Masters Degrees (Political Science)

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An activist or a toothless Parliament? South African Parliament’s National Assembly Portfolio Committee on International Relations and Cooperation
(2019-12) Monnakgotla, Roseline Mpho; Cornelissen, Scarlett; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa grants strong powers to Parliament’s Portfolio Committee on International Relations and Cooperation. This enables the Committee to play a fundamental role in overseeing the Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO), including its implementation of South Africa’s foreign policy. This study applied groupthink as a theoretical framework to examine the role of the Portfolio Committee in overseeing the implementation of South Africa’s foreign policy by DIRCO. In particular, based on the individual experiences of Portfolio Committee members, the study provided a definition of the nature of parliamentary oversight, identified the different oversight mechanisms used by members as well as highlighting the challenges that undermine Parliament’s oversight role. The findings revealed that holding the executive accountable, ensuring that the executive fulfils its mandate, making sure that funds allocated by Parliament are used responsibly by the executive, and serving the country’s best interests are all aspects of parliamentary oversight. The findings further suggest that Portfolio Committee members use several oversight mechanisms, including inviting the Department to make a presentation on a particular matter, putting questions to the Minister, making statements in the House, as well as making budget speeches to oversee DIRCO. The findings further revealed that Portfolio Committee members submitted 191 written questions to DIRCO Minister for the 2011 – 2012 period on foreign policy matters. Of the 191 questions, findings show that there were four associated written questions on the two identified case studies. Further examination of these questions showed that the majority sought clarity on peace and security, particularly South Africa’s role and support to in Zimbabwe and BRICS and its influence on South Africa’s foreign policy decisions, particularly at the UN Security Council. The findings also revealed factors that have hindered the Portfolio Committee from effectively carrying out its oversight role. These factors included the absence of the Minister in the Committee and the House proceedings to take oral questions and the inability of DIRCO senior officials to speak with absolute authority and clarity on given issues. Lastly, the presence of groupthink symptoms was detected in the Committee, namely, cohesiveness and insulation of the group from external expertise. Based on these findings, the study recommended areas of improvement to reinforce the Portfolio Committee’s oversight over the implementation of South Africa’s foreign policy.
China in Africa : friend or foe? : China’s contemporary political and economic relations with Africa
(Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2006-12) Botha, Ilana; Cornelissen, Scarlett; University of Stellenbosch. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
Since the end of the Cold War, China has displayed a reinvigorated interest in the African continent. There are differing viewpoints as to whether China’s increasing involvement in Africa is beneficial to the African continent, or whether there are negative consequences. This assignment attempts to answer this question by exploring the nature of China’s political, economic, and aid relationships with the African continent, by highlighting examples from four countries: South Africa, Zimbabwe, Uganda and Sudan. China’s interests in Africa are motivated primarily by economics and diplomacy. In other words, Africa is important to China as a vast source of resources to feed its growing manufacturing base, as well as a source of energy security. In addition, China sees Africa as an important destination for its affordable manufactured goods. China’s interests in Africa, however, are not only confined to economics, but extend to diplomacy as well. China is attempting to position itself as an important power in the international system and, in so doing, promote its own views and policies within international multilateral organisations. Africa plays an important role in this regard, particularly in institutions with ‘one-country, one vote’ arrangements. Thus, China attempts to court African governments in order to secure access to Africa’s vast resources, as well as to garner support for its policies in the international arena. After an in-depth examination of the evidence, it is concluded that China’s engagement with Africa is based on strategic political and economic considerations and fits within a Realist explanatory framework. It is therefore contended that China’s presence on the African continent presents both opportunities as well as threats, although African governments need to be pro-active in order to exploit the potential opportunities. Furthermore, it is concluded that the negative consequences of China’s involvement in Africa are not only attributable to China’s behaviour in Africa, but some of the blame should also be shifted to corrupt African governments and elites who operate within a framework of neo-patrimonial politics which exacerbates corruption and mal-governance on the continent. Such behaviour stalls efforts emanating from ‘responsible’ African leaders to promote good governance and democracy on the continent, for example through institutions such as the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (Nepad) and the African Union (AU).
China’s economic involvement in Mozambique and prospects for development : an analysis of the processes and impacts of major recent investments
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008-12) Alvarenga Rodrigues, Daniel Guilherme; Cornelissen, Scarlett; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
The great intensification of China’s engagement with Africa in the beginning of the 21st century has brought about an equally vast body of literature concerning the general motives and features of the engagement. The broad nature of such literature begs for more focused and localised analysis that are able to complement and inform the ongoing debate. This thesis aims to better understand how China’s policy towards Mozambique affects the latter’s economic development. With this objective in mind each of the four empirical chapters provides a fresh view over some of the most salient dimensions and recent processes related to China’s involvement with Mozambique. The following is analysed: China’s trade and investment with Mozambique; the Asian power’s economic involvement in Mozambique’ agriculture sector; the participation of the China-Exim Bank in the Mphanda Nkuwa dam negotiation process; and finally the participation of Mozambique in the China-sponsored multilateral organisation of the Macau Forum. The methodology used is primarily reliant on the analysis of secondary material supplemented by a small number of informal interviews. The core secondary material includes government investment agencies statistics, analysis of official documents, policies and analysis of material such as NGO reports, studies and media reports. The analysis corroborates the view that it mostly depends upon Mozambique’s governance actors to make China’s engagement work towards its economic development and that there is not a static set of monolithic neo-colonial tendencies overriding China’s commitments towards the African country.
Contemporary and past dynamics in Japan’s relationship with sub-Saharan Africa : the role of aid
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012-12) Mlombo, Abraham; Cornelissen, Scarlett; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Japanese-African aid relationship has evolved since World War Two. The majority of studies on Japan’s role in Africa have focused on the economic aspect, while Japan’s aid relationship with Africa remains a relatively underexplored area of enquiry. This thesis aims to contribute to the study of Japanese-African relations by focusing on the role of aid in Japan’s involvement with the continent. The research question focuses on the evolution of Japan’s aid relationship with sub-Saharan Africa and the factors that have shaped this relationship. The study is qualitative and exploratory in nature and makes use mostly of secondary sources. Theoretically, the study analyses the aid relationship with reference to three sources of motivation for the provision of aid, namely economic, political and moral rationales. The findings of this study highlight the fact that, before 1990, Japan’s aid relationship with Africa was motivated by all three rationales. From an economic perspective, aid served as security for resources from Africa especially after the oil crisis of 1973. From a political perspective, Japan’s aid relationship served a number of objectives that changed over time. The study highlights these changes, suggesting that, from a political perspective, Japan’s aid in respect of Africa initially served to play a critical role in the Western camp in its anti-communist struggle on the continent. It was also used to curb criticism directed at Japan by African countries for its pro-Pretoria policy. After 1990, Japan’s aid relationship with Africa from political perspective served Japan’s ambition to be recognised as a political power, most importantly to receive the support from Africa that would allow Japan to secure a permanent seat on the United Nations (UN) Security Council. From an economic perspective, it served to secure strategic natural resources for Japan that would sustain its growing economy and help to achieve its ambition of attaining global economic supremacy. From a moral perspective, the aid relationship served to promote a development path for Africa similar to that experienced in Japan’s Asian neighbourhood. Japan’s aid relationship with sub-Saharan Africa can be explained from a realist perspective, since the country’s national interests played a key role in the distribution of aid in this region. It has been important for Japan to maintain its momentum regarding global economic prominence and influence and for it to try to secure a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. By distributing aid to Africa, it has hoped to improve its chances of achieving its economic ambition and importantly its elevation to the Security Council. The study thus suggests that political ambitions have been the primary motivating factor in the distribution of aid in sub-Saharan Africa. The areas for further investigation, as highlighted by the findings of this study, are as follows: Japan’s aid relationship with Africa remains a relatively new area of inquiry and more research could therefore be done given the available data. The study also highlights the political perspective as the primary motivating factor for Japan’s aid relationship with Africa. This served Japan’s ambitions of being recognised as a global political player that would find its greatest expression in securing a permanent seat on the UN Security Council with the assistance of African nations. Future studies could investigate whether Japan has managed to achieve its global political ambition and whether African countries played a significant role in this process. Finally, future studies could study the effectiveness of the TICAD process and whether Japan’s non-Western approach to development remains a popular model.
The contours, dynamics and impacts of African football migration to South Africa
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008-12) Solberg, Eirik Futsaeter; Cornelissen, Scarlett; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
This study explores the contours, dynamics and impacts of African football migration to South Africa. It argues that there has been a change in the international political economy of sport, and that this change is affecting world football migration. In addition to the study’s primary focus on African football migration, it also reviews substantial parts of the literature concerning the phenomenon of football migration, in order to explain which dynamics characterise football migration. The thesis also accounts for the incentives that motivate African football migration to South Africa, and the impact such players have on the South African domestic elite league. The study identifies which incentives exist for promoting football cooperation in the context of Southern Africa, and how football migration patterns correlate or contrast with general migration patterns to South Africa. The study makes use of two theoretical frameworks, by Paul Darby and Joseph Maguire, to understand and explain player migration. These frameworks provide an understanding of the different aspects and structures shaping player migration, and should be interpreted as complementary and not contrasting approaches. The examination of the frameworks’ theoretical deficiencies and implications provides the basis for further research in the conclusion. The conclusion argues that there exists a need to create a new theoretical framework within which future studies can be concluded. The study is motivated by the general lack of academic research on the specific subject and migration to South Africa. The latter is suggested by the body of literature, concerning African migration to South Africa, which argues for more research on the issue to get a better understanding of the current situation. This study is based on both primary and secondary sources, the latter being represented by e.g. academic journal articles and books. In addition it was necessary to conduct fieldwork to provide answers to the research questions. The study makes use of exploratory qualitative methods in order to provide a conclusion, and to answer the research questions. It can be characterised as exploratory because it will offer new insights into a specific issue which, until now, has not been researched extensively. The analysis of the data and desktop research revealed certain trends, and provides a basis for answering the research questions. The study concludes that football migration, like conventional migration, is very complex and influenced by several interwoven factors. Hence a broad scope is crucial to understand the phenomenon correctly and not exaggerate the importance of some factors above others. In the conclusion the current position of the PSL is explained in relation to the two theoretical frameworks and the work of Pierre Lanfranchi and Matthew Taylor. It is argued that the PSL, unlike most other African leagues, has managed to cope with the ‘enduring problem of African football’, and has transformed into a commercialised, commoditised league heavily influenced by corporate interests.
A coxian analysis of key trends in Sub-Saharan Africa's political economy, 2000-2011
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012-03) Hamblin, Vicky; Cornelissen, Scarlett; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This is a theoretical study that appraises the nature and dimensions of Sub-Saharan Africa's (SSA's) political economy and the forces that underpin them, using a Coxian framework of analysis. Since 2000 the nature of SSA's political economy has been changing. Emergent trends and shifts in the region‟s political economy, including strong economic growth performances and increasing South-South cooperation, appear in contradiction to a dependent and conflict ridden depiction portrayed by most literature on SSA. From a Coxian perspective, it is contended in this study that these changes in SSA's political economy have arisen because of systemic changes occurring in the international system. At the same time, the study acknowledges that SSA's political economy is infused with dependence that can be identified through exploring the historical context of the twentieth century that shaped it. The majority of scholarly literature written on SSA has focused on humanitarian crises, poverty, war, corruption and conflict. In addition, mainstream International Relations (IR) and International Political Economy (IPE) theory largely overlook SSA. The majority of those that explore SSA's place in world politics have failed to contextualise SSA's position within the context of structural changes occurring in the international system. This has resulted in mainstream IR and IPE paradigms being inadequate to provide explanations for emergent trends in SSA's political economy. Exploration and analysis of mainstream IR and IPE theories and Africa's epistemological and ontological requirements directed the study towards selecting a narrowed Coxian Critical Theory (CCT) framework to further explore SSA's political economy. Using the CCT theoretical tools of 'historical structures' and 'hegemony' in the international system, the study explores: What have been the key trends prevalent in SSA’s political economy from 2000-2011 and how have these been shaped by structural changes in the international system? Does the nature of SSA’s political economy between 2000 and 2011 give scope for SSA’s conditions of dependence to alter? A historicised approach in line with CCT allows for exploration of SSA's conditions of dependence through identifying the key ideas, institutions and material capabilities pertinent to SSA's political economy in the twentieth century. The main trends of SSA's political economy from 2000 to 2011 include: a resilient economic and political performance in the face of the financial crisis of 2007 to 2010; increasing engagement with emerging powers resulting in being typified as the 'swing continent'; and different ideas and new approaches with regards to development thinking and the role and nature of institutions. These trends have been highly influenced by the structural change in relative material capabilities from traditional to emerging powers during this decade. The specific use of CCT as a framework has provided the means to analyse the fluid interactions between the key forces in SSA's political economy and the international system, allowing analysis of the possibility of SSA's conditions of dependency to alter. However, this is contingent on factors such as the desire of African leaders and policymakers to end the conditions of dependence. The study identifies the scope and limitations of Coxian analysis for understanding trajectories in SSA's political economy.
CREC7‘s infrastructural investment in the DRC : an in-depth study of the motives for Chinese outward FDI
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2011-12) Van Der Lugt, Sanne; Cornelissen, Scarlett; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The purpose of this Masters‘ thesis was twofold, namely, to contribute to a more holistic approach of the study of the motives of Chinese overseas investors and, secondly, to contribute to the adjustment of general FDI theory in such a way that it becomes more suited to the study of the motives of investors from any country of origin. FDI scholars who study emerging markets argue that general FDI theory needs to be adjusted because most of its theories are derived from studying outward FDI in an Anglo-Saxon context. The theories are therefore not necessarily applicable to investors from a non-Anglo-Saxon context. Furthermore, the study of the motives of foreign investors is of importance to policy makers of FDI host countries in order to create a balance between attracting FDI by deregulating, and controlling FDI by enforcing strict laws and regulations, thereby harnessing the full potential of incoming FDI. Therefore, the model that Lee (1966) developed in migration theory was introduced to FDI theory and tested by applying it to the case of the infrastructural investments in the DRC of a subsidiary of CREC, the world‘s largest contractor, namely CREC7. The main factors that influence the motives of CREC7 were investigated using the Four Factors Model, an adjusted version of Lee‘s model. A single-case study design was chosen in order to shed light on certain dynamics – in particular, the interrelation between the particular firm-specific, push, pull and intervening factors that influence CREC7‘s motives to invest in the DRC. In order to maximise the validity of this study, multiple sources of evidence were used, namely: documentation, face-to-face interviews and direct observations, the latter two of which occurred during August 2010. Lee‘s (1966) model indeed appeared to be useful for identifying the main factors that influence the motives of CREC7 for investing in the infrastructure sector in the DRC and the interrelatedness of these factors. The collected data from the desktop research and the fieldwork showed how conditions in the country of origin, conditions in the country of destination, firm-specific factors, and intervening factors influence each other in a highly complex way. In order to illustrate this complexity, the factors that influence each other most actively were grouped together in clusters. The two clusters of factors that were of specific importance for CREC7‘s decision to invest in the DRC, are: (1) relationship with the central government, access to finance, experience and skills, market access, and intervening factors; (2) experience and skills, experience of operating in a challenging institutional environment, high level of competition in the domestic market, high demand for infrastructure in the DRC, and the relatively low level of competition in large infrastructure projects in the DRC. Because the Four Factors Model uses broad categories of factors that apply to all foreign investors, this model can be applied to the study of the motives of foreign investors from both developed and developing countries, thereby contributing to make general FDI theory more relevant.
Crime as deterrent to sustainable tourism growth? : perspectives on the impact of crime on tourism in the Western Cape
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2005-12) Dalhousie, Landi; Cornelissen, Scarlett; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science .
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study analyses the impact of crime on sustainable tourism growth in the Western Cape. It investigates tourists' perceptions of crime in the province and the role of the media in creating or influencing these perceptions. This study also provides an overview of the most important government initiatives and policies that have been undertaken and implemented at local, provincial and national levels. These policies are discussed and evaluated to determine whether it has in fact brought or encouraged sustainable tourism growth in the Western Cape. A survey, with a sample size of 25 respondents was undertaken during the period of April to June 2005 and comprised 13 tour operators, eight tourism bureaus and four travel agencies, which are all based in the Western Cape. The aim of the study was to gain insight into the travel motivations and patterns of the thousands of tourists that visit the province every year and their perceptions regarding crime, from the viewpoint of these primary producers (i.e. the travel intermediaries) in the tourism production system. Crime does not only affect residents, but also has an impact on tourist behaviour and deters visitors from visiting a country, as most tourists are risk-aversive and consider such factors when deciding on a destination. Only a small number of tourists are disappointed with the crime situation when visiting the Western Cape, but the majority of tourists still regard it as a serious problem, and possible deterrent, of the province. These perceptions do have a tendency to change more positively once tourists have visited the area. Nevertheless, respondents feel obliged to warn tourists against crime or give them advice about their safety and security. The various levels of government are committed towards improving safety and security in South Africa and numerous policies and initiatives have been developed and implemented. However, most do not specifically focus on crimes against tourists. Safety and security is considered as a prerequisite for a successful tourism industry, thus both local residents and tourists should receive equal attention with regards to safety and security from the government. However, many respondents are unaware of the existence of the government's initiatives to combat crime, which raises doubts about the effectiveness of these initiatives, their implementation and their intended benefits. The government should formulate comprehensive and constructive provincial policies in order to address the potentially detrimental impacts of crime on sustainable tourism growth in the Western Cape.
The effects of terrorism as a form of socio-political instability on tourism governance : a study of the July 2005 London Bombings
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2007-12) Storme, Evelien (Evelien Geertrui Andre); Cornelissen, Scarlett; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis sets out to explore the impact of the July 2005 bombings in London on the relationship between various levels of government, the business community and organisations in the public sector, in their capacity as role players in tourism governance. The particular focus is motivated by the observation that responses by these groups to a tourism crisis may lead to a form of 'joined-up' government. This means that the activities and interests of all parties involved are aligned by relationships characterized by high levels of cooperation and coordination. The 2001 crises in the tourism sector caused by Foot and Mouth Disease and 9/11 functioned as the initial drivers behind this process in the United Kingdom, and the impact of the more recent July bombings further contributed to this trend. The further strengthening of these relationships might be the most effective way in dealing with the effects of tourism crises. Therefore the analysis of the impact of the July bombings on the quality and the nature of the relationships amongst the parties in tourism governance is important to increase the sector's preparedness and its capability to monitor and respond the impacts of possible future attacks. The ongoing and political nature of the terrorism threat, as well as the current trend of devolution of governments sets the overall background for the study. This study is primarily qualitative in nature. Data was gathered from secondary literature, government documents, media reports and personal communication with prominent representatives from all parties covered in the study. Questionnaire responses and interviews were conducted during July and September 2007. The network paradigm, used as an analytical framework in this study, provides the stepping stones to the conclusion that the July bombings had an asymmetrical effect on the horizontal and vertical networks between the bodies. The effects of the July bombings on the sub-national level of tourism governance were the greatest, with local and regional government agencies consolidating their powers. It was found that the tourism industry and organisations in the public sector demonstrate that stronger partnerships within and between them have a beneficial impact on their relationship with local and regional levels of government. The network paradigm was found to be a successful analytical tool for tourism studies with an interest in terrorism, political instability or another significant variable that may challenge the prosperity of tourism.
Global cities of the South : Mexico City and Johannesburg in an era of globalisation
(Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2006., 2006-12) Hamilton, W. Michael; Cornelissen, Scarlett
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The global city discourse posits a new role for cities in light of increased economic integration and the rise of a global economy. Firms are increasingly investing capital in locations where profits are anticipated to be highest, creating a geographic dispersal of economic activity. As a result, the central command functions of firms – management, coordination, servicing, and financing of vast networks of operations – have become more complex and strategic. Firms thus outsource a portion of their central command functions to specialised service firms. Specialised service firms tend towards high levels of agglomeration and concentrate in a small number of locations, giving rise to command and control centres of the global economy or global cities. Cities of the South are increasingly fulfilling global city functions, yet are generally approached through a developmentalist framework. The global city discourse places salience on specialised services and exhibits a Western bias. This study develops an alternative analytical framework that recognises an array of activities and processes, across three spheres of globalisation – markets, mafias, and movements – that contribute to the global connectivity of cities. In this way the role of cities of the South in the global economy is better understood. This study focuses on Mexico City and Johannesburg as global cities of the South. What the research uncovers is that these cities fulfil many global city functions and are amongst the best connected cities in their respective regions in terms of their ability to service global capital through growing specialised service sectors. In this way Mexico City and Johannesburg emerge as global cities of the South that integrate large geographical areas, populations, and sub-global economies with the global economy. This study also illustrates that the way in which global cities are conceptualised limits the extent to which the concept can be applied in Southern context. Global cities of the South service far less global capital because of the nature of core/semi-periphery/periphery relations and underdevelopment, the role they fulfil in the global economy is, however, no less critical than that of global cities of the core. This study therefore proposes thinking of global cities as constituent units of a global urban network, garnering certain power by occupying a particular niche constitutive of the whole network.
Global taxes and a more equitable global political economy : a feminist analysis
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004-12) Ellis, Emily Melissa; Cornelissen, Scarlett; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Feminist international relations theories stress that global solutions to environmental, social and economic dilemmas will not be accurately diagnosed nor corrected until hierarchal social relations, including gender relations, intrinsic to the global economic and political framework are recognized and altered. How does a feminist interpretation of international relations aid in the adoption of global taxes to benefit women? This study explores the ways a mechanism such as global taxation could be utilized to create a more equitable global political economy. The study is exploratory making use of a qualitative methodology employing secondary data from industries such as tourism, toy production, and textiles. Feminist perspectives on environmental, social, and economic security, rational actor behavior and collectivism facilitate the dialogue which is essential for global tax implementation. The adoption of global taxes has the capability to better the lived experiences of women globally by minimizing poverty and strengthening the working conditions of women worldwide. Proposed carbon taxes and global commons taxes work to redefine environmental security by placing appropriate price indicators on the use of globally used resources. Proposed email taxes, world trade taxes, and currency exchange fee taxes grant the fiscal resources necessary to create greater economic and social security. Chapter One is an analysis of the global political economy. Chapter Two explains the controversial and progressive idea of a global tax administered by the United Nations to deal with the inequity of globalization. Chapter Three focuses on the linkages between the introduction of a global tax and the feminist perspective on the global political economy. Chapter Four summarizes the structural inadequacies of the current economic framework to address the economic and social grievances that global taxes combat.
HIV/AIDS and climate in food security crises :a study of Southern Africa, 2001-2005.
(Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2006-12) Van Riet, Gideon; Cornelissen, Scarlett; University of Stellenbosch. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
This study is based on the premise that HIV/AIDS and variable rainfall, in other words, events such as droughts and floods (climate), are likely to be prevalent in Southern Africa for the foreseeable future. Thus, these two factors are likely to accompany future food crises in the region. This study investigates the Southern African Food Crisis in the period 2001-2005, with certain objectives in mind. Firstly, the impact of HIV/AIDS and climate on food security is investigated. Secondly, in light of the findings relating to the first objective, it is investigated what an optimal humanitarian intervention in a food crisis in the Southern African context, characterised by variable rainfall and high prevalence of HIV/AIDS, might entail. Finally, the appropriateness of humanitarian interventions in the Southern African Food Crisis to ameliorate the long-term impacts of HIV/AIDS and climate on the region is considered. The study makes use of an extensive literature review, supplemented by a smaller set of e-mail and semi-structured interviews. Especially with regards to the second and third research objectives, the Consortium for the Southern African Food Security Emergency (C-SAFE) is used as a case study of an intervention in the above stated context. C-SAFE – composed of a consortium of international and local non-governmental organisations - is the largest humanitarian intervention programme that was created with the specific goal of ameliorating the food crisis in the Southern African region. They were primarily active in four countries: Lesotho, Malawi, Zambia and Zimbabwe. The study focuses on C-SAFE operations in these four countries in order to asses the impact of variable rainfall and HIV/Aids and other underlying causes – such as macroeconomic factors and government policy – on food insecurity in Southern Africa and to examine how these factors influence a humanitarian intervention programme such as C-SAFE. The most important findings of this study are that neither HIV/AIDS nor climate is driving food insecurity in Southern Africa. The impact of HIV/AIDS can however be devastating at household level. It is found that both factors, serve as catalysts bringing to the fore the underlying vulnerability of households. The findings of this study further suggest that interventions should provide resilience building to shocks such as drought, indicating a complex set of relief and developmental needs in the region. Furthermore, HIV/AIDS can be seen as a crisis in itself, requiring a comprehensive multisectoral response, however possibly requiring special attention in times of food insecurity. Finally it is argued that livelihoods erosion over time has meant that the work of relief agencies fulfilling their mandate, providing short-term relief to households and communities in need, regardless of the quality of such interventions, are ineffectual in addressing cycles of vulnerability in Southern Africa as inadequacies at national level, most notably a lack of government capacity, remain.
Human security as an influence on Japan’s contemporary Africa policy: principles, patterns and implications.
(Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2007-12) Van Wyk, Heste; Cornelissen, Scarlett; University of Stellenbosch. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
The end of the Cold War, marked by the shift from a bipolar to multipolar security order, prompted a significant change in Japan’s relations with Africa. New political and economic challenges, which are accelerated by the process of globalisation, have forced Japan to adjust its foreign policies accordingly- especially in the African context. The primary goal of this study is to analyse how the concept of human security has influenced Japan’s foreign policy towards Africa since 1998. This research question focuses on Official Development Assistance (ODA) and peacekeeping through the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations in Africa. The methodological nature of this study is qualitative. Secondary sources are mainly used. This study makes use of the two contending theoretical perspectives in the security paradigm, namely Neo- Realism and the Human Security Approach. An important part of the analysis is Japan’s middlepowership and why it has chosen human security as its niche diplomacy in the new security order. The findings of this study suggest that the reasons for this are, firstly that Japan has had to justify its continuing ODA cuts to Africa over the last decade, as well as its pacifist stance on peacekeeping, which sees it refraining from directly intervening in conflict situations. Other key findings of this study are that Japan’s motives for providing ODA to Africa prior to 1989 were mainly economic in nature and that diplomatic relations were limited. What also emerged from this study is that Japan’s most prominent foreign policy goals include a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council, establishing itself as a prominent global player both in political and economic realms, and securing favourable relations with states whose resources are vital to its expanding economy. Japan’s more recent relations with Africa can also be characterised by its multilateral approach, particularly through organisations such as the United Nations and the African Union. Important initiatives such as the Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD) have also played an important role in promoting African development. However, its future success will depend on coordinating TICAD and The New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) policies, with human security as a common goal. The implications of the findings of this study are that Japan will have to formulate a more coherent foreign policy on security, especially towards Africa. Secondly, since Japan is no longer the ODA giant that it used to be, it will have to find new ways of defining its relationship with Africa, particularly in terms of TICAD and the G8. Future research could expand the analysis to an investigation of Japan’s ODA disbursements to all Africa countries. Additional attention should also be given to Japan’s foreign policy in terms of peacebuilding, and how the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) is formulating these policies. Lastly, more research can be conducted on human security in general, and other aspects of it that are promoted through Japan’s foreign policy.
International media portrayals of the 2010 FIFA World Cup™ : an analysis of British and American print media, 2004-2010
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012-12) Moloi-Siga, Kgothatso; Cornelissen, Scarlett; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The onset of democracy in South Africa in 1994 was accompanied by the rise in bids for, and the hosting of sports mega-events so as to accomplish national interests and goals. This was done with the purpose of rebranding the South African image to the international community through national and international campaigns that sought to highlight the country’s aspirant status as a rainbow nation and its pan-Africanist ideals. This study investigates how, as host for the 2010 FIFA World Cup™, South Africa was reported on by two international online media newspapers, The New York Times (United States of America (USA)) and the Guardian (United Kingdom (UK)). The aim is to address an understudied aspect of South Africa’s hosting of the 2010 FIFA World Cup™ by reflecting systematically on the tone and content of international media portrayals of the event, both before and during the tournament. The study has two focuses. Firstly, it considers the motives for South Africa’s bid to host the 2010 FIFA World Cup™. Secondly, it appraises the content and nature of reporting in the two overseas newspapers. The study uses a mix of secondary and primary sources, which include academic journals, books, websites, newspaper articles and government and the FIFA websites. The findings of this study suggest that the bid to host the 2010 FIFA World Cup™ was based on the country’s positive experience from hosting previous sports mega-events. Additionally, South Africa wanted to showcase its commercial maturity, its development of physical infrastructure, and the presence of human skills. The motives underpinning the bid aimed at dispelling and challenging international misconceptions of the African continent. The novelty of an African country bidding to stage and hosting a sport mega-event such as the FIFA World Cup™ resulted in the country gaining extensive international media coverage from The New York Times and the Guardian. The qualitative and quantitative content analysis from these two newspapers yielded some commonality and recurrence of words such as: “stadium”, “tickets”, ‘vuvuzela”, “crime”, and “security”. The differences between the two newspapers were minimal, supporting the liberal-pluralist theoretical claim that the media acts as an agenda setter, and in line with the Marxist theory of the ideological role of the media. Media coverage of sports mega-events is important and influential in determining the way in which the host country is branded, and future studies are necessary to address the
The local impact of the Presidents Cup 2003 What lessons for sports tourism and development in South Africa?
(Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2005-03) Kies, Carolynne; Cornelissen, Scarlett; University of Stellenbosch. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
Tourism is regarded as the world’s largest industry. The various contributions the industry can make towards the global economy and towards creating employment has been acknowledged. In South Africa, sport has been used as a method of nation building and a way of building the country’s national prestige since its re-entry into the global community. The two sectors, tourism and sports, accompany with them the potential to create employment and generate economic spin-offs, as well as enhancing the quality of life for citizens. In light of the many benefits that sport and tourism can generate, South Africa has attempted to host and participate in numerous sports events. Since the end of apartheid, it has hosted several international sporting events, which include the Rugby World Cup in 1995 and the Cricket World Cup in 2003 as well as continental sporting events such as the Africa Cup of Nations in 1996. South Africa has also hosted international events of a smaller degree, which include the Presidents Cup 2003, held in George in the Western Cape. Golf tourism in the Garden Route in particular has escalated to a large degree. Some of the top golf courses can be found there and thus the Western Cape province is closely linked to the golf industry. The main focus of this study is to explore the impact that the Presidents Cup had on the town of George, its community members as well as its contribution towards the tourism industry. It attempts to investigate whether the event generated economic spin offs and whether it has resulted in development for the town and its people. Through a series of face- to- face interviews, the study explores what the perceptions are among key stakeholders in the community concerning the economic and other spin offs. One of the key findings is that the event has contributed to the escalation of various new golf estates in and around George and these has left community members disgruntled. This has resulted in provincial government placing a moratorium on any further development of golf estates along the Garden Route. It has also amounted to property values rising, making it difficult for the locals to afford proper housing. In an attempt to adequately address the issues that have been raised and to preserve and maintain the natural environment for future generations, it is the contention of this study that sustainable development is pivotal. If implemented in a proper way it can have far reaching benefits for all.
A Marxian-Senian critique of Zambia's political economy of labour: Chinese-State capital in Zambia's copper mining industry
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2021., 2021-12) Sobahle, Busiswa; Cornelissen, Scarlett; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: It is commonplace to observe China in Africa in realist and liberal IR/IPE state-centric terms. Rather, this thesis espouses a critical political economy approach to Chinese state-owned capital in Zambia’s copper mining industry. It is a critical qualitative study that examines the interplay between the Zambian state, Chinese capital and mining labour. With a critical focus on Zambia’s mining labour’s experiences and encounters with the Chinese state capital, the study employs Karl Marx’s theory of Alienated Labour and Amartya Sen’s Capability approach as a lens to focus and consider the bearing of Chinese capital on Zambia’s mining labour class. To study China in Zambia from a critical political economy perspective, the study draws on Robert Cox’s critical theory to hegemony as a contrast to mainstream IR theory which reduces hegemony to the domain of economic and military capabilities. The Coxian approach expands purview to include as part of hegemony social relations of production. In this way, I situate China’s engagement with Zambia’s political economy in the context of global capitalism, not as a state seeking a place in the sun, but as a social formation expressing the logic of capitalist social relations in Zambia. The findings of the study show that because mineworkers are alienated in their labour and that the bearing of the Chinese state capital on its Zambian labouring class limits its developmental potential. The analysis shows that there are two opposing political economies in Zambia – that of capital and that of the working class. To this end, I argue that labourers’ existential possibilities are conditioned by their position in society.
The People’s Republic of China’s “strategic partnerships” with South Africa : 1998-2013
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015-04) Sithole, Abel Moffat; Cornelissen, Scarlett; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The emergence of the People‘s Republic of China (PRC) as an economic superpower has become one of the most significant developments in world affairs in recent times. As the PRC has grown in economic significance, it seeks to translate this to all areas of its relationship with the rest of the world. Africa and African countries are a region where the PRC‘s involvement and engagement has elicits major consternation, especially from Western countries. However, this region, relative to its geographic and population size, natural endowments, and engagement with other regions andWestern countries in particular, remains insignificant in the PRC‘s external relations. South Africa enjoys very good diplomatic relations with the PRC, disproportionate to its significance with regard to the PRC‘s quest for resource that fuels its phenomenal economic resurgence. South Africa and the PRC‘s relationship has, within a decade, grown in depth and complexity that supersedes despite major asymmetries between them. South Africa is the first developing and African country with which the PRC established a comprehensive strategic partnership. While the concept of a ‗strategic partnership‘ remains unclear in international relations, it conveys a relationship of significance and stature that supplements ordinary bilateral relationships, although the latter are better defined and binding than the former. Clearly, the Chinese government attaches great importance to its relationship with South Africa. The advent of democracy and a thriving pluralistic socio-economic and cultural society that is admired despite the challenges it faces, makes South Africa an exemplar and desirable partner. South Africa‘s international stature and role in the international system, matches the PRC‘s objectives in this regard, making South Africa a good foil for PRC. However, this study contends that there are reasons that are beyond the well-worn natural resource extraction and diplomacy arguments that make South Africa attractive to the PRC. It uses asymmetry theory of international relations to explore and elucidate this. It explores what underpins, motivates and accounts for the rapid progression of this relationship and the implications this may have on their relationship in the future This thesis uses Womack‘s (2001, 2003, 2003a, 2006, 2006a, 2010) terminology and methodology to look at how South Africa and the PRC concentrate on areas of complementarity and cooperation and seek and foster mutual understanding and appreciation of each other‘s societies and histories. The thesis explore how they work to actively convert hostility to friendship and adroitly manage the relationship to prevent it drifting from friendship to hostility, as well as using what Womack calls routinization, neutralization and diplomatic ritual, in managing their partnership. From the perspective of asymmetry theory, the PRC and South Africa are complementary. South Africa is the largest; most sophisticated, developed and diversified economy in Africa and the developing world. It possesses or has access to technical and managerial knowhow that the PRC would have difficulty accessing elsewhere. South Africa remains a strategic maritime and naval route for the PRC‘s trade and accesses to key resources on the African continent and elsewhere. The study finds that asymmetry theory is useful in understanding how South Africa and the PRC manage their relationship. Asymmetry theory provides a framework to analyse the motivations and dynamic interactions that drive the progression of their diplomatic relations. The findings of the thesis imply a diplomatic relationship between South Africa and the PRC that is based on more than just the PRC‘s need for resources and diplomatic support in the international system.
The political economy of Indian and Chinese foreign direct investment and multinationals in sub-saharan Africa
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012-03) Messaris, Byron; Cornelissen, Scarlett; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Africa’s rising international profile and geopolitical significance as well as the continent’s relatively ‘under-exploited markets’ have been pull factors for many emerging economies. Globally, the developing and emerging economies of the world for the first time captured more than half of all global FDI in 2011. Changes in the global investment regime are a clear indication of the changing dynamics in the global economy. Since India and China’s FDI liberalisation processes began to gather steam in the 1990s, they have been amongst the most aggressive of the emerging economy investors. This study appraises the role of the government in facilitating investment by Indian and Chinese firms abroad, specifically Sub-Saharan Africa. The study analyses the motivations for such outward foreign direct invest flows, the sectoral trends, and the entry mode differences of Indian and Chinese firms’ investments in Sub-Saharan African markets. Yet, there is a lack of studies that focus on both Indian and Chinese investments in Sub-Saharan Africa. Drawing from theoretical constructs from political economy, International business /economics and International Political Economy - a framework is provided to assess the influence of these investments. The methodology is interpretive and qualitative and draws largely on secondary material from international organisations, government agencies, academic literature and the media. The study finds that the role of New Delhi and Beijing in facilitating and financing outward investments is strategic and pragmatic. These policies greatly influence firms, and the locations and types of their investments. South-South cooperation provides India and China with a framework for long-term political and economic investments and development cooperation with African states. India and China’s engagements in Sub-Saharan Africa share similar and dissimilar forms and motivations for FDI. Markets and resources are primary motivations for these two countries’ firms to invest in the region. India and China’s growing commercial activities in Sub-Saharan Africa provide the region with opportunities for further international market integration and development.
The politics of bidding and the politics of planning : a comparison of the FIFA World Cup in Germany and South Africa
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008-12) Kachkova, Anna; Cornelissen, Scarlett; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science. Centre for International and Comparative Politics.
This study focuses on the bidding for sports mega-events, their subsequent planning, and the politics surrounding these processes. The specific examples analysed here are those of the FIFA Football World Cup™ in Germany in 2006, and the forthcoming 2010 World Cup to be hosted by South Africa. The events are examined against a backdrop of increasing competition to host mega-events, spurred on by a widespread belief in the economic benefits that result from hosting, with a frequent disregard for the social and economic costs involved. Four central research questions are addressed in the course of this thesis. The first is the role of corporate actors and their influence on mega-events, the second is the question of what processes characterise both the bidding and planning stages of an event, including the main actors, agendas and discourses involved in both of these stages. Thirdly, the significance of hosting the World Cup in both the German and South African case is examined, and fourthly, the long-term implications of South Africa’s hosting of the 2010 World Cup, both for the country itself and for developing nations more broadly, is considered. The research methodology used for this thesis is predominately qualitative, and utilises mostly secondary sources, including books, academic articles, press articles, and information off the official websites of the football organisations involved. The main findings of this thesis are that while both countries in question had seemingly compelling reasons for hosting the World Cup, and while benefits can stem from the event, the longevity of such benefits is questionable, and the costs involved can be especially heavy in a developing context such as that of South Africa. Furthermore, those that stand to benefit the most from the events include transnational corporate actors, with the implication that significant financial gains never reach the host economy. Nevertheless, an ever-increasing willingness on the part of numerous nations to host mega-events means that the German and South African cases can provide lessons for future hosts, and South Africa’s World Cup has particular significance as a test case for mega-events hosted by developing nations. Finally, this thesis stresses the need for further research in this field. It also aims to break some new ground by examining the commonalities and contrasts to be found in the bidding and planning processes of a mega-event as carried out by a developed and a developing nation.
Post Apartheid South Africa at the United Nations: Patterns and implications
(Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009-03) Inglis, Jade L.; Cornelissen, Scarlett; University of Stellenbosch. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
South Africa has played an essential role as one of the founding members of both the League of Nations and the United Nations (UN), the latter of which came into existence in 1945. However, when the South African government introduced and pursued its policy of Apartheid, the country became a pariah within the international community. In 1994, after twenty years of international isolation, a new democratic government was sworn in and was immediately embraced by the international community. In their quest to further strengthen South Africa’s ongoing transformation from an isolated international pariah to an emerging leader of the developing world, the Mandela and Mbeki administrations adopted foreign policy adaptation strategies. These strategies were designed to adapt South African’s foreign policy to the new realities of the post-apartheid era: restructuring the foreign policy establishment; selfpromotion as the leader of the ‘African Renaissance’; adherence to the foreign policy principle of ‘universality’ and assuming a leadership role in international organizations. The United Nations has became one of the most important forums through which the international community’s rapprochement towards South Africa has manifested itself and has continued to play an important role in post-Apartheid South Africa’s international relations. South Africa’s global status has increased significantly through its participation in numerous UN bodies, agencies and General Assembly sessions. It has thus been argued that South Africa’s participation at the United Nations is driven by its intention to reform the organisation as well as showcase itself as a representative of the developing world and especially Africa, in an attempt to increase its global stature as a moral and African power. In addition to this it ostensibly seeks to profile itself as a multilateral leader. This thesis attempts to explore the nature of South Africa’s involvement and participation within the United Nations in the Post-Apartheid era and what the major consequences have been. It assesses the content and consequences of South African foreign policy rhetoric and institutional participation at the United Nations since the end of apartheid. This is done, first, through an attempt to understand the role of international organisations within the international arena and how they are utilised in furthering foreign policy objectives of states through cooperation (which constitutes the theoretical backdrop to the thesis), and second, through a systematic review of South African behaviour and policy objectives at the United Nations. Amongst others, one of the more important themes emerging from this analysis is that South Africa is combining many of its more recent UN initiatives with its participation in other multilateral partnerships.

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