Masters Degrees (Political Science)

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Achieving sustainable peace in post conflict societies : an evaluation of South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission
(Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010-12) Rage, Anne-Britt; De Jager, Nicola; University of Stellenbosch. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores whether sustainable peace can be achieved in post-conflict societies using the transitional justice approach. In particular, the truth commission is investigated as a mechanism of transitional justice. The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was selected as a case study to investigate the relationship between sustainable peace and transitional justice. This thesis analyses whether the TRC Commission followed its mandate, and whether there are any specific definitions, conclusions or recommendations that the TRC through its Final Report undertakes in order to fulfill a specific part of the mandate, namely “to ensure that there would be no repetition of the past” (TRC vol. 5, chap. 8, paragraph 14). This is done through a textual analysis of the Final Report of the South African TRC, where inherent weaknesses of the Final Report in its aim of achieving sustainable peace are read critically and deconstructively. It is further analysed through linking the issue of sustainable peace to the field of transitional justice and the study of political development on how future TRCs can deal with the issue of sustainable peace. This thesis comes to the conclusion that the South African TRC failed to contribute to a significant analysis of how to prevent the repetition of the past. It is argued that this is based on a lack of a coherent theoretical framework, as the Final Report mixes two different truth finding mechanisms: micro-truth finding and macro-truth finding, together with the just war theory. By analysing the TRC’s theoretical framework through textual analysis, it becomes clear that micro- and macro-truth finding is difficult to combine in one report, and that in the South African case the micro-truth finding part is prioritised. However, the macro-truth finding mechanism would have provided a more in depth analysis towards sustainable peace – which in this thesis is read as Galtung’s positive peace and Lederach’s structural peace – and is a necessary prerequisite in order to achieve sustainable peace. Also the use of a traditional reading of the just war theoryThis thesis explores whether sustainable peace can be achieved in post-conflict societies using the transitional justice approach. In particular, the truth commission is investigated as a mechanism of transitional justice. The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was selected as a case study to investigate the relationship between sustainable peace and transitional justice. This thesis analyses whether the TRC Commission followed its mandate, and whether there are any specific definitions, conclusions or recommendations that the TRC through its Final Report undertakes in order to fulfill a specific part of the mandate, namely “to ensure that there would be no repetition of the past” (TRC vol. 5, chap. 8, paragraph 14). This is done through a textual analysis of the Final Report of the South African TRC, where inherent weaknesses of the Final Report in its aim of achieving sustainable peace are read critically and deconstructively. It is further analysed through linking the issue of sustainable peace to the field of transitional justice and the study of political development on how future TRCs can deal with the issue of sustainable peace. This thesis comes to the conclusion that the South African TRC failed to contribute to a significant analysis of how to prevent the repetition of the past. It is argued that this is based on a lack of a coherent theoretical framework, as the Final Report mixes two different truth finding mechanisms: micro-truth finding and macro-truth finding, together with the just war theory. By analysing the TRC’s theoretical framework through textual analysis, it becomes clear that micro- and macro-truth finding is difficult to combine in one report, and that in the South African case the micro-truth finding part is prioritised. However, the macro-truth finding mechanism would have provided a more in depth analysis towards sustainable peace – which in this thesis is read as Galtung’s positive peace and Lederach’s structural peace – and is a necessary prerequisite in order to achieve sustainable peace. Also the use of a traditional reading of the just war theoryThis thesis explores whether sustainable peace can be achieved in post-conflict societies using the transitional justice approach. In particular, the truth commission is investigated as a mechanism of transitional justice. The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was selected as a case study to investigate the relationship between sustainable peace and transitional justice. This thesis analyses whether the TRC Commission followed its mandate, and whether there are any specific definitions, conclusions or recommendations that the TRC through its Final Report undertakes in order to fulfill a specific part of the mandate, namely “to ensure that there would be no repetition of the past” (TRC vol. 5, chap. 8, paragraph 14). This is done through a textual analysis of the Final Report of the South African TRC, where inherent weaknesses of the Final Report in its aim of achieving sustainable peace are read critically and deconstructively. It is further analysed through linking the issue of sustainable peace to the field of transitional justice and the study of political development on how future TRCs can deal with the issue of sustainable peace. This thesis comes to the conclusion that the South African TRC failed to contribute to a significant analysis of how to prevent the repetition of the past. It is argued that this is based on a lack of a coherent theoretical framework, as the Final Report mixes two different truth finding mechanisms: micro-truth finding and macro-truth finding, together with the just war theory. By analysing the TRC’s theoretical framework through textual analysis, it becomes clear that micro- and macro-truth finding is difficult to combine in one report, and that in the South African case the micro-truth finding part is prioritised. However, the macro-truth finding mechanism would have provided a more in depth analysis towards sustainable peace – which in this thesis is read as Galtung’s positive peace and Lederach’s structural peace – and is a necessary prerequisite in order to achieve sustainable peace. Also the use of a traditional reading of the just war theory contributes to an individualisation of the truth finding process and does not sufficiently support the macro-truths. Finally, by deconstructing the term never again it is shown that this approach should not be used in the TRCs or in the wider field of transitional justice v
Democratic deconsolidation: An analysis of South Africa’s democratic regress during the Zuma years
(2019-12) Fredericks, Jordan Shain; De Jager, Nicola; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Studies of democracy have recently shown that not only are democracies globally experiencing signs of democratic deconsolidation, but evincing a regression towards authoritarianism. This is evident in a growing lack of support amongst citizens for democratic regimes, who are often opened to non-democratic alternatives. Deconsolidation has been particularly evident in contexts where poor governance has failed to deliver the economic and political goods expected by citizens in a democratic regime. South Africa, which is the case under analysis, has been manifesting such signs of deconsolidation. This is because civic society has, not only become disillusioned with the quality of governance amid growing scandals of corruption and nepotism under the Zuma administration, but increasingly open to radical populist ideas. While there are studies drawing on theories of democratic consolidation to analyse South Africa’s democracy, there has been limited inquiry based on the analytical approach of democratic deconsolidation. Furthermore, few have applied a holistic approach in analysing the state of South Africa’s current democracy. It is this deficit that the study addresses through an analysis of South Africa’s democracy during the years of the Zuma administration. The research questions motivating this study are whether South Africa’s democracy deconsolidated structurally, attitudinally and behaviourally during the Zuma administration, and whether poor governance – understood as being partisan to personal or special relationships -facilitated the process of deconsolidation. In addressing the research problem, this study usesan analytical framework of democratic deconsolidation adopted from the work of Schedler (2001) and others such as Foa and Mounk (2017) to construct the conditions which are indicative of the deconsolidation process: poor governance (as an instigator), weak structures, negative attitudes and disruptive behaviour. This study finds that South Africa’s democracy has deconsolidated structurally, attitudinally and behaviourally – and that poor governance has been particularly instrumental in facilitating this process. The study shows that the overarching national project of the ANC – the National Democratic Revolution and its concomitant strategy of cadre deployment – served as a catalyst for the state capture project and the web of patronage under the Zuma administration. In deploying loyalists into key positions and being partisan to personal considerations, the Zuma administration undermined the impartial aspirations of the Constitution. The result is that, structurally, the web of patronage under Zuma has degenerated into a culture of disdain for constitutional governance, as typified in cases such as the Nkandla dispute. Moreover, it is Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za iii shown that the economic cost of poor governance has been dire, as indicated by the rising rates of unemployment, poverty and inequality amid ailing parastatals such as Eskom. This study shows that, attitudinally, poor government performance has eroded South Africans’ faith in democracy and made former supporters of democracy receptive to non-democratic (populist) parties, such as the EFF. The openness to radicalism has also been accompanied by an upsurge in violent protest action as a response to the government’s poor performance. While these conditions clearly point to South Africa’s democracy deconsolidating, deconsolidation itself it not an end state but a process that can be reversed.
The Economic Freedom Fighter’s rise to power: A threat to South Africa’s democratic consolidation
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2019-04) Nel, Isabel; De Jager, Nicola; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The world is witnessing a decline in the support for democracy. This has been evident in numerous countries across the globe and in South Africa today. Domestic and Global Social Structures and Ruptures have created fertile conditions for populism to flourish. Populism in Africa has derived from a fertile environment, one shaped by a distinctive historical context imbued with the ideas of socialism and nationalism. The ideological context also evident in South Africa, combined with the current socio-economic challenges, has resulted in high (but unmet) expectations of the state. High levels of poverty, unemployment and inequality, combined with poor and corrupt governance, have left many young South African citizens marginalised, resentful and discontent towards the current ANC government. Young, economically challenged and dissatisfied citizens have as a result turned to alternative forms of political representation. This has led to the rise of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) in South Africa. The presence of populists within a pluralistic, democratic society has been shown to hold dangers for democratic consolidation (Mainwaring and Pérez-Linan,2013). The political attitudes and political tactics that populists employ tend to threaten societal cohesiveness and the stability of democracy. An analysis of the EFF’s political attitudes, policy preferences and behaviour were therefore deemed imperative in understanding whether the party holds a threat for South Africa’s democratic consolidation. An analytical framework outlining the Attitudinal, Behavioural and Structural indicators of democratic consolidation as derived by Schedler (2001) was used in this analysis. Findings reflect that the EFF do not hold intrinsic and normative democratic politicalattitudes nor moderate policy preferences. The political party’s rejection of democratic norms and their radical socialist policies have reflected this. The EFF’s behaviour demonstrates a willingness to use violence, intolerance for pluralism and disregard for democratic norms and procedures that are necessary in strengthening South Africa’s democratic consolidation. The analysis also shows that EFF employs populist rhetoric and tactics -that threatens the cohesiveness of South Africa’s society. This is discussed by analysing the EFF’s official party documents as well as secondary media sources. The research highlights the dilemma within democracy; that while holding the value of broad political representation, such representation may hold within it the seed of democracy’s and pluralism’s destruction.
Engaging with theoretical approaches to state-civil society relations: A case study of child protection organisations informed by christian values in South Africa
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2020-12) Mostert, Chené; De Jager, Nicola; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: For many decades, the definition of ‘civil society’, the role it plays in democratic societies, as well as its relationship with the state have been debated and contested in both theory and reality. Two key theoretical approaches have been identified, namely the ‘associational life’ and ‘public life’ models. The first approach endorses pluralism by recognising that multiple interests need to be represented in a democratic setting. In contrast, the second approach describes civil society as an arena for public deliberation in pursuit of the common interest; and thus requires groups to turn from their separate affairs and compromise on their truths for the sake of finding a shared ‘truth’. Consequently, this approach inadvertently ‘disqualifies’ groups, such as religious groups, who may be unwilling to conform, as they will not always be able to reach a shared truth. The general goal of this study was to advance an understanding of the contribution religious-based, specifically Christian-based, civil society organisations are making in eradicating child abuse and neglect in South Africa and in strengthening broader communities. The study also sought to recognise what their contributions mean in terms of the associational life and public life theoretical approaches. To understand the role these organisations play and how these roles fit into the theoretical approaches, three organisations were selected as case studies and a key informant from each was interviewed. This research thus involved an in-depth analysis of three Christian-based child protection organisations in South Africa. The primary data gathered from the interviews were analysed using content analysis, also known as coding, by means of ATLAS.ti. The data was then interpreted and discussed. The findings show that these groups play a central role in promoting the protection and wellbeing of children and also in empowering communities, holding the government accountable and ensuring a healthy democracy. The contributions of these organisations in South Africa include their wide reach, extending to the remotest corners of the country, advocacy and lobbying work in protecting children’s rights, fostering positive values, stimulating positive change and creating protective and nurturing environments. By highlighting the vital developmental role these Christian-based organisations play, this thesis argues that such religious groups should not be excluded from understandings of civil society. This thesis further discusses state-civil society relations and argues for diverse relations as opposed to a single homogenous set of relations. Since there is insufficient integration between empirical and theoretical research on civil society in South Africa, this thesis aims to address this gap and add to existing literature regarding associationalism in contemporary South Africa. Ultimately, the findings from this study are more commensurate with the associational life theoretical approach and have highlighted the necessity of pluralism not only in South Africa, but also in any democratic state.
The influence of the global financial crisis and other challenges for South Africa's non-governmental Organisations and the prospects for deepening democracy
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013-03) Masiko, Nomathamsanqa; De Jager, Nicola; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The point of departure for this study was the wide-ranging furore in media publications regarding the pervasive decline in donor funding for civil society organisations in South Africa, as influenced by the recent global financial crisis, and the subsequent shutting down of a number of civil society organisations. The decision to embark on this study has its roots in the fact that civil society is an important feature in a democracy with regards to government responsiveness, accountability as well as citizen participation in democratic governance. In South Africa, particularly, this is important in light of the country’s fledgling democracy, and even more so, when considering the ruling party’s overwhelming political power resulting in a dominant party system. The aim of this study was to find out what accounts for the plummet in donor funding, and the overriding question guiding this study was: Has the global financial crisis influenced civil society in South Africa? The broader question asked was: What are the challenges facing civil society organisations in South Africa? This study aims to assist in the evaluation of the potential role that civil society has played and continues to play in South Africa’s young democracy and what the implications would be for democracy if civil society organisations were hampered in these roles and continued to close offices. This study is explorative in nature and relied on qualitative data obtained from in-depth interviews conducted with two prominent South African non-governmental organisations; namely the Institute for Democracy and the Treatment Action Campaign. A key informant was selected and interviewed from each organisation. The findings of the interviews were operationalised through the lenses of Andrew Heywood’s (2007) conceptual theoretical framework, which puts forward five resources that civil society organisations need in order to exert their influence. While acknowledging the importance of all five resources, this study pays particular attention to financial resources received through international donor funding, for without financial resources it is difficult for an organisation to survive. The findings of the interviews and the conclusions drawn underscored four realities: firstly that the decrease in funding is not limited to the organisations examined in this study, but civil society as a whole. The second reality rests on the fact that the global financial crisis has indeed influenced the Institute for Democracy and the Treatment Action Campaign in ways that are a cause for a concern, not only for the survival of the organisation, but also for the durability of South Africa’s young and at times fragile democracy. The third reality points to other challenges that have influenced donor funding, such as South Africa’s middle income status, a shift in donor orientation and focus and donor-specific problems. The fourth reality that was pointed out thrust this study into the conclusion that financial resources are the essential life-blood of civil society organisations. In light of the role that civil society plays in a democracy, the findings in this study point to a concerning trend in South Africa.
Liberation movements and the political opposition in democracies : the case of the ANC in South Africa's democracy
(Stellenbosch: Stellenbosch University, 2020-03) Wardle, Amy Leigh; De Jager, Nicola; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The topic of democratic consolidation has become an important field of study, particularly in developing states with national liberation movements (NLM) turned government. These liberation movements originally fought against authoritarian regimes in the hopes of implementing a democratic regime. Once the conversion to a democratic regime has occurred and during the subsequent electoral process, the NLM usually becomes the ruling party. The way in which these NLM governments view political opposition has a crucial impact on the prospects for democratic consolidation, as political opposition (and therefore electoral contestation and choice), is one of the key recognised foundations of a democratic regime. This thesis intended to answer: How does the African National Congress (ANC), as a core contributor of South Africa’s NLM and the incumbent ruling party, view political opposition in a democratic regime, and why? This was achieved with a case study design and qualitative research approach. Using ATLAS.ti key terms were coded and the party’s language, within their Strategy and Tactics (S&T) documents from 1997 to 2017, was analysed. Key terms were drawn out from the understanding of political opposition as an important institutional foundation for democratic consolidation (to answer the first part of the question) and the three main ideological strands found within the party, which were expected to influence the ANC’s view, namely, liberalism, communism, and Africanism (to answer the second part of the question). The findings revealed that the ANC is subject to a mixture of ideological influences that inform its view of political opposition and inadvertently of itself in a democratic setting. Of note was the term ‘vanguard’, which was most prevalent in all S&T documents throughout the period analysed. The term, associated with Leninism, infers that the ANC sees only itself as qualified to lead South Africa and implies that opposition parties are hostile to the ANC’s transformation project in the South African context. This communist ideology came to influence the ANC in the 1960s during its liberation history. And, as is evident from the analysis, remains influential. However, the investigation showed that this was not the only ideology to influence the ANC’s view of political parties, as the endorsement of liberal values and thus the need for pluralism and multi-parties was also strongly evident. These different ideological influences thus continue to contend for the ANC’s view of opposition and itself in a democratic setting. Even so, the vanguard-view as an antagonistic approach towards political opposition in a democratic regime remains an obstacle to South Africa’s democratic consolidation.
Liberation movements as governments : understanding the ANC's quality of government
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015-04) October, Lauren Sue; De Jager, Nicola; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Liberation struggles and the way liberation movements are organised can leave a lasting impact on post-liberation societies. This research project was conducted in order to research liberation movements as governments and how the quality of governance is affected in post-liberation societies when liberation movements become governments. The South African liberation movement is seen as having contributed to one of the most peaceful transitions of power on the African continent. However, the stigma surrounding liberation movements prompted a study of the South African liberation movement and to establish whether or not the ANC as ruling party has made a success of its governance of South Africa. This thesis uses South Africa as a case study to determine how quality of governance is affected when liberation movements become governments. This thesis focused on the lingering effects of the structure and organisation of liberation movements. It is thus an exploratory as well as descriptive study where the legacies of the South African liberation movement are investigated and where the ANC as a liberation movement is compared to the ANC as a ruling party. Using historical analysis to discover the structure and internal governance of the liberation movement, this thesis seeks to explain the legacies that still influence the ANC today after its transition from a liberation movement into a political party. To do this the thesis used the theoretical framework of quality of government taken from Rothstein and Teorell (2008), who define it as impartiality. These legacies of the South African liberation movement are believed to have had an impact on the quality of governance of the ANC as a ruling party in post-liberation South Africa. By researching the last twenty years of ANC rule in South Africa’s post-liberation society, this thesis investigated the impartiality of government institutions in order to evaluate the quality of governance in South Africa, and thereby to discover what happens to the quality of governance when liberation movements become governments. The findings of this thesis indicate three conclusions. First, the legacies of the South African liberation movement still have a great influence on the modus operandi, the structure and the goals of the ANC today. Second, these legacies have contributed to the decline of the impartiality of government institutions, in particular through the National Democratic Revolution (NDR) project and its cadre deployment strategy, where appointments are made without the consideration of the principle of impartiality. The legacies of the South African liberation movement have thus had a negative impact on the quality of the ANC’s governance. Finally, this thesis has found that in the case of South Africa, when the ANC as liberation movement took over as the ruling party in a post-liberation society, it negatively affected the quality of governance. Further research in this field is needed in order to compare these findings with other countries that have liberation histories so as to be able to generalise about other liberation movements and to improve the quality of governance in other countries.
The National Democratic Revolution: A ‘Utopian’ Blueprint for South Africa
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2022-12) Truter, Joshua; De Jager, Nicola; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The topic of utopian thought has seen a resurgence as a field of study, the vision of a perfect society being an alluring prospect for many. Using this ideal to guide one’s thoughts in an effort at self-improvement is harmless, but imposing a subjective definition of perfection upon others, however, is dangerous. The ANC’s guiding political project, the National Democratic Revolution, is a utopian aspiration. The way in which the party wishes to set about achieving its goals could have dire consequences for South Africa’s fragile democracy. This thesis intended to answer the question: Does the African National Congress (ANC) aim to achieve a totalitarian utopia through the blueprint of the National Democratic Revolution (NDR)? And as an ancillary question: How has Marxism influenced the ANC and does it remain influential as an ideology in the ANC, and has its form evolved? This investigation was undertaken through a case study design and qualitative research approach. Using Atlas.ti, key terms were coded and the party’s language in their strategy and tactics documents from 1969 to 2017 were analysed. The key terms were based on an understanding of the endpoint of utopias being totalitarianism (to answer the main research question) and on one of the three main ideological strands within the ANC, namely Marxism, which was anticipated to have influenced the ANC’s policy documents (to answer the secondary research questions). The findings revealed that although South Africa is not a totalitarian state, the ANC’s NDR can be considered a blueprint for a totalitarian utopia because it is aspirational. Significantly, the terms ‘societal leader’ and ‘transformation’ were most prevalent throughout the period analysed. These terms, commonly associated with totalitarian and utopian tendencies, imply that the ANC views itself as occupying a position higher than that of an ordinary political party in that it deems itself to possess the ability to transform society towards their definition of perfection. This deeply Marxist aspiration, as will become evident from the analysis, remains influential in the party. This prevalence of a multitude of anti-democratic tendencies does not bode well for the future of South Africa’s democracy. Simply because we no longer see rigidly totalitarian regimes does not mean their spirit has faded away completely.
Parties of pressure: Opposition parties in the dominant-party systems of Botswana and South Africa
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2022-04) Parkin, Annemie; De Jager, Nicola; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Democracy requires the participation of political parties to afford voters choice in terms of their representatives and to provide effective opposition. Opposition parties play an important role in keeping the ruling incumbents accountable, providing legitimacy to the system, encouraging political participation, and offering an alternative to the electorate. However, in many African multi-party democracies, opposition parties have been weak and, in some instances, weakened. In Southern Africa, the emergence of dominant-party systems has posed unique challenges to democratic competition and consolidation. It was therefore important to understand the functions opposition parties fulfil, the conditions they operate in, and the challenges they face in the dominant-party system context. Two Southern African case studies – Botswana and South Africa – were selected to investigate this. The study thus focused on how opposition parties remain relevant and the challenges they face in dominant-party systems. The concept of ‘remaining relevant’ was linked to democracy-supporting functions which included legitimising, electoral participation, and accountability functions. The study was a comparative case study and used key-informant interviews as well as a desktop literature review to conduct the research. The key-informant interviews were with prominent members of opposition parties. The interviews’ data were analysed using computer-assisted data analysis software (Atlas.ti) and thematic content analysis was used to identify themes in the data. The main findings were linked to the identified democracy-supporting functions and the challenges opposition parties experience in relation to these functions. In terms of legitimising functions, opposition parties attempt to educate people about democracy and provide an alternative to the ruling party. A challenge in relation to this was the delegitimisation of and the lack of trust in opposition parties. In relation to electoral participation functions, opposition parties were intent on providing viable alternatives to the electorate and the most important strategy that was identified was the mobilisation of the electorate. A challenge in the Botswanan case was the first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral system which has favoured the ruling party. In the South African case, the electoral system was not identified as a challenge, but poor voter turnout and apathy were the key identified issues. Accountability functions were identified as central to opposition parties’ role in dominant-party systems. They also collaborate with one another and other civil society organisations to keep the ruling party accountable. A big challenge in Botswana is the discrepancies in resources between the ruling and opposition parties. In South Africa, negative perceptions about opposition parties were a big challenge. The study is significant because it sheds light on how opposition parties remain relevant in dominant-party systems. Opposition parties in the two cases are intent on providing viable alternatives and seek to win more power. For now, they operate as parties of pressure and are focused on a) contributing to the legitimacy of the democratic system; b) mobilizing the electorate and encouraging conventional participation; and c) holding the ruling party and government accountable. Thus, while constrained by the unlikely alternation in power, characteristic of dominant-party systems, these opposition parties still fulfil important democracy-supporting functions.
The political engagement of the major world religions. Religion: Not Quite “The Opium of the Masses.”
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2018-03) Augustyn, Hein; De Jager, Nicola; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The world is becoming more religious, not less as was previously expected. However, the world’s religions differ and do not have the same teachings and values. At the same time it is important for democratic societies that their citizens engage actively with politics. It is thus important and useful to understand how the followers of the world’s major religions engage politically. The role of religion in politics has often been overlooked. With some - such as Karl Marx who called it "the opium of the masses” - being contemptuous of religion, it is to be expected that religious people would be less politically engaged. This study investigates this expectation. Using a cross-sectional research design this study analyses secondary survey data from the World Values Survey to examine how the world’s major religions engage politically. Two secondary questions it sets out to answer are whether belonging to a religious faith makes you more or less likely to engage in politics, and also whether some religious groups are more positively disposed to the use of violence. The study finds that there are considerable differences in the extent that the world’s major religions engage with politics. Buddhists seem to be the most interested in politics and to attach the most importance to it. All the religions seem to keep well informed, mainly by watching television. Jews seem to vote more than the other groups in both local and national elections. When it comes to positioning themselves on the political scale, the two Asian religions, Hinduism and Buddhism, tend towards the left, whereas the three Christian strands of Catholicism, Orthodox Christianity and Protestantism are clustered around the centre. Catholics tend the furthest towards the right among all the groups. Protestants seem to be significantly more engaged in civil society organisations than any of the other groups. They also seem to participate more in the signing of petitions and boycotts than any other group. Jews seem to take more part in peaceful and lawful demonstrations and other political action than other groups. With regards to unconventional political action, Protestants and Jews seem to participate more in unofficial strikes than other groups. All the groups recorded a very negative attitude towards violence against other people. However, Jews seem to be the most positively disposed towards it, followed by Hindus. Orthodox Christians seem to be the most negative towards violence. Some groups thus seem to be slightly more positively disposed towards violence against other people than others. The religiously unaffiliated seem to engage actively in conventional protest action, only moderately in unconventional political action and poorly in civil society organisations. Although they seem to be politically more engaged than groups like the Buddhists, Hindus, Muslims and Orthodox Christians, they do not appear to be more engaged than Jews or Protestants. It thus seems that religion, as a whole, cannot be considered to be “the opium of the masses” since various religious groups have frequently been shown to be more engaged in politics than those who are religiously unaffiliated.
The role & importance of democratic political institutions : Zimbabwe's regression towards authoritarianism
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015-04) Jones, Indiana Baron; De Jager, Nicola; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis seeks to advance the understanding of Zimbabwe’s current political situation and how it has regressed towards authoritarianism. The assumption when initially embarking on this research assignment was that Zimbabwe’s political failures over the past three and a half decades since its independence in 1980 could be traced back to its original Constitution – the Lancaster House Constitution of 1979. The research in this thesis is guided by a central question: Has Zimbabwe’s failure to successfully institutionalise democratic institutions, in particular through the 1979 Constitution, contributed to its regression to authoritarianism, despite its initial democratic transition? This question is substantiated by way of four sub-questions: • What processes lead from democratic transition to authoritarianism? • What are the institutional prerequisites for democratic development? • How was Zimbabwe’s Lancaster Constitution negotiated? • Did Zimbabwe’s institutional framework set it up for failure? In order to answer the research questions, a descriptive and exploratory study with emphasis on a case study was conducted by drawing from both secondary as well as primary sources of data. The primary data examined is a compilation of original documents belonging to the late Leo Baron, former Acting Chief Justice of Zimbabwe (1983) and lawyer to Joshua Nkomo. These documents include a personal record and interviews previously conducted in 1983 for the national archives of Zimbabwe between Baron and the state, an original ZAPU document titled Proposals for a settlement in Southern Rhodesia as well as the original Lancaster House Constitution of 1979. This thesis used democratic consolidation as a theoretical framework to assess the processes that lead from democratic transition to authoritarianism as well as the institutional prerequisites for democratic development. By exploring the field of democratic consolidation, the author settled upon two analytical frameworks for this research assignment. The first is that of Kapstein and Converse, who argue that in order for a democracy to be effective the power of the executive needs to be successfully constrained. They contend that if the executive faces sufficient constraints only then is it accountable to the electorate. Secondly, this thesis focuses largely on the institutional framework developed by Dahl, which highlights a set of criteria underlining the political institutions necessary for a country to transition into a successful democracy. The key findings are that, firstly, Zimbabwe’s Lancaster Constitution was not the product of an inclusive and participatory process; instead it has been discovered that the process was one that lacked public participation and thus lacked wider legitimacy. It can thus be argued that the Lancaster House Conference, normally regarded as the platform upon which Zimbabwe’s negotiated transition to majority rule took place, was in fact not a negotiation at all; instead it resembled more of a handover of power with forced implications and unrealistic expectations. And secondly, that the Lancaster Constitution of 1979 did not sufficiently provide for a democratic political institutional framework for democratic development in Zimbabwe. Instead it failed to highlight the importance of, and make provision for, several important independent organs usually responsible for the smooth transition towards democratisation and the eventual consolidation of democracy.
Social cohesion and reconciliation in South Africa
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2016-03) Gildenhuys, Kabelo Johannes; De Jager, Nicola; Steenekamp, Cindy; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Social cohesion and reconciliation have important roles to play in the development and trajectory of conflict transformation in countries marked by past conflict. Given South Africa’s divided past, based predominantly on racial divisions, conflict transformation between the country’s racial groups is essential for ensuring future stability. Improved levels of social cohesion are an indication of the quality of social relations, particularly measured in terms of the levels of social and political trust and reconciliation, understood as the distance in social relations, specifically as observed in terms of inter-racial contact and inter-racial prejudice; improved levels of social and political trust and reconciliation would ultimately contribute towards sustained conflict transformation. The notions of ‘conflict transformation’ and ‘political culture’ provide the conceptual framework for the study of social cohesion and reconciliation, particularly in the South African context. Survey data from the South African Reconciliation Barometer (SARB) administered by the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation (IJR) were utilised for this study. This study was able to highlight how both social cohesion and reconciliation have changed, particularly in relation to the different race groups of South Africa. Employing a longitudinal study enabled the observation and analysis of the development of conflict transformation in South Africa through variables related to the dimensions of social cohesion and reconciliation from 2003 to 2013. The findings showed an increase in contact and social trust, particularly for Black and White South Africans. Additionally, White South Africans’ political trust increased significantly, whereas there was a decrease in political trust for Black South Africans. Levels of prejudice declined for White South Africans, whereas the levels of prejudice recorded for Black South Africans were more mixed as they decreased and increased. For both Indian and Coloured South Africans there was a decrease of acceptance of other race groups, albeit from a higher level of acceptance compared to Black and White South Africans. Levels of social cohesion and reconciliation remain low and the need for sustained efforts towards conflict transformation is evident. Several factors have been highlighted as contributing towards the low levels for both dimensions recorded. In particular, inequality, high crime levels, national leadership challenges and corruption have all had an adverse effect for the realisation of sustained conflict transformation in South Africa.
The soft power of populist politics : a case study of the Economic Freedom Fighters in the South African context
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2020-03) Folscher, Marine; De Jager, Nicola; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: While in the past scholars of political science have generally thought democracy to die at the barrel of a gun – in coups and revolutions – the rise of populist politics has alerted the world to the possibility of democracy being strangled slowly in the name of ‘the people’. Populists consider society to be separated into two homogenous but antagonistic groups – the ‘pure people’ and the ‘corrupt elite’. While there has been much research into populism in the West, the particularities of the phenomenon within the African context are still emerging. The importance of a regional perspective becomes clear when one considers the deeply contextual nature of populist politics and the different iteration it therefore takes on the African continent: more economically focused than in the West, more prone to Marxist-socialist ideological underpinnings, reliant on a dual nexus of urban and ethnically-based rural support, and underpinning a rising wave of populism in post-liberation states aimed at former liberators. This study examines the phenomenon within the context of the current South African political climate, which is dominated by three political parties: the incumbent African National Congress (ANC), the Democratic Alliance (DA) as the official opposition, and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), a growing populist party. The broader rationale of this research is to advance an understanding of how populist discourse works within the African political and socio-economic context by using a South African case study. More narrowly defined, the main research question guiding this analysis is: Could the EFF have led to a shift wherein the ANC and DA became more populist in their political rhetoric and discourse? The research thus focuses on the populist party’s ‘soft power’ – its ability to make others choose to follow its example through influence, not threats. If the EFF could shift the political rhetoric and policymaking in South Africa despite their inability to amass sufficient electoral support to attain the highest office in the land, what could this mean for other governments facing populist resurgences in democratic states? Clearly, the phenomenon of populist parties’ ‘soft power’ needs to be better understood and studied. The discourse-centred approach of this study allows for populists to be identified by their political rhetoric, with speeches by political leaders forming the primary data used to analyse the level of populist discourse of a particular party. A holistic textual grading method, first pioneered by Hawkins (2009), which scores political speeches on a scale of 0 – not populist at all – to 2 – extremely populist – is used. In this study, the coding rubric compiled by Hawkins (2009) is utilised to score 12 speeches. These include two each from the 2014 and 2019 electoral periods for each of the three biggest parties in South Africa. Through the combination of the above qualitative coding method and a desktop study, this study found that the EFF has not caused a marked increase in populist political rhetoric in the other two parties. However, the populist party does pose a danger to the as yet unconsolidated South African democracy owing to its illiberal and anti-pluralist tendencies, and because of the possibility that other parties may also choose to adopt some of the EFF’s policies and behaviour (rather than rhetoric) in order to sway voters.
The State, Federalism, non-state actors, and conflict : the Mexican drug war
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013-03) Crane, Shawn R.; Lambrechts, Derica; De Jager, Nicola; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research study analyzes the Mexican drug war’s impact on the state’s federal political system of shared sovereignty. Transnational criminal organizations (TCOs) such as drug cartels have grown in strength due to shifting dynamics of the global drug trade. This growth in power, both in relation to the use of physical force and the influence over Mexican society, has challenged the state’s authority and monopoly of violence. After the inauguration of President Felipe Calderón in 2006, the government launched an all-in offensive, dedicating the entire state system to ridding the country of the drug cartels. Results of the offensive have been mixed and vary from area to area. However, trends indicate that the offensive has caused power vacuums and increased rivalry among the drug cartels. National homicide statistics show the government offensive has distorted the balance of power among the drug cartels, causing increased competition in an already hypercompetitive market. The majority of Mexico’s modern history consists of the era of single-party dominance, where the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) dominated the political system on both vertical and horizontal levels. The recent growth of federal executive power during Calderón’s administration has caused concern about whether the democratic progress made during the last decade could be reversed – returning the country back to former autocratic practices of governance. This reversal also involves the concentration of power in the center. For the last few decades, the country has been decentralizing its political system in accordance to federal principles laid down by its Constitution. The involvement of the military, a federal instrument of security that has in some cases taken over jurisdiction from state and local authorities, has been causing debate on whether the executive power is violating its constitutional limits of power. With this, the primary research question of this study uses theoretical concepts and is formulated thusly: How do violent non-state actors (VNSAs) impact federalism in Mexico? Mexico was chosen as a case study because of its growing struggle against the drug cartels, a sub-branch of non-state actors (NSAs). The Westphalian state order has changed dramatically with globalization, changing realities with regard to the use of physical violence. This is especially the case in reference to VNSAs, where the use of violence maintains an informal system of order. With the rise of the powerful drug cartels, a direct result of the global drug trade that hides in the shadows of globalization, Mexico’s case is not unique. Colombia struggled with a similar scenario during the 1980s and 1990s. However, the security situation in Mexico has proven to be constantly evolving and very intense during a time of political transition. This study shows that the federal executive branch of the Mexican government has not violated its constitutional limits of the use of power, although the Mexican Constitution of 1917 has proven to be vague in reference to the use of the military in peacetime. This vagueness could undermine regional sovereignty and federal principles laid down by the Constitution. The study also indicates that the increasing levels of violence are affecting the functionality of regional governance, as well as freedom of the press. Homicide statistics show that since the government launched its offensive in 2006, there has been a significant increase in assassinations targeting both mayors and journalists. Overall, there is no indication that the drug war has influenced federalism in Mexico. Rather, the drug war has exposed institutional weaknesses, causing increased demand for and investment in professionalizing state institutions.
Understanding the causes and the nature of Xenophobia in South Africa : a case study of De Doorns
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014-12) Hagensen, Live; De Jager, Nicola; Stellenbosch University.Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study seeks to understand the causes and nature of xenophobia in South Africa. It investigates this through the case of De Doorns, where in November 2009 3000 Zimbabweans were chased out of their homes, which were subsequently looted and destroyed. This case was chosen because it is an example of a xenophobic incident that went beyond xenophobic attitudes to manifest in violent behaviour towards African migrants. The study was guided though three questions. (1) How can the violent xenophobic attacks in De Doorns be explained? (2) Do the explanations for xenophobia offer sufficient explanation for the causes and nature of xenophobia in De Doorns? (3) Are the causes for xenophobia still evident in De Doorns? To answer the first and third questions key informant interviews with relevant organisations were conducted with Agri Wes-Cape, the Hex River Valley Table Grape Association and People Against Suffering, Oppression and Poverty (PASSOP). In addition, published work (reports and an article) has been analysed. To answer the second question, literature on the topic of xenophobia was reviewed and the findings compared to the answers found for the first question. The key findings in this study were, firstly, that the causes for xenophobia were twofold: there was a context and there were underlying causes; in addition there were specific triggers for the xenophobia. This twofold explanation is evident in Horowitz’s ethnic violence theory, where he takes into consideration both external contextual causes and immediate locality-bound causes. The context was the farming community of De Doorns, characterised by casual work, job insecurity and (often) poor living conditions. The underlying causes were found to be locals’ frustration with and perceptions of Zimbabweans; this led to the development of xenophobic attitudes. In addition, labour brokers were found to have worsened the situation by encouraging causal work and by skimming off workers’ payments. Government insufficiencies were also an underlying condition: there was lack in an early warning system and there were service delivery failures. These underlying conditions gave a breeding ground for the triggers of the violence to operate. These triggers were found to be of a local political character, and these highlighted the explanatory value of Misago’s micropolitics theory. A local councillor stirred up the xenophobia to gain popularity for re-election before the upcoming local government elections. From this it is found that with similar or worse underlying condition xenophobia could flourish, given the ‘right’ triggers. This is an important finding in light of the up coming local government elections in 2016. In terms of the nature of the xenophobia in South Africa, it is argued that this often goes beyond the expression of xenophobic attitudes, and takes the form of violent xenophobic behaviour which is usually targeted at black African migrants. Explanations for this violence have historical roots in the armed struggle and it illicits a response from government. Why black Africans? Their proximity and their vulnerability are put forward as explanations, though it is also recognized that current explanations are insufficient.

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