebo ahabw?ekibanja They cut their father into pieces [j] because of land Batemagwire ishebo ahabw?ekibanja They cut their father into pieces [j] because of land Pooriisi ya Ntungamo ekwatsire kandi yaata omu nkomo omutsigazi omwe Kamukama ahaw?okugambwa ku we n?omurumuna Tinka (otorokire) bataahiriire ishebo Asanasiyo bakamuconga n?omuhoro bakatsigaho kakye. 1The police of Ntungamo arrested and took into custody a young man, Kamukama because it is said that together with his young brother Tinka (who escaped) [af] attacked [j] their father Asanasiyo and cut him into pieces [hacked] [j] and left little [left him for dead] [M, j]. [Lead] Pooriisi ya Ntungamo ekwatsire kandi yaata omu nkomo omutsigazi omwe Kamukama ahaw?okugambwa ku we n?omurumuna Tinka (otorokire) bataahiriire ishebo Asanasiyo bakamuconga n?omuhoro bakatsigaho kakye. 1The police of Ntungamo arrested and took into custody a young man, Kamukama because it is said that together with his young brother Tinka (who escaped) [af] attacked [j] their father Asanasiyo and cut him into pieces [hacked] [j] and left little [left him for dead] [M, j]. [Lead] Eki kibaireho 5/9/2002 aha kyaro kya Ngoma omuri Nyakyera, Ntungamo. Agatungirwe Entatsi nigagira ngu enyinemwe ezo zikashaba ishebo ekibanja yaakibeima ngu nabo nikwo kumutaahirira bakamutematema. 4This happened on 5/9/2002 in Ngoma village of Nyakyera, Ntungamo. The reports that Entatsi received indicate that those brothers asked land from their father and he refused to give it to them [j], so they attacked him and cut him into pieces [hacked] [j]. [Satellite 1] Tinka naagambwa kuba atorokiire Rwanda. 15Tinka is said to have ran away to Rwanda [af]. [Satellite 5] Ku batsigire atakiine n?agataka baabona kugyenda obwo barikumanya ngu yaafa. 7When he no longer had that [strength] for crying for mercy [af], they left knowing that he has died. [Satellite 2] Omukazi omwe orahukire kumanya ekyabaho ngu arahukire kuteera enduuru nikwo abataka kwija bakashanga akatima nikakiteera batyo bakamwirukangiza Itojo omu irwariro. 9One woman who quickly got to know what has happened, quickly made an alarm [af] and that?s when the residents came and found the small heart still beating [he was still alive] [ap], they rushed him to Itojo Hospital [j]. [Satellite 3] Omukazi omwe orahukire kumanya ekyabaho ngu arahukire kuteera enduuru nikwo abataka kwija bakashanga akatima nikakiteera batyo bakamwirukangiza Itojo omu irwariro. 9One woman who quickly got to know what has happened, quickly made an alarm [af] and that?s when the residents came and found the small heart still beating [he was still alive] [ap], they rushed him to Itojo Hospital [j]. [Satellite 3] Eki kibaireho 5/9/2002 aha kyaro kya Ngoma omuri Nyakyera, Ntungamo. Agatungirwe Entatsi nigagira ngu enyinemwe ezo zikashaba ishebo ekibanja yaakibeima ngu nabo nikwo kumutaahirira bakamutematema. 4This happened on 5/9/2002 in Ngoma village of Nyakyera, Ntungamo. The reports that Entatsi received indicate that those brothers asked land from their father and he refused to give it to them Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 248 [j], so they attacked him and cut him into pieces [hacked] [j]. [Satellite 1] Abasigazi abo nibagambwa kuba hoona batweire empiiha ze 700,000 ezi muzeeyi ogwo atakire, ezibaire zibiikirwe omu kanyungu. 12Those young men are said to have even taken his money 700,000= [j] which the old man confessed while crying for mercy [af], which was kept in a small pot [j]. [Satellite 4] Ku batsigire atakiine n?agataka baabona kugyenda obwo barikumanya ngu yaafa. 7When he no longer had that [strength] for crying for mercy [af], they left knowing that he has died. [Satellite 2] Tinka naagambwa kuba atorokiire Rwanda. 15Tinka is said to have ran away to Rwanda [af]. [Satellite 5] Abasigazi abo nibagambwa kuba hoona batweire empiiha ze 700,000 ezi muzeeyi ogwo atakire, ezibaire zibiikirwe omu kanyungu. 12Those young men are said to have even taken his money 700,000= [j] which the old man confessed while crying for mercy [af], which was kept in a small pot [j]. [Satellite 4] Appraisal resources The attitudinal assessments presented in Text 4.2.3hn are similar to those in texts 4.2.1hn and 4.2.2hn; that is, negative inscriptions depicting the socially unacceptable behaviour of two brothers. The reporter invokes resources for up-scaling meanings in Runyankore-Rukiga to demonstrate the degree of negativity of the action. In the headline and line 6, Batemagwire, and bakamutematema, are derived from the verb kutema; however, kutemagura entails the verbal extension ?-gura?, which indicates intensity while in kutematema there is reduplication of the stem. Both actuate negative meanings. Thus bamutemagwire [They cut their father into pieces] and bakamutematema [they cut him several times], basically translate as ?they hacked him?. In line 3, bakamuconga n?omuhoro [they cut him with a panga] derives from the verb, kuconga, which equally means ?to cut into pieces? [with a lethal weapon] and thus further up-scales the negativity of the action. The reporter also invokes another verb, which describes emotions of the third party [non-authorial affect]. In line 7 and 12-13, the reporter uses the verb kutaka, to cry for mercy or to cry because of pain. Therefore, atakiine n?agataka [he no longer had that [strength] for crying for mercy] indicates the old man?s state of unconsciousness while ezi muzeeyi ogwo atakire [what the old man confessed while crying for mercy] tells the reader the pain the old man was enduring. Thus, the purpose of the reporter?s use of these locutions appears to lie in seeking to align with the reader?s feeling of mercy/pity for the sufferer and condemning the conduct of the two brothers. While the verb describes the emotion of the experiencer (human pain), it simultaneously invokes the emotions of the reader (see Ungerer (1997, p. 309 and 323) on ?invoked emeotions?). Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 249 Lines 9-11 give evidence of positive assessment. Although, the expression in line 9, arahukire kuteera enduuru [quickly made an alarm], conveys third party affect, it, at the same time, invokes social responsibility. The woman made an alarm to alert the residents of the social disorder, thus the token mark-up. This is followed by a metaphor in line 10, the small heart still beating which inscribes hope, ?he was still alive?. And the positive inscription in the adjacent environment, line 11, (they rushed him to Itojo Hospital) demonstrates the residents? heed to the alarm. Text 4.2.4hn Headline He hacked his father [j] because of land Atemagwire ishe ahabw?ekibanja Lead 1A fearless [j] young man Francis Tugumisirize who is popularly known as Kyobwoojo, 28, from Kabonero, Nkongooro, Nyabihoko, Ntungamo cut the head of his father [j] Geofrey Byabashaija, 54, during the night of 18 August 2004, and he died [af]. Omutsigazi empwa bwooba Francis Tugumisirize ow?abaingi barikumanya nka Kyobwoojo 28 owa Kabonero, Nkongooro, Nyabihoko, Ntungamo omu kiro kya 18.8.2004 atemire ishe Geofrey Byabashaija 54 omutwe yaafa. Satellite 1 ? contextualisation, immediate events leading up to the killing 4That [reports indicate] before he cut his father, he first attacked his sister [j] Loyce Kyarisiima at a small shop where she works, he tried to cut her [j] instead, but she ran away. That Kyarisiima slipped through his fingers and took refuge at Boaz Atwijukire [?s home]. That Tugumisirize followed her up to Atwijukire?s home; when he came out to ask him what he wants from her, he cut at his arms and almost felled them off [j]. Ngu atakatemire ishe abandize kutahirira munyaanya Loyce Kyarisiima aha kaduuka aku arikukoreramu yagyezaho kuba niwe yatema kwonka y?amutsiga. Ngu Kyarisiima amwogire omu byaara yahungira owa Boaz Atwijukire. Ngu Tugumisirize amukuratiire owa Atwijukire reero kwashohoire kubuuza eki arikufa nawe y?amuteera emihoro y?emikono kakye agiragaze. Satellite 2 ? elaboration, details of how the father was killed 9That?s when Atwijukire made an alarm [af] that woke up Byabashaija who came to see what has happened. That he found Tugumisirize holding a machete, being [looking] like an animal [af/ap]. That when he saw him, he said to himself that all along you are the one I wanted and since you have brought yourself, let me show you. At that moment, he let go the machete, and cut the head splitting it [j] and he gave the earth the feet [took off] [M, af]. That by the time people came, they found Byabashaija?s small heart still beating [af] and took him to Itojo hospital [j] from where he died. Ngu aho niho Atwijukire atereire enduuru [af] eimukize Byabashaija akaija kureeba ekyaaba owa Atwijukire. Ngu ashangire Tugumisirize akwaise omuhoro weena ari nk?enyamaishwa. Ngu kwamwecuririne ati obwiira niiwe naaba ninyenda wayeretsire reeka nkworekye. Ngu aho niho eterireyo omuhoro akamutema omutwe akagushatura atyo akaha ensi ebigyere. Ngu ahu abantu baizire bashangire akatima ka Byabashaija nikakiteera bamutwara omwirwariro Itojo ahu afereire. Satellite 3 ? contextualisation, describing prior events 15It is said that the killing of this man could have originated from issues of land and other domestic affairs. That this man separated from the mother of Tugumisirize, known as Juliet Tafiire, some years ago. That he came asking for his share but it was not there [ap]. That Tugumisirize has been Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 250 complaining [af] that his father gave money to Kyarisiima to use and they refused him the money [j]. That Kyarisiima is born of a different woman not of Tugumisirize?s mother. Nikigambwa ngu okwitwa kw?omushaija ogu kubaasa kuba kukomokire aha nshonga z?ebibanja n?ebindi bintu by?omuka. Ngu omushaija ogu akataana na nyina Tugumisirize orikweetwa Juliet Tafiire emyaaka y?enyimaho. Ngu akaija arikwenda omubagano ogwe gwabura. Ngu Tugumisirize atweire n?ayetomboitwa ngu ishe akaha Kyarisiima empiiha z?okukozesa we bazimwimire. Ngu Kyarisiima nazaarwa omukazi ondiijo ti wa nyina Tugumisirize. Satellite 4 ? contextualisation, additional details of prior events 21But that she lost her husband [af] and returned to the fireplace [returned home] [M, j], then her father gave her little [some] money [ap] and she started a small shop [j]. The residents said that Tafiire, Tugumisirize?s mother, had spent a long time without coming to that village. However, that very evening, they saw her on a motorcycle which took her to a location near to her former husband?s home. That she might have been in a plot to kill this man [j]. Ngu kwonka akafeerwa iba nikwo kugaruka aha mahega nikwo ishe kumuha obusente akapanga akaduuka. Abataka bagizire Tafiire nyina wa Tugumisirize abaire amazire obwiire buraingwa atarikwija omu kyaaro ekyo. Ngu kwonka omu mwabazyo ogu bakamureeba ari aha bodaboda eyamuhikize haihi n?aha kwa owabaire ari iba. Ngu abaasa kuba abaire ari omu rukwe rw?okwiita omushaija ogu. Satellite 5 ? attitudinal assessment of post-killing status quo 26People said that the wife of Tugumisirize and her children were not in the house. Police in Rwashamaire is investigating. (Orumuri, September 23-26, 2004, p. 3) Ngu abantu bashangire muka Tugumisirize n?abaana be batari mu nju. Pooriisi ya Rwashamaire eriyo necondooza. Generic move (satellite) structure ? text 4.2.4hn The news report in Text 4.2.4hn compares with Text 2.1.4hn and 3.2.3hn which comprise segments that unfold in a progressive sequence. Although the opening phase (Lead) entails the watershed point, it equally describes other elements: the place, time, and personal attributes of news actors. In the first satellite, the reporter reaches back to the lead to bring into context events leading to the current disaster. In Satellite 2, the reporter returns to elaborate how the victim met his death. In the subsequent satellites (3 and 4), the report goes back in time to locate events leading up to the current crisis point. Satellite 5 is a reference to an external voice that assesses the status quo of events. As noted earlier, the events in this news report are recounted in a chronological order. After presenting the point of social disturbance, the reporter reverts to a point that marks the beginning of disaster, that is, line 4: ??before he cut his father, he first attacked his sister?. The recount then moves forward up to the peak point element signed-posted in the lead. These two satellites (1 and 2), hold together and therefore cannot be separated without damaging their internal unity. Satellites 3 and 4 function in a similar manner. For instance, lines 21-22 elaborate further an element of Satellite 3, thus structurally and semantically linking it to the previous segment. This arrangement, as postulated in earlier analyses, constrains radical editability. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 251 Appraisal resources Text 4.2.4hn exemplifies appraisal devices of similar nature to those displayed in Text 4.2.3hn. In the headline and lines 2, 7-8 and 12, the negative inscriptions, Atemagwire ishe [hacked his father]; atemire ishe Geofrey Byabashaija 54 omutwe [cut the head of his father]; y?amuteera emihoro y?emikono kakye agiragaze [he cut at his arms and almost felled them off]; eterireyo omuhoro akamutema omutwe akagushatura [he let go the machete, cut the head splitting it] respectively, do not only sharpen the degree of intensity of the action of cutting [killing] his father but also implicitly exhibit the anguish of the news actor. The report also demonstrates tokens of judgement: in line 1, the expression Omutsigazi empwa bwooba [a fearless young man] though it inscribes a positive value of bravery, it provokes sarcasm (however brave one is, one does not his bravey to the father). This social esteem however, appears to be eroded by the proposition, ?when he let go the machete, cut the head splitting it [j] and he gave the earth the feet [took off]? in lines 12-13. In line 22, the expression, ?and returned to the fireplace]? [nikwo kugaruka aha mahega] provokes negative values of social esteem on the part of the news actor. The expression, kugwa/kugaruka aha mahega [to remain on/return to the fireplace] connotes negatively. Among the Banyankore and Bakiga culture, a girl is expected to get married and leave her father?s homestead. Whoever does not get married is construed as badly behaved and whoever ?divorces? is equally considered ?a failure?. However, in this case, returning to the father?s home after the death of her husband indicates her inability to endure widowhood at her late husband?s home. Lastly, this news report exemplifies, like the previous reports in this category, instances of non- authorial affect projected via behavioural description. Thus in ?? atereire enduuru? [made an alarm]; ?akwaise omuhoro weena ari nk?enyamaishwa? [holding a machete, being [looking] like an animal]; ?atyo akaha ensi ebigyere? [and he gave the earth the feet [took off]]; and ?akatima ka Byabashaija nikakiteera? [Byabashaija?s small heart was still beating] in lines 9, 10, 13 and 14 respectively, sentiments of fear, anger, fear and hope are realised. 7.2.4 Opinion on violent clashes The editorial texts examined in this section debate the violent clashes relating to land conflict between two ethnic groups in western Ugandan, i.e., Bagungu and Balaalo. These events are recounted in Texts 4.1.1hn and 4.1.2hn above. The focus of the argumentation is on the pastoralists referred to differently by the DM and NV. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 252 Text 4.2.1ed Headline Nomadism should not flourish today Background Information 1 1Recent developments in Buliisa about Balaalo and indigenous residents, the Bagungu, are worrying [af]. After weeks of bickering [j] over land ownership and grazing rights, the situation has turned violent [ap] with Bagungu rising up in arms against the Balaalo [j]. Background Information 2 4Even the animals have not been spared. The cattle have been injured in wars [ap] the animals have not caused. Background Information 3 6The Balaalo claim they bought land in Buliisa while the Bagungu claim the Balaalo are trespassing on their land [j]. Background Information 4 8Most worrying [af] are allegations that the Balaalo have been armed although these claims are yet to be proved. In an attempt to solve problem the government through Intelligence Services Coordinator, David Tinyefuza, wants the Balaalo settled in Kiboga in Buganda which has attracted angry reactions [ap] from Mengo which has said the Balaalo are not welcome. Background Information 5 12President Museveni settled some 300 families on land the government bought [j] in Kayunga several years ago but this land is a subject of dispute [ap]. Initiating an Argument 14This then raises a big question; where will the Balaalo settle? Pull quote 15A fact with pastoralist communities is that they observe poor hygiene (no sanitation facilities), stick to primitive lifestyles and shun development initiatives [j] like education, modern housing and use of health facilities Presenting Grounds for Argument 18What is not clear is the origin of these Balaalo and why they cannot settle in one area and graze their cattle. They have been to Teso, Lango, Bunyoro and West Nile and in each area they have been sent away [j]. Recommendation - directive 21The government must appoint a commission to study this problem [ap] and offer practical solutions. Argument 1 23It is amazing [af] that the Balaalo still engage in primitive farming methods like pastoralism [j]. Such methods are bound to cause a lot of problems [ap], as we are experiencing. Apart from the land issue there is also the risk of spreading disease [ap], both animal and human. Argument 2 26A fact with pastoralist communities is that they observe poor hygiene (no sanitation facilities), stick to primitive lifestyle and shun development initiatives like education, modern housing and use of health facilities [j]. To them, grazing cattle anywhere seems to be a right and since they are not keen on embracing change agents like schools, it is difficult to change their attitude [ap]. Argument 3 30But all these cannot be allowed to continue. The government must come out and address the situation even if one of the solutions is to ban nomadic pastoralism. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 253 Argument 4 32Until this is done peace will elude all areas the Balaalo move to [ap] and this may have widespread security, political and health implications [af]. Closure 34Up to now Gen. Tinyefuza is in charge of the problem [j] while stakeholders like the Ministry of Agriculture, Local government, Internal Affairs and that of Lands are silent [j]. These should form the proposed commission. (Daily Monitor, 09.07.2007, p. 4) Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 4.2.1ed The generic move structure of Text 4.1.1ed resembles those of the previously examined editorial texts. The editorialist begins by highlighting events that occurred in the area (implicit intertextual reference to media reports) in the recursive Background Information elements (BI1-5). This is followed by an Initiation of Argument and Presenting Grounds for Argumentation elements. The editorialist then launches into the Argument phase and concludes with a recommendation. The text also comprises a pull quote, a common feature of the DM editorials (see also Texts 4.1.1hn and 4.2.1hn). Appraisal resources While the editorial presents the negative assessment of the behaviour of the conflicting parties, the editorialist generally evaluates the state of affairs: ?are worrying [af]?; ?Most worrying [af] are allegations that??; ?the situation has turned violent [ap]?; ??animals have not been spared. The cattle have been injured in wars [ap]?; ?which has attracted angry reactions [ap]?; ?a subject of dispute [ap]?; and ?this problem [ap]?; (lines 1, 8, 3, 4, 10, 13, and 21 respectively). Conversely, in the subsequent phases, the focus turns to another actor; the editorialist invokes attitudinal values that largely position the Balaalo behaviour below the civilised and contemporary conduct levels (lines 23, 25, and 26- 28), thus seen as incompatible with modern development values. The effectual inscription beginning line 23 invites the reader to share the editorialist?s astonishment at their primitive life styles. The writer further demonstrates how their negative social esteem poses a health, political and security threat (24-25). The editorial displays limited positive inscriptions that indicate government attempts to resolve the conflict (lines 12 and 34) but these are disproved by subsequent countering resources (?but? and ?while?). A similar negative assessment of the Ministry of Lands (35) is realised in an attitudinal token of Text 4.2.2ed below, line 16-17. However, the editorialist equally uses resources that acknowledge alternative positions in lines 6 and 8 via the distancing verb, ?claim?. The text also exhibits use of directives ?must? in lines 21 and 30; ?all these cannot be allowed to continue? in line 30, which gives evidence of editorial authority (Le, 2008) and assertiveness. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 254 Text 4.2.2ed Headline Government should sort out pastoralists Background Information 1There is tension [af] in Buliisa District as a result of land wrangles [ap] between Bugungu farmers and herdsmen. The farmers have turned violent and invaded the disputed piece [j] of land to evict [j] the herdsmen in defiance of a High Court order issued last Friday. Armed with pangas and hoes, the irate farmers [j] were led by the Buliisa MP, Stephen Birahwa [j], and had to be dispersed by the Riot Police. Background Information 6The Buliisa incident is not an isolated case. On May 29, it was reported that there was a stand-off [ap] between the Kasese RDC and the Uganda Wildlife Authority (UWA). Acting on the directives of the state minister for tourism, UWA officials started evicting the Basongora pastoralists, from Queen Elizabeth National Park, but were halted by the RDC. Presenting Grounds for Argument 10Pastoralists are essentially nomadic people, who keep moving from place to place in search of water and pasture for their animals. For example, there are Ugandan Banyarwanda from Tanzania who are in camps in Rakai and Kiruhura districts. There are also Bahima in Hoima, Buliisa and Masindi districts. The problem seems to be that of land tenure systems. Argument 1 14Availability of pasture and water does not always mean free land. Argument 2 15There are many chunks of land owned communally which seem to be idle to pastoralists. Grazing on such land often results in conflict. The lands ministry needs to chart out a strategy to put communally owned land to more economic advantage [j]. Closure 18The pastoralist question in Uganda needs to be settled amicably. The Government should sensitise pastoralists about the idea of having fewer but quality animals [ap]. Modern methods of farming like ranching can help them appreciate the advantage of having permanent settlement [ap]. As some commentators have observed, a commission of inquiry can be set up to sort out the interests of the pastoralists and other stakeholders without resorting to violent means [ap]. The pastoralists, settled farmers and Government officials all need to be represented to hammer out a lasting solution. (New Vision, 20.06.2007, p. 10) Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 4.2.2ed Text 4.2.2ed generic move structure is similar to the previous editorial texts. Appraisal resources The text presents limited attitudinal values. In comparison to Text 4.2.1ed, the text exhibits more pronounced negative inscriptions which reproach the farmers? moral and civil conduct in 2-3 and 3- 4: ?The farmers have turned violent and invaded the disputed piece [j] of land to evict the herdsmen in defiance of a High Court order [j]?? and ?Armed with pangas and hoes, the irate farmers [j] were led by the Buliisa MP, Stephen Birahwa?? respectively. Text 4.2.1ed evaluates their conduct in a single phrase: ?with Bagungu rising up in arms against the Balaalo?, Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 255 line 3. The token in line 3-4 above construes the Member of Parliament?s conduct as wanting - a leader who is supposed to foster peace is leading an armed irate group. Although both editorials exemplify negative assessment of the Bagungu [farmers] group (only appearing in the first Background Information element), their evaluative stance of the group is backgrounded in subsequent phases. They focus on the pastoralists with divergent attitudinal stances. The first dissimilarity relates to identification of the main news actors, the pastoralists: while the editorialist in Text 4.2.1ed refers to them as ?Balaalo?, the editorialist in Text 4.2.2ed employs a zero-value locution, ?herdsmen?. Attitudinal values associated with both terms have been explored in Texts 4.1.1hn and 4.1.2hn above. The second comparative difference concerns the point of emphasis. While the DM editorialist?s interpersonal stance expresses the unacceptable behaviour of ?Balaalo?, the NV editorialist depicts it as a normal herding practice (lines 10-11) rather than a social sanction concern as depicted in Text 4.2.1ed (lines 28-29 and 32-33). Subsequent locutions also subtly negotiate the question of origin of the pastoralists highlighted in lines 17-18 of Text 4.2.1ed by presenting examples of such groups. The editorial does not overtly present their stance on the pastoralists. These neutral positionings appear a rhetorical strategy that detaches the author from aligning with the value positions. The DM editorial employed directives to recommend solutions to the conflict, thus asserting its editorial authority while the NV editorial expresses the recommendations with less assertive locutions such as ?need? in ?The lands ministry needs to chart out a strategy??; ?pastoralist question in Uganda needs to be settled amicably?; and ?Government officials all need to be represented? (lines 16, 18 and 23); and ?should? in the headline and line 18 ? ?The Government should sensitise pastoralists??. Text 4.2.3ed Headline Parents, repent, listen to children Abazaire mweteise muhurire abaana Stimulating issue 1Parents, it?s time to change your conduct [j], if not the children you have produced will finish you off [af]. Abazaire obwire buhikire kuhindura aha mitwarize yaanyu, kitari ekyo abaana abu mwezariire nibaza kubamaraho. Background Information 2In Ntungamo, a young man killed [j] his father because of land (read the story p.3) Omuri Ntungamo, omutsigazi aitsire ishe arikumutura enshonga y?ekibanja (shoma Sitore p.3) Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 256 Argument 3Some of the parents, when you separate from the women you married, and after you have brought in a new wife, you start mistreating children of the elder wife to the extent of refusing them the plots of land [j] that their mothers tilled. You end up praising children of the young [new] wife and you educate them [take them to school] and those of the elder wife you remove them from school [j]. Abazaire abamwe ku murikutaana n?abakazi abu mushweire, mwatasyamu omukazi omusya, abaana b?omukazi omukuru mutandika kubabonabonesa muhika n?okubaima ebibanja ebi baanyinabo bakozire omuheru muheisereza abaana ab?omukazi omuto muba nibo mwashomesa ab?omukazi omukuru mubaiha omu ishomero. Argument 7That is dishonesty [ap]. Parents, change your conduct, what you are doing will lead you to Hades [Inferno] [ap]. Obwo n?obugobya. Bazaire mwe, muhindure aha mitwarize yaanyu, ebi murikwekoza nibitatwara owa nyamuteza. Argument 9Some of you reach the point of concealing your wealth from your family [j], which would help to look after them or educate them, but when you die children do not know about them. By the way, what you do, for whom do you do it? Now, an old man of 90 years, what do you want with land, why don?t you distribute it and then you rest well [rest in peace] [j] before children kill you and start fighting [ap] and whoever is strong inherits your property? Abandi nimuhika n?okushereka eka yaawe eby?obugaiga byawe okifa abaana baburwa kubimanya obundi ebyakubarebereire nari kubasginesa. Baitu ebyo nimuba nimukora eby?oha? Mbwenu omugurutsi w?emyaka 90 n?oba n?ofaki n?eitaka, ahanki otarikuribaganisizamu otyo okahumura gye abaana batakakwitsire bakatandika kurwana orakize amaani kaba niwe yaahungura ebyaawe? Argument 14I think, parents, the things you toil for are for the children; why don?t you give them property when they are of age? Ningira ngu abazaire ebintu ebi murikukora n?eby?abaana ahabwaki obwire bwahika mutarikubibahereza? Closure 15Some parents you are the ones who ruin your families [j] [because] you don?t explain. This is the time to repent and be just [j]. And you know it that today children have a voice and they know what is good for them [j]. (Orumuri, September 23-26, 2004, p. 10) Abazaire abamwe niimwe murikukyengyeza amaka gaanyu timurikushoborora. Obu nibwo bwire bw?okuweteisa kandi mugire oburinganiza. Kandi nabwo mukimanye abaana hati baine eiraka kandi nibamanya ekibashemereire. Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 4.2.3ed The generic structure of Text 4.2.3ed is dissimilar in some respects to that of previous analysed texts. The editorial structure differs from the contemporary argumentation structure of other editorial texts examined. Although the editorialist makes intertextual reference to a news report recounting violent clashes resulting from land disputes in line 2 (see also text T.2.4hn), the arguments address the negative conduct of parents in general. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 257 The editorialist employs the rhetorical strategy of interpersonal orientation (I-editorialist and you- parents), which specifies the recipient, who is not a general reader. Appraisal resources The text exemplifies attitudinal values largely of social sanction of veracity in which the behaviour of parents is appraised negatively (lines 4-6, 7, and 9). Line 14 exhorts parents to take into consideration their actions. The editorialist uses direct address to convey the warning/caution (in the headline, 9, 14) to the actual reader rather than the putative reader. 7.3 LAND GRABBING 7.3.1 Recounting land grabbing The recounts in this sub-facet retell land disputes over ownership and ?grabbing? of land by influential government officials. The English daily newspapers recount a conflict in which a minister of Water and Lands at the time was involved in land conflict over ownership rights. The Runyankore-Rukiga weekly newspapers recount the same news event of land grabbing involving a local Member of Parliament. Text 4.3.1hn Headline Ofafiire in land row [j] Lead 1Water and Lands Minister, Col. Kahinda Otafiire is involved in a row [j] with Mr. Patrick Idro, over a plot of land adjacent to his Mbuya hill residence. Satellite 1 ? elaboration, details of the complainant and dispute 3Mr. Idro the younger brother to Uganda?s ambassador to China [j], Mr. Phillip Idro sued Otafiire allegedly for forcefully starting construction [j] on his land as well as for criminal trespass [j]. Satellite 2 ? contextualisation, location of disputed land 5The disputed plot [ap] is next to Otafiire?s home on Mbuya hill. When The Monitor visited the place, a white Toyota Corolla was parked and several workers were moving sand and stones for construction. Satellite 3 ? elaboration, further details of dispute 8Yesterday Idro?s lawyer, Deo Rubumba told The Monitor, they would seek a temporary injunction against Otafiire following reports that the minister?s workers had taken control of the land and were hostile [j] to everyone who approached it, including Local Councillors and the Police. Satellite 4 ? attitudinal assessment of dispute 12?We have contacted Jinja Road Police because there are elements of criminal trespass [j] in his (Otafiire) actions. Last week we served him with a notice of intention to sue him. I have also filed a civil suit against him,? Rubumba added. Sub-satellite 1a ? elaborating satellite 4, details of suit Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 258 15A complaint [j] has been filed with Jinja Road Police under Reference 59/30/7/04. Satellite 5 ? elaboration, details of dispute 16But Otafiire yesterday dismissed the claims saying, Mr. Idro was attempting to steal land [j] he acquired in 1993. Satellite 6 ? attitudinal assessment of complainant 18?Idro bought the land from a person who did not own it. Let him find the conman [j] who sold him the land instead of making a nuisance of himself [j] by going to court? Otafiire said yesterday. Satellite 7 ? elaboration, further details of dispute 21A copy of the certificate of title The Monitor has seen shows the land is registered in the names of Patrick and Eppy Idro and was issued in July 2002. Satellite 8 ? contextualization, prior events to current dispute 23According to Otafiire?s lawyer Mr. Eric Muhwezi, the Colonel [j] had bought the land from Ms Susan Ndagire, the original owner who had customary ownership. Sub-satellite 1b ? elaborating satellite 8, further details of events leading up to the dispute 25Muhwezi said he had personally participated in the purchase but said Otafiire did not have a title to the land but possessed a sale agreement. Satellite 9 ? attitudinal assessment of complainant. 27?Otafiire told me that I had bought air [j] when I acquired my land title,? Idro told The Monitor yesterday. (Daily Monitor, 04.08.2004, p. 3) Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 4.3.1hn The generic move structure of Text 4.3.1hn compares with that of Text 4.1.3hn above. The news report is retold in a non-linear structure with almost each of the body sub-components reaching back to the lead to elaborate, contextualize or evaluate its aspects. However, there are two satellites that do not fulfill any of the functions of the body sub-components as stipulated by White (1997) and Thomson et al (2008). In this regard, Sub-satellite 1a only serves to elaborate an element of an antecedent satellite, that is, the lawyer?s action against in lines 12-13 while Sub-satellite 1b equally provides further details on events prior to the dispute, specified in Satellite 8. Arguably, the two segments do not serve to specify elements of the lead; Sub-satellite 1b only mentions elements of the lead [?Otafiire? and ?land?]. In figure 7.2 below, I illustrate how this move functions in this news report. Unlike news reports on eviction and violent clashes, the nucleus (headline + lead) does not display interpersonal meanings. The report also exhibits balanced reference to external voices (views of the lawyers representing the disputants and those of disputants themselves). Media training literature advises writers of news reports to vary their external sources in order to achieve objectivity (Richardson, 2007). The reporter also makes reference to other documents (intertextuality reference) in lines 15 and 21-22. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 259 Figure 7.2: Generic Strucure of Ofafiire in land row - Text 4.3.1hn Appraisal resources The positive inscription in line 1 realises the power relationship between the two news actors (see the comparative difference, text 4.2.3hn below under appraisal resources). The news report comprises negative inscriptions of legal nature in lines 4, 12-13, 15, and 16: ?Idro sued Otafiire allegedly for forcefully starting construction [j] on his land as well as for criminal trespass?; ?elements of criminal trespass?; ?A complaint?; and ?attempting to steal [j] land? respectively. There are also inscriptions relating to social esteem in lines 1, 18 and 19. These evaluations are largely attributed to external sources. The use of ?Allegedly? and ?the claims? in lines 4 and 16, distance the reporter from the proposition and foster objectivity. Text 4.3.2hn Headline Otafiire embroiled in Mbuya land row [j] Lead 1Residents of Zone III in Mbuya II Parish were yesterday thrown into panic [af] when about 20 armed military personnel were deployed [j] around a plot of land which Lands, water and environment minister Col. Kahinda Otafiire and another resident claim ownership of. Satellite 1 ? elaboration, details of event/destruction 4Otafiire, who resides next to the disputed plot of land [ap], yesterday brought graders to level the land, which Rehma Nakazibwe, 56, claims belongs to her. Satellite 2 ? contextualisation, accusation against main news actor 6She accuses Otafiire of grabbing her land [j]. Nucleus (headline + lead) Sat 1 Sub-sat 1b Sat 9 Sub-sat 1a Sat 4 Sat 6 Sat 8 Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 260 Satellite 3 ? attitudinal assessment of the main news actor 7"I have been here since 1974 when I bought this land. Otafiire came in around 2002. He first grabbed [j] my piece of land in July 2003 and again today he has encroached on my land,? said the teary [af] Nakazibwe. Satellite 4 ? elaboration, further details of event 10When The New Vision visited the scene at 10:00am yesterday, two tipper lorries UAE 180Q and UAE 650F were seen ferrying soil from the land. Satellite 5 ? elaboration, details on nature of ?destruction 12Plantations of banana, maize and avocado and other trees were razed [j] during the levelling. Satellite 6 ? elaboration, further details of event 13Otafiire himself supervised the levelling of the land under tight security [j/af]. Satellite 7 ? contextualisation, comportment of main news actor 14Clad in a dark blue pair of shorts and a checked casual cotton shirt and surrounded by plain- clothes security personnel [j], Otafiire witnessed it all from his wall-fence just adjacent to the plot. Satellite 8 ? consequences, reaction of residents 17Residents who looked enraged [af] but fearful [af], said at this pace, they would have nowhere to stay [af]. Satellite 9 ? attitudinal assessment of main news actor 19?It seems Otafiire has plans to evict all of us from this land. We suspect he has colluded with the LCs because whenever we report to the LCs nothing is done [j],? said Hajjati Namusoke. Satellite 10 ? attitudinal assessment of main news actor 22The publicity secretary of the zone, Bukenya, said Otafiire had been given the strip of land by the council to allow construction of a perimeter wall. Satellite 11 ? consequences of covering the event/dispute 24In a more dramatic event journalists who had gone to witness the event scampered for their lives [af] as soldiers pounced on them with sticks [j]. Sub-satellite 1a ? elaborating Sat 11, further details 26A Bukedde photographer had his camera confiscated in the scuffle [j]. Satellite 12 ? elaboration, details on event 27Efforts to get a comment from Otafiire were futile [ap] as his phone was off. (New Vision, 04.08.2004, p. 4) Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 4.3.2hn Text 4.3.2hn has a similar generic move structure to Text 4.2.1hn. The generic analysis reveals that line 26 provides an elaboration of its antecedent. Appraisal resources While the attitudinal assessments in Text 4.3.2hn equally realise negative inscriptions of legal nature, the news report exemplifies interesting comparative differences. The DM report shows equal relationship between the news actors ? a brother to an Ambassador with his lawyer trying to tussle Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 261 out the dispute with a Minister in a court of law. In the NV report, the relationships are unequal ? residents are in face of a powerful actor, a colonel. The residents are ?thrown into panic? (line 1); they are unhappy - ?said the teary Nakazibwe? (line 9); they are ?enraged but fearful? and predict their insecurity/fear, ?at this pace, they would have nowhere to stay? (lines 17-18); and they are not protected by the local authorities - he has colluded with the LCs because whenever we report to the LCs nothing is done (lines 19-21). The negative inscriptions, such as the destruction of their crops in line 12, render the main news actor?s behaviour and character incompatible with the people he lives with. He is also depicted as unperturbed by what is going on [the suffering of the residents] in lines 14-16 ? ?? Otafiire witnessed it all from his wall-fence just adjacent to the plot?. The residents are depicted as sufferers who have no control over an influential actor (a colonel and a Minister) protected by state agents (lines 2-3, 13, 14-15, 24-25, and 26). Lastly, while the token in 14-15 evokes the social significant of the news actor [capacity] the invocation in the previous satellite is a hybrid realisation (Martin and White, 2005) indicating a tense situation, thus affect. At the same time, it invokes values of arrogant behaviour, i.e., using security agents to achieve personal goals. Text 4.3.3hn We wanted to castrate Byanyima [j] ? Residents Tubaire nitwenda kuraaha Byanyima ? Abataka 1The residents of Ngarama sub-county in Bukanga county, were breaking sticks with teeth [hopping mad/enraged] [M, af] on Friday, carrying sticks and threshing sticks [af/j] while at Ngarama saying that if they had come across MP Byanyima they were going to castrate [j] him or make it rest [kill him] [M, j]. They said that, after a war of plundering [grabbing] [ap] land of residents broke out. The brothers of Byanyima including Katete Evaristo, Appolo, Gerald, Kayonde, Kamahe, Justus and Kakato are the ones trying to take the land of three parishes including Kabale, Burungamo and Ngarama which has 18 villages [ap]. Nathan Byanyima sold that mile land to Uganda Land Commission in 2004 and he was paid an equivalent of 369,000,000= on cheque number 516168 in Allied Bank. That land was for his father, Tenuga John, who was a parish chief. 12The residents gathered together and went to the chairman of the Land Commission, Joash Mayanja Nkangi sometime back and he told them that Byanyima should not disturb them, and drive them out their lands, that he sold. Mayanja ordered the deputy RDC of Isingiro Julius Birigirwa to come and resolve their matters on 26/9/2008 but when he knew that the residents wanted to do danger [cause harm] [j] and Byanyima would not come, he also disappeared [j]. 18Sometime back on 6/6/2008 Byanyima made [convened] a meeting at the sub-county of Ngarama and told people that on 26/9/2008 that?s when they will partition that land. The residents were led by their chairman, Nazariyo Isingoma [who] he said that whatever happens they must extinguish it [kill him] [M, j] because they have their families and children [af], and that?s where they live looking for fees [a source of tuition fees]. That they found their grandfathers on that land [inherited the land from their grandfathers], therefore they cannot leave except to shed blood [j]. (Entatsi, September 30-Oct 6, 2008, p.2) Abataka b?egomborora ya Ngarama omu ishaza rya Bukanga, babaire nibacwisa ebiti amaino ijo Orwakataano beekoreire ebiti n?ebihuuzo obu babaire bari ahari Ngarama bagumize ngu kuri baabona MP Byanyima babaire nibaija kumuraaha nari baguhumuuza. Ekyo bakigambire bwanyima y?orutaro orwimukireho orw?okunyaga eitaka ry?abataka. Abarumuna ba Byanyima Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 262 abarimu Katete Evaristo, Appolo, Gerald, Kayonde, Kamahe, Justus na Kakato nibo barikugyezaho kutwara itaka ry?emiruka eshatu erimu Kabale, Burungamo na Ngarama obwo biine ebyaro 18.Nathan Byanyima akaguza itaka eryo erya mairo aba Uganda Land Commission omu mwaka gwa 2004 batyo baamushashura sente zirkwingana 369,000,000= aha ceeki namba 516168 omu banka ya Allied. Itaka eryo rikaba riri ery?eishe Tenuga John owaabaire ari ow?omuruka. Abataka bakerundana baaza owa ceyamaani w?akakiiko k?eby?amataka (Land Commission) Joash Mayanja Nkangi enyimaho yaabagira ngu Byanyima arekye kubateganisa kubabinga omu mataka gaabo ngu akaguza.Mayanja akaragiira Omuhwezi wa RDC wa Isingiro Julius Birigirwa kwija bakatereeza enshonga ezo 26/9/2008 kwonka ku amanyire ngu abataka nibenda kukora akabi kandi Byanyima tarikwija nikwo nawe kubura. Enyimaho Byanyima 6/6/2008 Byanyima akakora orukiiko aha gomborora Ngarama yaagambira abantu ngu 26/9/2008 nibwo baraabaganise amataka ago. Abataka ababaire beebembeirwe ceyamaani waabo Nazariyo Isingoma agizire ngu habeho ki nibateekwa kuguraaza ahabw?okuba baine amaka n?abaana baabo, niho barikutuura barikuronderaho na fiizi ngu mbwenu itaka eryo bakashangaho beishenkurubo n?ahabw?ekyo tibarikubaasa kurugaho kwihaho okusheehsa eshagama. Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 4.3.3hn Text 4.3.3hn unfolds in a single block without segments that would enable genre analysis. Perhaps, due to space limitations, some of the news articles are presented as a single continuous chunk without putting into account the standard writing conventions. Nonetheless, generic move structure is possible on the basis of clusters of meaning evident in the report. Below, is the proposed generic move structure of this news report. Lead 1The residents of Ngarama sub-county in Bukanga county, were breaking sticks with teeth [hopping mad/enraged] [M, af] on Friday, carrying sticks and threshing sticks [af/j] while at Ngarama saying that if they had come across MP Byanyima they were going to castrate [j] him or make it rest [kill him] [M, j]. Abataka b?egomborora ya Ngarama omu ishaza rya Bukanga, babaire nibacwisa ebiti amaino ijo Orwakataano beekoreire ebiti n?ebihuuzo obu babaire bari ahari Ngarama bagumize ngu kuri baabona MP Byanyima babaire nibaija kumuraaha nari baguhumuuza. Elaboration ? what led to the residents? conduct (rage) 5They said that, after a war of plundering [grabbing] [ap] land of residents broke out. Ekyo bakigambire bwanyima y?orutaro orwimukireho orw?okunyaga eitaka ry?abataka. Elaboration ? identifying those involved in grabbing the land 6The brothers of Byanyima including Katete Evaristo, Appolo, Gerald, Kayonde, Kamahe, Justus and Kakato are the ones trying to take the land of three parishes including Kabale, Burungamo and Ngarama which has 18 villages [ap]. Abarumuna ba Byanyima abarimu Katete Evaristo, Appolo, Gerald, Kayonde, Kamahe, Justus na Kakato nibo barikugyezaho kutwara itaka ry?emiruka eshatu erimu Kabale, Burungamo na Ngarama obwo biine ebyaro 18. Contextualisation ? prior events leading up to the present conflict 9Nathan Byanyima sold that mile land to Uganda Land Commission in 2004 and he was paid an equivalent of 369,000,000= on cheque number 516168 in Allied Bank. That land was for his father, Tenuga John, who was a parish chief. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 263 Nathan Byanyima akaguza itaka eryo erya mairo aba Uganda Land Commission omu mwaka gwa 2004 batyo baamushashura sente zirkwingana 369,000,000= aha ceeki namba 516168 omu banka ya Allied. Itaka eryo rikaba riri ery?eishe Tenuga John owaabaire ari ow?omuruka. Contextualisation ? further details of prior events 12The residents gathered together and went to the chairman of the Land Commission, Joash Mayanja Nkangi sometime back and he told them that Byanyima should not disturb them, and drive them out their lands, that he sold. Abataka bakerundana baaza owa ceyamaani w?akakiiko k?eby?amataka (Land Commission) Joash Mayanja Nkangi enyimaho yaabagira ngu Byanyima arekye kubateganisa kubabinga omu mataka gaabo ngu akaguza. Contextualisation ? other prior details relating to the event 15Mayanja ordered the deputy RDC of Isingiro Julius Birigirwa to come and resolve their matters on 26/9/2008 but when he knew that the residents wanted to do danger [cause harm] [j] and Byanyima would not come, he also disappeared [j]. Mayanja akaragiira Omuhwezi wa RDC wa Isingiro Julius Birigirwa kwija bakatereeza enshonga ezo 26/9/2008 kwonka ku amanyire ngu abataka nibenda kukora akabi kandi Byanyima tarikwija nikwo nawe kubura. Contextualisation ? another prior event leading up to current conflict 18Sometime back on 6/6/2008 Byanyima made [convened] a meeting at the sub-county of Ngarama and told people that on 26/9/2008 that?s when they will partition that land. Enyimaho Byanyima 6/6/2008 Byanyima akakora orukiiko aha gomborora Ngarama yaagambira abantu ngu 26/9/2008 nibwo baraabaganise amataka ago. Elaboration ? further details recounting the news event 20The residents were led by their chairman, Nazariyo Isingoma [who] he said that whatever happens they must extinguish it [kill him] [M, j] because they have their families and children [af], and that?s where they live looking for fees [a source of tuition fees]. That they found their grandfathers on that land [inherited the land from their grandfathers], therefore they cannot leave except to shed blood [j]. (Entatsi, September 30-Oct 6, 2008, p.2) Abataka ababaire beebembeirwe ceyamaani waabo Nazariyo Isingoma agizire ngu habeho ki nibateekwa kuguraaza ahabw?okuba baine amaka n?abaana baabo, niho barikutuura barikuronderaho na fiizi ngu mbwenu itaka eryo bakashangaho beishenkurubo n?ahabw?ekyo tibarikubaasa kurugaho kwihaho okusheehsa eshagama. Although in the proposed generic structure, the satellites of the body phase refer back to the lead, the use of anaphoric references disallows radical editability. Appraisal resources The text begins with a metaphor (line 1), ?they were breaking sticks with teeth?, which literally translates as ?they were hopping mad/enraged?. This token describes the behavioural surge of the residents; the metaphor construes doing all sorts of things [breaking sticks with teeth rather than using a knife/panga] because of anger. This is followed by another description of the residents? behaviour that inscribes affect, ?carrying sticks and threshing sticks?. The locution also realises negative inscription [hybrid realisation], that is, they were taking the law into their hands (mob justice) and wanted to unleash their anger on the Member of Parliament. The repoter also uses Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 264 another metaphor, ?they were going to ? ?make it rest? (line 4); a similar metaphor is located in line 20, ?they must extinguish it?. The implicit ?it? in both metaphors construes ?the heart? and ?the fire? respectively. The veiled sense is that the residents were going to kill the MP. In lines 6-7, ?the land of three parishes including Kabale, Burungamo and Ngarama which has 18 villages shows the reporter?s inference to the vastness of the land the MP is poised to take, which evokes a sense of selfishness and being inconsiderate to the residents. The reporter thus seeks to invite the reader to sympathise with the residents who are going to be landless. A similar token in exemplified in line 21, ?they have their families and children?. Text 4.3.4hn Headline We must die from there [j]: Residents of Isingiro said that Byanyima should vacate their land Nituteekwa kufeeraho: Abataka ba Isingiro bagizire ngu Byanyima abarugire omwitaka Lead 1Over 2,000 people coming from three parishes of Kabale, Burunga and Ngarama in Bukanga County Isingiro comprising 14 villages [ap], swore [af] that they will not allow MP Nathan Byanyima and his 8 brothers to take their land saying that they are ready to be killed and die for their property [j]. Abantu barikurenga 2,000 kuruga omu byaro 14 omu miruka eshatu eya Kabale, Burunga hamwe na Ngarama omwishaza rya Bukanga Isingiro, barahiire ku batarikwija kwikiriza MP Nathan Byanyima hamwe n'abarumuna 8 kutwara amataka gaabo bagumize ngu beeteekateekire okwitwa barikufeera ebyabo. Satellite 1 ? contextualization, status quo prior to current crisis 5Some of the local people said that their lands were left to them [bequeathed] by their grandfathers but because the father of Byanyima was leader [j] in Nkore at the time, that is why the sons led by Byanyima now want to plunder them [grab their land] [j]. Bamwe ahabataka bagizire ngu amataka gaabo bakagasigirwa b'eishenkurubo kwonka ahabw?okugira ngu Ishe wa Byanyima akaba naakurira Nkole obwire obwo ngu hati abatabani beebembeirwe Byanyima nikyo barikwenda kubanyagira. Satellite 2 ? contextualization, spatial context 8They come from the villages of Bushenyi, Mitooma, Kyaburara, Kabala, Kamutinda, Muko, Kyagungu, Kyakayanda, Kibengo, Rwakaboho, Rwobuyagaza, Nyanongo, Ruhiira and Bujeera [ap]. Nibaruga omu byaro ebya Bushenyi, Mitooma, Kyaburara, Kabala, Kamutinda, Muko, Kyagungu, Kyakayanda, Kibengo, Rwakaboho, Rwobuyagaza, Nyanongo, Ruhiira hamwe na Bujeera. Satellite 3 ? contextualization, prior events 11They were supposed to meet with Byanyima and the assistant RDC for Isingiro on 26.09.2008. Neither Byanyima nor the RDC showed up [j] at the venue; and they went away upset [af]. Babaire bari abokubugana Byanyima hamwe na omuhwezi wa RDC wa Isingiro ahakya 26.09.2008 Byanyima na RDC ogwo tihaine orebekireho aha mwanya ekyo kitumire abataka bagyenda n?okwemurugunya. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 265 Satellite 4 ? contextualization, event leading up to current crisis 13The government paid MP Nathan Byanyima money equivalent to 369 million and they agreed that he should leave that land. Gavumenti ekashashura MP Nathan Byanyima sente zirikwingana miriyooni 369 beikirizana nawe ku ashemeriire kuruga aha mataka ago. Satellite 5 ? contextualization, event leading up to current crisis 15Writing for him [signing him] cheque number 5161668, he was paid in three instalments in Allied Bank, but the news that was received say that Byanyima may not have given part of that money to his brothers [j] and that is why they are now raising fire [provoking mayhem] [M, j] to drive away [j] the residents from their land. Barikumuhandiikira cheeki namba 5161668 bakazimushashura omu bicweka bishatu omu Allied Banka, beitu amakuru agatungirwe nigagira ngu kwonka sente zo Byanyima abaasa kuba atarahaireho barumuna hati ngu nikyo kibareteire barikwimusya omuriro kubinga abataka omu mataka ago. Satellite 6 ? elaboration, details of disputed land 19When we tried to talk to Byanyima, his phone was not on but the assistant RDC of Isingiro, Julius Bigirwa said that government bought that land from Byanyima and now no one has an arm on it [control over it]. (Orumuri, September 29-Oct 5, 2008, p. 5) Kutugyerizeho kugamba na Byanyima esimu ye ebaire etariho beitu we omuhwezi wa RDC wa isingiro Julius Bigirwa agizire ngu eitaka eryo gavumenti ekarigura ahari Byanyima hati ngu tihaine orineho omukono. Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 4.3.4hn The generic structure of Text 4.3.4hn compares with the structure of English-language hard news reporting (see section 2.7.3.2, Text 4.3.3hn above). The lead comprises the key meanings which are elaborated and contextualised by the succeeding satellites in the second phase of the report. Appraisal resources Compared to the E version, text 4.3.4hn exhibits limited attitudinal values. While the E reporter?s attitudinal assessments realise the anger of residents, the O reporter does not. The anger evoked by their swearing (line 2) is of a lesser degree than the tokens in the E report above. However, the text equally exemplifies judgement related to the size of land (lines 1-2 and 8-10). The tokens exhibited in the headline and lines 3-4, ?We must die from there? and ?they are ready to be killed and die for their property? construe the resoluteness with which the residents are approaching the conflict but they also inscribe anger. 7.3.2 Opinion on land disputes The editorial texts in this section are drawn from the New Vision and Daily Monitor. The DM editorialist explores reasons behind the escalating violence between land lords and tenants while the NV editorialist deals with land grabbing of Muslim land in the larger context of corruption. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 266 Besides the generic analysis, the appraisal comparative analysis illustrates how the two editorialists invoke attitudinal values of different nature to convey issues of land disputes. Text 4.3.1ed Headline Grabbing Muslim land is criminal and sinful [j] Stimulating Issue 1Ugandans had somehow gotten used to bad people stealing from government [j]. The tendency of people attempting to cheat government [j] has gone on for so long that thought it is not permitted, it is expected. Stimulating Issue 4However, our capacity to be shocked was not all eroded by the incessant theft of public funds [j]. Hence when it emerged that billions of shillings secured from Geneva to treat patients suffering from AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria had been stolen by greedy people [j] under the Global Fund programme, the nation was stunned [af]. Providing Grounds for Argument 8It now emerges that the evil people [j] amidst us are no longer content with robbing the government and stealing donor funds [j]. They have now turned to ransacking the house of God [j]. Background Information 10For a couple of years now, land belonging to Muslim community has been quietly getting transferred to new owners with the connivance of criminal elements in the Uganda Muslim Supreme Council [j]. The criminals [j] pushing the deals have also sold the rights for millions to innocent buyers of the land. Argument 1 14This is a mess [ap]. An outgoing inquiry may soon get to the bottom of this and expose whoever these shameless criminals [j] are. But it will leave the matter of ownership unresolved, as bona fide buyers would need to be compensated before they vacate the community land. Pull quote 17For this is not matter of poor management, it is crime; the thieves must not only be brought to book, their assets must be attached so that value is recovered to cater for the compensation. Argument 19Will the UMSC foot the bill of compensating the buyers? Argument 20The commission will obviously come up with recommendations to handle the mess [ap]. Argument 21In the end, the community will be the losers [ap]. That is why it is necessary that after the inquiry communities has finished its work, the state must take over and deal with the suspects. For this is not a matter of poor management. It is crime [ap]. Issuing a Directive 24The thieves [j] must not only be brought to book, their assets must be attached so that value is recovered to cater for the compensation. Argument 26We cannot continue with the situation where institutional properties get plundered [j] because the local perception is that they ?belong to nobody?, that is a primitive perception [ap] as we all know that a lot of social and development work is done through such institutions. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 267 Recommendation 29Even now as the inquiry communities is sitting the CID should already be making separate investigations so that they are not caught napping. Closure 31The criminals [j] have that capacity and motive to tamper with the evidence. Quick action by the State is needed. And that is now. (Daily Monitor, 19.08.2006, p. 6) Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 4.3.1ed The editorial text above unfolds in a quite distinct pattern. It begins with a non-obligatory Stimulating Issue element (see also Texts 1.1.3ed, .1.2.1ed and 3.1.2ed), which seeks to grab the reader?s attention. Similar to other editorial texts that exemplify this element, it precedes the Background Information and Presenting Grounds for Argument elements. The text makes use of short propositions, and following Le?s (2009) illustration of editorial argumentation based on complex speech acts, the proposition in lines 24-25 has been identified as ?Issuing a Directive? element because of its use of directives (see also Martin and White, 2005). Appraisal resources The attitudinal assessment in this editorial text relates to social sanction. The writer demonstrates how corruption has been manifested in the violation of various moral issues. In lines 1-2, the editorialist evaluates the unbecoming human conduct, that is, the stealing and cheating of government by people. He further characterises agents of corruption as ?bad people? (1), ?greedy people? (6), ?evil people? (8), ?criminal elements? (11), ?criminals? (12 and 31), ?shameless criminals? (15), and ?the thieves? (24). The negative assessment also involves the use of non-core lexis/propositions which upscales the degree of evaluation. These include ?robbing the government? (8-9), ?ransacking the house of God? (9), ?a mess? (14), ?plundered? (26), ?crime? (23), and ?primitive perceprtion? (27). Text 4.3.2ed Headline Landlords, tenants should resolve impasse [ap] Background Information ? escalation of land conflicts and its effects 1Violence due to conflicts between landlords and tenants [ap] has of late increased, particularly in the central region. A number of landlords, surveyors and land dealers have been attacked and some killed [j] by angry tenants fearing eviction [af]. Providing Grounds for Argument ? appraisal of the status quo and reference to existing law 4This is an unfortunate development [ap] that should not be allowed to continue. Mob justice [ap] cannot and should not be condoned. It is good that steps have been taken to deal with the individuals involved [ap]. As the government has rightly pointed out, the law spells out the rights and obligations of land owners and bibanja owners (tenants). A registered land owner has security of a title, while a lawful tenant has security of occupancy. These rights are enshrined in the Constitution and the Land Act. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 268 Argument 1 ? reasons for violence accruing from land disputes 10However, the Government and landlords ought to realise that the tenants are resorting to violence [ap] because they believe they cannot get justice from the state agencies ? the Police and Judiciary ? mandated to handle land disputes [ap]. The general perception among the ordinary poor people is that the wealthy landlords [j] will always have their way by hook or crook [j]. The violence [ap], therefore, is a vote of no confidence in the state institutions [ap] that would otherwise have handled such disputes [ap]. Argument 2 ? other reasons for violence 16Some of the landlords are also to blame [j]. Many of them do not recognize that bibanja owners have rights too. There have been cases where landlords have evicted bibanja owners without any compensation [j]. At times the evictions are carried out using fraudulent documents [ap]. Closure ? position statement + recommendation 19The stand-off [ap] between landlords and tenants is counter-productive and serves no one?s interest [ap]. Both parties ought to realize that it is in their best interest to resolve this impasse. The Government should facilitate dialogue between the two parties such that they reach a consensus amicably. (New Vision, 24.08.2009, p. 16) Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 4.3.2ed The editorial above begins by providing background information followed by the presentation of grounds for argument. The editorialist then presents the arguments and ends by stating a position and a recommendation. This editorial text therefore resembles Ansary and Babaii?s (2005) generic description of English newspaper editorials (Section 2.7.4.2). Appraisal resources Text 4.3.1ed reveals attitudinal values related to assessment of easthetics (appreciation) and less of judgement and emotions, which conforms to Thomson et al?s (2008) observation (see Section 7.2.2 above). However, Text 4.3.2ed exemplifies a higher number of judgements related to human conduct and lower values of phenomena. Table 7.3 below contrasts attitudinal assessments across both editorials. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 269 Table 7.2: A contrast of attitudinal values across Daily Monitor and New Vision editorials Affect Judgement Appreciation Text 4.3.1ed (DM) the nation was stunned [af] Grabbing Muslim land is criminal and sinful [j] bad people stealing from government [j] to cheat government [j] the incessant theft of public funds [j] stolen by greedy people [j] the evil people [j] robbing the government and stealing donor funds [j] ransacking the house of God [j] criminal elements in the Uganda Muslim Supreme Council [j] The criminals [j] these shameless criminals [j] The thieves [j] ? get plundered [j] The criminals [j] a mess [ap] the mess [ap] the losers [ap] It is crime [ap] a primitive perception [ap] Text 4.3.2ed (NV) angry tenants fearing eviction [af] have been attacked and some killed [j] Some of the landlords are also to blame [j] by hook or crook [j] landlords have evicted bibanja owners without any compensation [j] impasse [ap] Violence due to conflicts between landlords and tenants [ap] unfortunate development [ap] Mob justice [ap] It is good that steps ? [ap] violence [ap] land disputes [ap] wealthy landlords [j] The violence [ap] a vote of no confidence in the state institutions [ap] such disputes [ap] using fraudulent documents [ap] The stand-off [ap] counter-productive and serves no one?s interest [ap] 7.4 BUGANDA LAND This section recounts news events related with Buganda land, particularly the controversial 9,000 square miles. The 9,000 square miles stem from the 1900 Agreement between the Kingdom of Buganda and British Protectorate Government, in which private estates were granted to Buganda. However, in 1967 when the Constitution was abrogated, kingdoms were abolished, and this land reverted to Uganda Land Commission. In 1995, the kingdoms were reinstated and the Constitution Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 270 provided for four land tenure systems: customary, freehold, mailo35 (which includes the 9000 square miles) and leasehold. Since then, Buganda Kingdom has been struggling to get back the 9000 square miles from government. This struggle has often generated conflict between government and Buganda Kingdom. The rift between the parties escalated when the new land law was proposed. 7.4.1 Recounting parliamentary debate on 9000 square miles of land Texts 4.4.1hn and 4.4.2hn recount the same news event deriving from a Parliamentary debate on statement to Parliament by the former Attorney General, Dr. Khiddu Makubuya, on the status of the disputed land on 6 March 2008. There were no news reports on this sub-theme in the Runyankore- Rukiga newspapers, perhaps due to the local interest of the conflict. Text 4.4.1hn Headline MP names 4 generals owning miles of land [j] Sub-headline Buganda?s demands are rubbish [ap] ? Gen Tinyefuza Lead 1A host of top army generals own a chunk [ap] of Buganda much cherished 9,000square miles [ap], a member of Parliament has claimed. Satellite 1 ? elaboration, identification of who owns the disputed land 3Mityana County South MP, Jerome Kaddumukasa Ssozi stunned [af] the House yesterday when he claimed that President Yoweri Museveni, Rwandan leader General Paul Kagame, as well as two other generals own a good piece [ap] of the 9,000 square miles, Buganda is bitterly contesting [j] with the government. Satellite 2 ? elaboration, details of debate 7At the same sitting of the plenary, army MP General David Tinyenfuza described Buganda?s quest to recover the 9,000sq miles as ?absolute rubbish? and ?nonsense? [ap], warning [af] that the UPDF will not hesitate to intervene in settling civil strife [j] in the country. Satellite 3 ? elaboration, further details of debate 10Standing on a point of information, at yesterday?s debate on a statement by the Attorney General over the status of the disputed land [ap], Mr Kaddumukasa, better known for his hosting of a local radio debate show, told MPs that most of the land (9,000sq. miles) now owned by the army bigwigs [j], was previously vacant as at the signing of the 1900 Buganda Agreement, and had been ?acquired recently?. Satellite 4 ? elaboration, details of debate 15It was an argument intended to counter suggestions by MP Grace Tubwita (NRM, Nakasongola) that the 9,000 square miles had inhabitants ?from different ethnic groups? other than the Baganda and to claim that the disputed land [ap] is only owned by Baganda is false. Satellite 5 ? elaboration, further identification of who owns the land 35 Mailo (Luganda word for ?mile?) is pseudo-freehold land tenure system where a landlord holds the land in perpetuity without disturbance from anyone. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 271 18Delving into specifics about which generals own part of the land and claiming that he had unearthed the information from the Mityana land office, Mr Kaddumukasa named General Salim Saleh, his wife Jovia, and Maj Gen Kahinda Otafiire. Satellite 6 ? elaboration, details of land owned 21Listing the top generals, he said: ?President Kagame owns 1sq mile in Kyankwanzi, Gen Saleh, his wife and his brother own 200 acres each, Gen Otafire owns 1,280 acres in Kiboga, President Museveni 2sq miles in Bugerere, and the late Rwigyema family?. Satellite 7 ? consequences of statement 24His statement provoked commotion [ap] in the House with several MPs speaking at the top of their voices [j/af]. It took several attempts by Speaker Edward Ssekandi to calm the visibly enraged MPs [af] as debate turned emotional [ap/af]. Satellite 8 ? consequences of statement 27Gen. Otafiire, who was the only general in the House to defend himself, struggled [j] to catch the Speaker?s eye, firstly standing on a point of clarification, then a point of procedure, before latching onto a point of order [j]. Satellite 9 ? attitudinal assessment of the statement 30?Mr Speaker is it in order for a Hon member to claim that I own land in Kyankwanzi, yet I don?t have any land in Kyankwanzi and I will never own land in Kyankwanzi? Is it in order for a member to tell a lie? I put it to you, you are lying,? he said. Sub-satellite 1 ? retelling Satellite 9 33Rising quickly, Mr Kaddumukasa shot back: ?Your land is in Kakuuto village in Kiboga District and not Kyankwanzi?. That was enough to silence Gen Otafire [ap/j]. Satellite 10 ? consequences of revelation 35To quell the growing anxiety [af] over the revelations, Mr Ssekandi ordered Mr Kaddumukasa to substantiate his allegations, a request the MP duly accepted but begged for a week?s ultimatum in which he can produce evidence. Mr Ssekandi ruled on the contrary, giving him up to Thursday to present his evidence. Satellite 11 ? elaboration, details of debate 39It was a session of debate embed in tribal emotion [ap], as non Baganda MPs insisted the Attorney General?s legal opinion on the 9,000sq miles was accurate, while the Baganda MPs insisted that their land should be returned. Satellite 12 ? elaboration, further details of deabte 42In an eyebrow-raising submission and quoting Article 209 of the Constitution which spells the mandate and functions of the UPDF, a visibly enraged [af] Gen. Tinyefuza said; ?I am sounding a warning to those [Baganda] promoting genocide and fascism [j] which UPDF will not tolerate in carrying out its duties?. (Daily Monitor, 12.03.2008, p. 1-2) Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? text 4.4.1hn The generic move structure of Text 4.4.1hn is similar to other structures examined which resemble the English-language hard news reporting. Nonetheless, although this report unfolds in detail, with 12 satellites, the satellites reach back to the lead to elaborate, and appraise its elements. Appraisal resources Following White (2000), the text gives evidence of authorial voice [judgement]; for instance, in lines 5, 24-25, 25-26, 27, and 28-29, the reporter describes the conduct of members of parliament Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 272 with a tinge of subjectivity. The locution, ?with several MPs speaking at the top of their voices? indicates the unexpected behaviour of members of parliament; ?Buganda is bitterly contesting?, ?the visibly enraged MPs? and ?a visibly enraged Gen. Tinyefuza? flag emotional judgement while ?struggled to catch the Speaker?s eye?standing on a point of clarification, then a point of procedure, before latching onto a point of order? flags the discomfort of a member and disparate efforts. In other instances, the reporter gives a personal assessment of the debate and disposition in parliament; ?commotion [ap] in the House?; ?debate turned emotional?; ?the growing anxiety?; and ?debate embed in tribal emotion? in lines 24, 26, 35, and 39 respectively, exemplify the reporter?s own interpretation/analysis of the status quo. Other examples of the writer?s voice include ?A host of top army generals?; ?a chunk?; ?the army bigwigs?; ?unearthed the information?; ?an eyebrow-raising submission? in lines 1, 12, 18, 19, and 42, which surge the attitudinal meanings. However, the reporter in lines 2, 4, 17, and 18 invokes a distancing verb, ?claim? and ?allegations? in 36 treating the MP?s statement with reservation, and thus opening up the space for dialogic alternatives (White, 2002). I now explore the tokens of judgement the reporter invokes in lines 1, 5, 9, and 34. While the expression ?much cherished 9,000square miles? actuates the preciousness of the land, it connotes the acrimony between the central government and Buganda Kingdom over the land (see introductory pargraph above). In ?a good piece? (5), the reporter mildly refers to the massive land the officers own. And ?UPDF will not hesitate to intervene in settling civil strife? (9) provokes the interpretation that military means will be applied to settle the conflict [rather than the formal (non-violent) channels of settling such conflicts]. ?That was enough to silence Gen Otafire? implies he was humbled because the general is known for being fiery and taking on those who challenge him. The last observeation concerns the hybrid realisations; in line 24-25, the attitudinal locution, ?with several MPs speaking at the top of their voices [j/af]? inscribes the unbecoming conduct of members of parliament as well as their emotional feelings while the ?debate turned emotional [ap/af]? in line 26, realises the surge of emotions in the House, which arguably, at the same time depicts the reporter?s reaction to the dabate [revolting nature]. Text 4.4.2hn Headline ?Mengo demand nonsense [ap]? Lead 1Buganda?s demand for the 9,000 square miles of land is ?rubbish? and ?nonsense? [ap], Lt. Gen. David Tinyefuza, told Parliament yesterday. The remarks infuriated [af] Buganda MPs, some of Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 273 whom charged [af] that the language was un-parliamentary [ap] and others heckled [af/j] and protested [af]. Satellite 1 ? contextualisation, context of utterance 5The House was debating the statement to Parliament by the Attorney General, Dr. Khiddu Makubuya, on the legal status of the 9,000 square miles of land. Satellite 2 ? elaboration, details of statement 7Tinyefuza said: ?That clique of Mengo [j] demanding emailo akenda (9,000 square miles), saying land in Buganda is for the Baganda alone, is rubbish and nonsense [ap].? Satellite 3 ? elaboration, details of debate 9On a point of order, Erias Lukwago (DP) argued that Tinyefuza?s language was un-parliamentary [ap]. Satellite 4 ? elaboration, details of debate 10Speaker Edward Ssekandi asked Tinyefuza not to use such language. Satellite 5 ? elaboration, further clarification of statement 11Tinyefuza, who is an army MP, said some people were advocating for fascism and genocide [ap] in the land debate. Satellite 6 ? elaboration, further details on statement 13?I want to sound a warning against those advocating fascism and genocide that the UPDF, in carrying out its constitutional duty, shall not tolerate fascism?. Satellite 7 ? elaboration, details of statement 15?It is fascism we fought in the past and will not hesitate to fight now or in the future,? he asserted. Satellite 8 ? elaboration, details of statement 17The ?divisive messages? [ap] coming from the Mengo group and aired on CBS radio and other media houses targeting certain regions or in other instances specific ethnic communities, he added, were regrettable [ap]. Satellite 9 ? contextualisation, prior event leading up to the statement 20Earlier, Kaddu Mukasa (Independent) stunned [af] the House with a list of people who own land in Kyankwanzi, Kiboga district. President Museveni and his Rwandan counterpart Paul Kagame were listed as owners of one square mile each. Sub-satellite 1a ? elaborating Satellite 9 23Others were Gen. Salim Saleh who allegedly owns 200 acres, his wife Jovia 200 acres, Maj. Gen. Kahinda Otafiire 1,280 acres and Col. Logobe Lutaaya 200 acres. But Otafiire denied owning land in Kyankwanzi. Sub-satellite 1b ? elaborating Satellite 9 26?I don?t own an inch of land in Kyankwanzi. I put it to you (Mukasa) that you are lying,? he charged. Sub-satellite 1c, elaborating Satellite 9 28Ssekandi asked Mukasa to bring certified copies of ownership of the plots to Parliament on Thursday. (New Vision, 12.03.2008, p. 1 & 3) Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 4.4.2hn Text 4.4.2hn presents a generic structure similar to that exhibited by Texts 4.1.3hn and 4.3.1hn. One comparative difference, I wish to highlight is the selection of the crisis point by both newspapers. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 274 While the focus of the DM?s report hinges on the revelation of the MP, which construes land grabbing by the top army officers, the NV reporter chose an angle that foregrounds the un- parliamentary language, which accentuates Buganda Kingdom?s [Mengo] ?unrealistic demands? and divisiveness tendencies conveyed by the General?s statement. This is further displayed in the newspaper choice of the headline using scare quotes, which discreetly communicates the government stance on the 9000 square miles that Buganda Kingdom has been demanding from government. Going by the principles of the pyramid structure, the crisis point of the corresponding newspaper is regarded as less important, and thus appearing at the bottom end of the pyramid! While Satellite 9 refers to the lead to specify events preceding the current crisis point, the succeeding satellites return to elaborate elements of this satellite. They do not in any way relate to the headline/lead phase. Figure 7.3 illustrates this generic move. Figure 7.3: Generic structure of text 4.4.2hn, Mengo demand nonsense Appraisal resources In comparison to the DM report, Text 4.4.2hn?s attitudinal assessments are via attribution (lines 1, 7-8 and 17), or by echoing the external voice?s judgement. For example, in line 11, the inscriptions, ?fascism and genocide? reiterate the attributions in lines 13 and 15. However, compared to text 4.4.1hn, the affectual values associated with the mood in parliament (?The remarks infuriate Nucleus (headline + lead) Sat 1 Sub-sat 1c Sub-sat 1b Sat 3 Sub-sat 1a Sat 9 - contextualis ation Sat 4 Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 275 Buganda MPs, some of whom charged ? others heckled and protested?) in Text 4.4.2hn emanate from the reporter?s personal interpretation. 7.4.2 Opinion on Buganda land In this section, I explore editorial writing on issues of Buganda land. I examine two editorial texts from Daily Monitor and The New Vision. There were no Runyankore-Rukiga editorial texts conforming to the selection criteria for this sub-facet. The DM editorial addresses the proposed new land law, which further kindled the conflict between government and Buganda Kingdom. The NV editorial similarly focuses on the controversies and problems associated with Buganda land. Text 4.4.1ed Headline Explain benefits of the new land law Background Information 1The land question is continuing to cause storm [ap] in Uganda, but particularly between the Buganda Kingdom administration at Mengo and the central government. The climax of this growing friction [ap] between the two parties is too hard to predict at the moment. But President Yoweri Museveni?s latest to the Kabaka in which he castigated [j] the latter for engaging in partisan politics [ap] and allowing his officials to spread ?intrigue? about the proposed land law, is quite telling. The President has already warned the Kabaka that if the latter does not sort out the ?liars? at Mengo by December 31, the government will take action. Also the nature and extent of the ?action? God knows better. Providing Grounds for Argument 9The Mengo administration believe there is sinister motive [ap] to grab Buganda?s land [j] under the draft law that seeks to amend the Land act 1998. On its part, the central government says the new law seeks to protect the squatters/tenants from unlawful and unfair eviction by the landlords [ap]. Threats and counter-threats [ap] from either side will not cure the problem. Argument 1 13The Envujjo/Busulu Act 1928 provided protection to tenants against unlawful eviction [ap]. When the government says it wants to protect the tenants it must show what type of protection it intends to create in the new law, that is not provided for in the Envujjo/Busulu act or the 1928 Act. Pull quote 16With our partisan politics, and given that RDCs and the lands minister are NRM cadres what would happen in a land case between an NRM squatter and a DP landlord or vice versa? Argument 2 18Secondly, the government may have genuine reasons for the new law, but the procedure being fronted plays into the hands of those who allege a sinister motive to grab Buganda?s land [j]. The government creates a fertile ground for suspicion when it says the land minister and the RDCs will preside over land cases, instead of courts of law as has been the case [j] ?because the Judiciary is very corrupt.? Argument 3 23With our partisan politics [ap], and given the RDC and the lands minister are NRM cadres, what would happen in a land case between NRM tenant/squatter and a DP landlord or vice versa? Can people expect that an RDC/lands minister would rule in favour of the DP litigant even if the latter was the one in the right? No. And where would the losing litigant appeal to in case he/she is not satisfied with the ruling? Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 276 Closure 28But another issue that needs to be sorted out is how people turned into tenants on the land where they have lived for generations and where their ancestors, too, lived. These are the issues that need to be explained clearly so that the public understand who is in the right. (Daily Monitor, 27.12.2007, p. 10) Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 4.4.1ed Text 4.4.1ed?s generic pattern resembles previously examined texts and the elements unfold in the following order: Headline + Background Information + Providing Grounds for Argument + Argumentation + Closure. In comparison to the other previous DM versions, it entails a pull quote that highlights a considered meaning. Instances of intertextual reference to other voices/texts occur. In the Background Information, President Yoweri Museveni?s latest to Kabaka references the letter he wrote to the King of Buganda, thus the subsequent attributions in quotation marks. Note that lines 13 and 15 reference sections of the law. Appraisal resources The text largely presents attitudinal values of appreciation with occasional values of judgement. The proposition in the pull quote (14-17) emphasises the value the editorialist attaches to it, thus enlisting the reader?s share the same value judgement. The use of pseudo-questions in Argument 3 (lines 23-27) entertains other potential interpretations. The positive inscriptions in lines 11 and 13 are the editoriliats?s strategy to counter?s government?s argument rather than an attitudinal assessment of the law itself. Text 4.4.2ed Headline Handle land reforms carefully Background Information 1A senior presidential adviser on land matters, Besweri Mulondo, has warned [af] against the proposed scrapping of the Mailo land tenure system [ap]. The proposal is contained in a recent report compiled by experts [j]. Background Information 4Mailo land is mostly found in Buganda. It is derived from the 1900 agreement signed with the British, which gave 8958 square miles of land to the Kabaka, the royal family and several top Baganda chiefs as freehold known in Buganda as Mailo (from the word mile) while turning most Buganda into squatters on their own land [ap]. Background Information 8Attempts by Idi Amin to turn all private land into leasehold failed [ap]. Background Information 9As early as 1986, there was a dissent [ap] in government over what land policy should be adopted. Presenting Grounds for Argument 10President Yoweri Museveni and a group led by Chango Macho, a Marxist, argued against the continuation of mailo system. In the President?s view, the elimination of Mailo land system will end Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 277 the Baganda peasant suffering injustice at the hands of the elite [ap]. Mailo is one of the four land tenure systems recognized by our national Constitution. Argument 1 14But mailo is not a traditional system of holding land in Buganda because it was only introduced in 1900. Those who advocate for it simply associate it with the Kabaka. Argument 2 16That is why Baganda landlords remain wary [af] of any attempts at land tenure reforms. Because the 1998 Land Act provides security of tenure to the squatters [ap], Mengo loyalists have resisted it [j]. Constative 18Uganda is only among the five countries in the world alongside Burkina Faso, Burundi, Eritrea and Niger with over 75% of the population living in the rural areas [ap]. Argument 3 20Land tenure reforms if implemented correctly, can alter their income distribution, social status and lift them out of poverty [ap]. Position Statement 22But the land reform strategy should have procedural safeguards to ensure its transparency. Closure 23Pushing through any land reforms will require wider consultations to explain its benefits and allay fears of land grabbing [ap]. (New Vision 26.02.2007, p. 10) Generic features and move (satellite) structure ? Text 4.4.2ed The generic move structure unfolding in Text 4.4.2ed equates with the one in Text 4.3.1ed. The editorialist opts for short propositions to convey background information (lines 8 and 9) or to launch an argument (lines 18-19). Following Le (2009), I have identified the proposition in lines 18-19 as a Constative element; it states a general fact, which forms an implicit premise for the editorialist?s third argument (lines 20-21). It also provides an example that is used to advance an argument. Similar to other NV editorials, the text holds an extended Background Information phase. Appraisal resources The editorial text exemplifies attitudinal assessments that covertly disprove the Mailo land system obtaining in Buganda. Conversely, the positive inscriptions in lines 11-12 and 17 appreciate the proposed land law as a pro-disadvantaged and vulnerable people text, and thus inviting the reader to partake in its effective and significant value. In lines 6-7, the token of judgement shows that this system of tenure is harmful to the people. 7.6 CONCLUSION Chapter Seven has explored news discourse on land conflict focusing on hard news reports and editorials from the sub-themes of eviction, violent clashes, land disputes, and Buganda land. Genre analysis demonstrates that hard news reporting on land conflict in Uganda resembles the English- Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 278 language hard news reportin. Appraisal analysis revealed significant comparative differences that require further examination. Below, I summarise some of the significant findings. A comparative genre analysis of headlines from the government and private newspapers shows that shorter headlines stated without explicit judgement characterised the NV hard news reports while the DM reports exhibited longer headlines (with sub-headlines) revealing the value positions (see Table 7.4 below). There is however, no significant judgemental distinction between Runyankore- Rukiga headlines associated with government and independent newspapers. Table 7.3: Value-laden and neutral headlines Daily Monitor New Vision Eviction of pastoralists begins in Buliisa District Lawyer says no one will evict the pastoralists Pastoralists have sabotaged development Army, police evict Buliisa herdsmen (NV) 3 hacked to death in fresh wetland row Seven so far killed in one year Museveni directed Otafiire to settle the row Three killed over wetland Angry tenants lynch landlord Burn his body on surveyor?s truck Police deployed in Kayunga over land MP names 4 generals owning miles of land Buganda?s demands are rubbish ? Gen Tinyefuza ?Mengo demand nonsense? Other Runyankore-Rukiga hard news reports from this corpus exemplify anecdotes, proverbs, or a saying in the lead. These openings do not necessarily capture the gist of the entire report but rather seek out the reader?s attention to urge her to read on and discover in detail what is prompted by the value-laden opening. Below, I reproduce some of these leads. Reero ngu akateire efuuha tikahwa bunuuki! Nimwijuka eki omugyenzi Jerome Bwende yaakozire aba Rushoga obu yaababuza eiguru obutembero, abaingi akabafurura bakamuhunga? Whatever strikes a foul-smelling plant is going to stink! [Any bad example brings evil effects]36. Do you remember what the late Jerome Bwende did to those [Christians] of Rushoga when he caused them not see the way to heaven [distressed them], relocated many while others ran away from him? (Orumuri, March 17-23, 2003, p. 3) Abataka b?egomborora ya Ngarama omu ishaza rya Bukanga, babaire nibacwisa ebiti amaino ijo Orwakataano beekoreire ebiti n?ebihuuzo obu babaire bari ahari Ngarama bagumize ngu kuri baabona MP Byanyima babaire nibaija kumuraaha nari baguhumuuza. The residents of Ngarama sub-county in Bukanga county, were breaking sticks with teeth [hopping mad] the other day on Friday carrying on their heads [carrying/holding] sticks and threshing sticks when they were at Ngarama saying that if they had found MP Byanyima they were going to castrate him or they make it [his heart] rest [kill him]. (Entatsi, September 30-Oct 6, 2008) 36 See Cisternino, M., 1987. The proverbs of Kigezi and Ankole (Uganda). Kampala: Comboni Missionaries. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 279 Mbwenu eki nikitangaaza kandi n?eky?obusaasi kureeba Omwinginya w?Obugabe bwa Ankole, John Barigye ayehaireyo kuhamba amataka g?abaturagye b?omu disiturikiti ya Ibanda barengire 1000. Now, this is surprising but pitiful [it is unimaginable/a pity] to see a Prince of Ankole Kingdom, John Barigye has devoted himself to grab more than 1000 people?s lands in Ibanda district. (Entatsi, May 25-31, 2010, p. 4) Bantu mwe abantu ka n?empwa bwoba!! You people, people are fearless!! (Orumuri, November 20-26, 2006, p. 6) Genre anlayis also revealed emergence of a distinctive property of sub-satellite phase mainly across hard news reports from the independent newspaper, DM. This consisted in retelling (elaborating) an element of an antecedent satellite. Note that these sub-satellites do not specify (elaborate, contextualise or appraise) any of the elements of the lead. Following Martin and White (2005) on hybrid realisations, the texts explored in this section gave evidence of instances that inscribe both affect and judgement. The appraisal exploration across the news discourse on land conflict in the Runyankore-Rukiga newspapers gives evidence of considerable instances of ?invoked affect?. Similar to the news discourse on warfare (Chapter Four), both reporters and editorialists flag affect values of third party via description of circumstances or manner of doing things. These include recounting/description of the vulnerability of the news actor(s) (iba akafa yaamusigira abaana 4, abu ariyo naareeberera [the husband died and left her four children she is looking after]; the behavioural surge or via metaphors or proverbs which heighten the negative evaluation (bateire ebyara omu nyindo [They put fingers in the nose - they were baffled] or babaire nibacwera esaano [they were spitting flour ? they were enraged]). Relatedly, the reports which comprised instances of emotion portraying (White, 1998; Bednarek, 2008, 2010) further presented descriptions of human behaviour, which trigger feelings of sympathy and pity from the reader. He was surrounded by angry tenants who hacked him to death, threw his body onto the back of a pick-up truck in which he and the surveyors had travelled, and set it ablaze. (New Vision, August 18, 2009, p. 1& 2) The duo was dragged back to the trading centre where tenants hacked a yelling Kubo to death, burnt his body and the car. (New Vision, August 18, 2009, p. 1& 2) Those young men are said to have even taken his money 700,000= which the old man confessed while crying for mercy, which was kept in a small pot. (Entatsi, September 19-25, 2002, p. 7) These malicious people even pulled down his house; they removed the doors, windows, and burnt all the things which were there to ashes. (Orumuri, November 22-28, 2010, p.4) Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 280 The NV and O editorials presented a tendency to evade the traditional argumentation strategies when the topical issue being debated appears to disfavour government policies. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 281 CHAPTER EIGHT: CONCLUSION 8.1 INTRODUCTION The motivation for this study was three-fold: to describe in a comparative manner the generic properties that characterise hard news and commentary genres related to the discourse of conflict in Uganda; to explicate the nature of genre and appraisal theoretical resources that newspapers invoke to communicate issues of conflict; and to explore the techniques that news writers employ to negotiate their attitudinal positions across government and private newspapers in English and Runyankore-Rukiga. Using multi-dimensional and multi-perspective approaches to discourse analysis (genre analytic and appraisal theoretic frameworks), the study examines a news corpus relating to conflict in Uganda. The comparative and cross-linguistic approach explored news reportage and opinion on killing of soldiers and civilians, destruction of property and abductions during Kony war. It also examines news reports and editorials relating electioneering and electoral violence, while the power struggle sub-theme comprises conflict between government and Buganda Kingdom and conflict between government and opposition political parties. Furthermore, the study explores news corpus on normative breach focusing on embezzlement of public funds, and bribery. Finally, it addresses news reportage on land conflict comprising news reports and editorials on evictions, violent clashes, land grabbing, and conflicts related to Buganda land. It then, explicates the nature of generic properties and appraisal resources exemplified by the news reports and editorials in English and Runyankore-Rukiga across government and privately owned newspapers. This section therefore summarises the main findings on the study based on the goals of the study and the attendant research questions (Sections 1.5 and 1.7). It also points out the contribution of the study to the genre-theoretic and appraisal theoretic frameworks and journalistic discourse. Finally, the section reiterates the missing gaps in the literature on appraisal resources and suggests areas for further research. 8.2 SUMMARY OF THE MAJOR FINDINGS OF THE STUDY 8.2.1 Generic properties of hard news and editorial genres in English and Runyankore- Rukiga Recent journalistic studies on news reports across various journalistic cultures (Thomson et al., 2008; Vo, 2011) indicate that hard news reporting across the world is largely similar to the English- Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 282 language practice obtaining in the Anglo-American world. Specifically, the textual construction in which the story unfolds in a discontinuous arrangement beginning with the main social disequilibrium point (Bell, 1991; White, 1997, 1998; Thomson et al., 2008) operates throughout most journalistic practices. The hard news reports examined in this study exhibit similar architectural organisation comparable to those explored by White (1998), Thomson et al. (2008) and Vo (2011). However, they also exhibit significant recognisable differences. The analysis of hard news reports from the English daily newspapers demonstrates that most reports unfold in non-linear progression with each of the body satellites reaching back to elaborate, contextualise, or appraise an element in the headline/lead. The genre analysis also indicates interdependence between the headline(s) and the lead and the headline/lead and the second phase of the body components. However, a chronological development of satellites occurs across a considerable number of the hard news reports studied. The news reports on conflict issues, by and large, recount a major disruption of social order. They exemplify a detailed recount of news events in multiple satellites often divided into noticeable sections, signposted by crossheads. Thess features mainly occur across news reports recounting massacres, violent clashes resulting from land disputes, demonstrations, and clashes between security personnel and opposition political supporters. While recounting the details of such disruptions, other news events/issues which are not recapitulated by the headline/lead emerge out of the body satellites. As the news event unfolds, the reporter usually introduces within a given satellite a parenthetical segment to elaborate further an element of an adjacent or another satellite. Arguably, this digression could also be described to serve some of the functions of the contextualization component. However, in this case, it does not refer to any of the elements in the nucleus. Therefore, it is plausible to label elements emerging out of this ?digression?, ?sub- satellites?. These news reports are further characterised by markers of cohesion such as anaphoric references, time adjuncts, or a mere positioning of events of similar nature in adjacent satellites, which leads to some of them hanging together, and thus constraining the orbital structuring. Consequently, shuffling of satellites without causing textual dysfunction (radical editability ?White, 1997) is incompatible with news reports of this nature. The Runyankore-Rukiga hard news reports also exemplify a generic move structure similar to news reports from the English daily newspapers. However, they usually exhibit a lengthy and value-laden lead, in which the headline/lead is at variance with the body components or even the actual news event. This was exemplified in news reports whose openings displayed a high concentration of Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 283 attitudinal meanings wherein the reporter sought to induce the reader to the story. Examples of such news events involved recounts on electioneering, electoral violence, evictions, and land grabbing. The value positions are often conveyed via metaphors, proverbs, anecdotes or exaggerated meanings. The interpersonal meanings in these news reports prompt a recount unfolding in a dramatic/jocular manner, thus providing ?black humour? to the hitherto sad or tragic story. A chronological pattern of recount is also evident in most of the Runyankore-Rukiga news reports, a feature that equally constrains radical editability. The construction of editorial genres also ensues from the rhetorical moves of English newspaper editorials (Ansary and Babaii, 2005). However, genre analysis reveals that this generic pattern does not cut across all the editorials. Both English and Runyankore-Rukiga editorial texts generally fit into the following generic pattern: H+(SI)+BIn+(PA)+(PGA)+An+C. The headline (H), Background Information (BI), Argument (A) and Closure (C) are obligatory elements across the English and Runyankore-Rukiga texts. The rhetorical move of Stimulating Issue conveys the attitudinal positioning of the editorialist acting to lure the reader to align with this position. The Headline and Closure elements have fixed positions while the Stimulating Issue, Background Information, Presenting Grounds for Argument elements are iterative. While the Background Information occasionally occurs within the Argument, the Argument always precedes the Stimulating Issue and Presenting Grounds for Argument. The editorials also exemplify instances in which the writers often exploit the occasion to communicate their private intentions. For example, they do not strictly adhere to the argumentation structure obtaining in the traditional English editorials. The study also reveals that some of the Runyankore-Rukiga editorials display instances in which the Background Information combines with the Argument element. In this move, the editorialist describes a context that manifests undesirable circumstances on which a prediction [an argument] of similar occurrence is based. Others are dominated by a series of Background Information phases that support a given orientation. Genre analysis also revealed that recent editorial texts and hard news reports (from 2007) from the private Daily Monitor newspaper often display pull quotes, which highlight and appear to emphasise a certain aspect of the argument/editorial. This rhetorical technique highlights positive or negative attitudinal values. Since the pull quote is usually an attribution, the negative or positive value appears to be assessed by an external source, however, the express selection of a particular quote that is pulled out of a text is telling. These dissimilarities demonstrate that journalistic Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 284 practice in Uganda is not an exact copycat of Anglo-American and western models (see section 8.2.3). 8.2.2 The nature of appraisal resources invoked to communicate conflict in English and Runyankore-Rukiga across government and private newspapers The analysed texts exemplify more attitudinal values realised via negative inscriptions belonging to the category of social sanction. This is attributed to the nature of news events the journalists communicate, i.e., hard news and editorials concerning conflict. Across all the newspapers, the attitudinal assessments largely present the human conduct and character of news actors as socially unacceptable. While all the news recounts on Kony war exhibited value assessments demonising the behaviour of LRA. Surprisingly, some editorial texts belonging to the government newspapers, Orumuri and The New Vision, exemplify propositions that approve the actions of the government forces including killing and advocating military means to ending the war. However, this does not suggest that this is typical of government newspaper reporting. In fact, the hard news reports from The New Vision corpus exhibited more detailed negative recounts than those from Daily Monitor. News reports from the themes of warfare and land conflict display affect values activated via the description of circumstances or negative actions of the agents on the affected (see White, 2006). The description involves non-core expressions such as hack to death, massacre, or clauses that indicate the manner of doing things such as ?hit on the head using a pounding stick?, ?children aged below 10 were hit on trees, crushing their skulls to pieces?, ?tenants hacked a yelling Kubo to death, burnt his body and the car?. These expressions trigger in the reader feelings of pity, empathy, or pain for the affected while at the same time evoking anger or disgust for the agent. In the sub-news reportage on electoral violence, Daily Monitor employs explicit and invoked inscriptions to assess the behaviour of news actors (particularly the police, army and government leaders). Conversely, news reports from The New Vision, a government leaning daily newspaper, assess the social esteem and sanction of similar news actors in positive terms or avoid mentioning events in which their conduct would have been hitherto depicted negatively. The Runyankore-Rukiga news reports exemplify attitudinal meanings actuated via metaphors, tokens of judgement, non-core lexis, and occasional proverbs. These are mainly displayed in news reportage on corruption, electioneering, and eviction where journalists invoke metaphors relating to eating and disappearing to evaluate negative behaviour involving misappropriation and mismanagement of public funds. Metaphors are frequently employed to amplify the degree of negative conduct while in other instances they serve to ridicule the news actor. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 285 8.2.3 The nature of evaluative positioning across government and private newspapers Analysis of both news reports and editorials from Daily Monitor and The New Vision exhibited dissimilarities in attitudinal positioning. While both of them restrain from overt attitudinal assessment, Daily Monitor news reports occasionally highlight the negative actions of news actors, particularly the police, army, or other government agents depicting their behaviour as inappropriate. The New Vision reports, on the other hand, omit events or mentioning news participants that would hitherto exhibit such negative values, or attribute them to unidentified actors. Although there are no significant comparative differences across government and private newspapers in Runyankore-Rukiga, instances of authorial alignment occur within news reports recounting corruption, electioneering, and eviction. The reporters invoke non-core lexical elements or proverbs to intensify the interpersonal value, thus endorsing the attitudinal value expressed by the locution. 8.3 CONTRIBUTIONS OF THE STUDY In comparison to previous studies on news reporting that largely explored hard news stories emanating from the wire services and thus concerned with international news (Bell, 1991; White, 1998), this study focuses on national and local news reports constructed by local reporters. The study therefore, provides a comparative insight into the construction of news reports editorials across cultures (Thomson et al., 2000). The study also contributes to the preliminary studies of sub-Saharan African languages in the field of evaluative language in newspaper reporting using Appraisal-theoretical tools and Genre theory. In this regard, it contributes to the growing Appraisal Theory (Martin and White, 2005), with reference, especially to how appraisal resources are manifest in Runyankore-Rukiga. Since it constitutes the first linguistic approach to the lexico-grammatical properties of evaluative language in Runyankore-Rukiga, it explicates the nature of attitudinal values exemplified in Runyankore- Rukiga news texts. 8.4 SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH Genre analysis of both English-language and Runyankore-Rukiga news recounts demonstrate that some news reports exemplify segments that specify an element of a body satellite rather than the headline/lead opening. Further exploration of Ugandan newspaper genres besides those that have been analysed would serve to concretise the present findings into this generic feature or regard it as a mere deviation from the norm intended to serve private intentions (Bhatia, 1993, 2004). Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 286 Secondly, the examination of appraisal resources in Runyankore-Rukiga reveals interesting lexical grammatical properties of evaluative language in printed newspapers. Similar research applied to other corpora would further enhance the understanding of evaluative language in Runyankore- Rukiga, contributing to cross-linguistic insights and variation in generic structure and appraisal- theoretic resources across corpora. Lastly, the comparative investigation of journalistic discourse using genre-theoretic and appraisal? theoretic resources reveals significant insights into the operations of contemporary news reporting and writing across cultures. 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Language as a contributing factor in conflicts between states and within states. In: S. Wright, ed. Language and conflict: a neglected relationship. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters Ltd. Zwart, S., 2003. Uganda: the fight against corruption. A case study on the prevalence of corruption in Uganda, specifically in Local Government, Education, Justice, Law & Order, and Procurement. Kampala: The Royal Netherlands Embassy Kampala. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 304 APPENDIX I MAKERERE UNIVERSITY P.O. Box 7062 Kampala Uganda Tel: +256-414-530106 E-mail: muil@arts.mak.ac.ug COLLEGE OF HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES SCHOOL OF LANGUAGES, LITERATURE AND COMMUNICATION DEPARTMENT OF LINGUISTICS, ENGLISH LANGUAGE STUDIES, AND COMMUNICATION SKILLS Your Ref: Our Ref: 22 August 2012 The Editor-in-Chief, The New Vision, Plot 19/21, First Street Industrial Area, Kampala, Uganda. Dear Madame, RE: REQUEST FOR PERMISSION TO USE THE NEW VISION AND ORUMURI NEWS STORIES AND EDITORIALS FOR LINGUISTIC RESEARCH I wish to request your office to allow me use your newspaper reports and editorials for my doctoral research on media discourse in Uganda. I am a lecturer in the School of Languages, Literature and Communication, Makerere University. Currently, I am pursuing doctoral studies at Stellenbosch University, South Africa. My doctoral research focuses on the linguistic resources journalists invoke to communicate issues of conflict (war, land conflict, power struggle, and corruption) in English and Runyankore-Rukiga across government and independent newspapers in Uganda, namely The New Vision, Daily Monitor, Orumuri, and Entatsi. The study interrogates the nature of linguistic devices journalists/news story writers invoke in English and Runyankore-Rukiga construed to elicit positive or negative attitudinal values as well as the notions of objectivity/neutrality and journalistic voice across government and independent newspapers. I am also exploring how a hard news story and an editorial are constructed within the Ugandan context (I will compare this/these structure(s) with the already established Anglo-American hard news structure) to establish similarities and any likely deviations. This analysis will not only inform media scholars and practitioners how the discourse of conflict is constructed and interpreted in the Ugandan print media but also understand news writing and reporting in other languages and cultures. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za 305 My newspaper corpus comprises news stories and editorials published between 2001 and 2010, which I have already accessed via online and through Makerere University Library. Since the international copyright laws relating to intellectual property of newspapers need to be adhered to, I wish to request your formal permission to allow me use (reproducing/photocopying) your news reports and opinion writing for my linguistic research on journalistic writing. I look forward to your positive response. Yours sincerely, MUGUMYA LEVIS Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za