Doctoral Degrees (History)
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Browsing Doctoral Degrees (History) by browse.metadata.advisor "Grundlingh, Albert M."
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- ItemAfrikanervroue se politieke betrokkenheid in historiese perspektief met spesiale verwysing na die Women’s National Coalition van 1991 tot 1994(Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2004-12) Maritz, Loraine; Grundlingh, Albert M.; University of Stellenbosch. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of History.Toe die onderhandeling vir ‘n nuwe demokratiese bestel in Suid-Afrika na 1990 begin is, het dit ‘n tydperk ingelei waar talle kwessies oor menseregte na vore gekom het. Ook vroue het die geleentheid aangegryp om vrouesake en gender-verhoudings op die nasionale agenda te plaas in ‘n poging om die onregverdighede van die verlede aan te spreek. Die Women’s National Coalition (WNC) is in 1992 amptelik gestig uit vrees dat vroue van die belangrike politieke prosesse wat die toekoms van Suid-Afrika sou bepaal, uitgesluit sou word. Die doelwitte van die WNC was om inligting oor vroue se behoeftes en aspirasies in te samel en dit in ‘n Vrouehandves saam te vat wat uiteindelik ‘n integrale deel van die nuwe grondwet van Suid-Afrika sou word. Die WNC was ‘n inisiatief van die African National Congress Women’s League (ANCWL). Die swart vrou in Suid-Afrika se onderdrukking was drieledig: sy was onderdruk as vrou, deur patriargie en deur apartheid. Sy het polities aktief geraak toe haar familiestrukture bedreig is en het teen paswette, swak behuising, en uitsetttingsaksies van die regering, geprotesteer. Tydens die 1980’s het swart vroue wat aan die noodtoestand blootgestel is, se politieke betrokkenheid verander en sy het ‘n rewolusionêre vryheidsvegter geword. In die buiteland het die swart vrou wat in die bevrydingstryd betrokke was geleidelik erkenning in die ANC gekry. Hierdie vroue was ná 1990 gedetermineerd dat hul verwagtinge vir totale gelykberegtiging in die demokratiese Suid-Afrika sal realiseer. In hierdie proefskrif val die soeklig veral op die Afrikanervrou en -vroueorganisasies wat by die WNC aangesluit het. As Afrikanernasionalis was haar politieke betrokkenheid in die verloop van die geskiedenis marginaal. Met geïsoleerde aktivistiese optrede soos die vroue-optogte van 1915 en 1940, asook die militantheid van die vakbondvroue, het Afrikanervroue hoofsaaklik die veilige ruimte van die liefdadigheidsterrein gebruik om hul politieke voorkeure uit te leef. Afrikanervroue se betrokkenheid in die stemregbeweging was op aandrang van die mans en by insinuasie ook die optogte van 1915 en 1940. Met die magsoorname van die Nasionale Party het die Afrikanervrou polities onbetrokke geraak. Haar funksie was hoofsaaklik die van moeder en vrou en ondersteunend van die heersende ideologie. Met die aftakeling van apartheid is talle tradisionele Afrikanersimbole bevraagteken. Meer as 40% van die Afrikaner het by die meer regse partye aangesluit. Hierdie gebeure het die Afrikanervrou aan die begin van die 1990’s sonder ‘n spesifieke identiteit gelaat. Met die onderhandelings vir die toekomstige demokratiese bestel ‘n werklikheid, was die Afrikanervrou in ‘n onbenydenswaardige identiteitskrisis gedompel. Sy wou apolities bly, maar is deur Afrikanerintelligentsia en politici aangesê om die politieke wêreld te betree. Aan die anderkant wou Afrikanerkultuurorganisasies die Afrikanerkultuur inklusief beveilig. Die Afrikanervroue het moeilik by die WNC aangepas. Daar was talle praktiese probleme, maar dit was veral haar gebrek aan politieke vernuf, en die vyandigheid van swart vroue wat die vergaderings van die WNC domineer het, wat haar betrokkenheid in die wiele gery het. Die gedagte het ook by feitlik al die Afrikanervroue ontstaan dat die WNC ‘n politieke rookskerm was vir die ANC om sy magsbasis te versterk. Die spanninge van die Veelparty-onderhandelinge het ook na die WNC oorgespoel en vertragings en opskorting van lidmaatskap tot gevolg gehad. Daar was Afrikanervroue wat hul belewenis van die WNC as volkome positief ervaar het, wat dit as geleentheid gesien het om by vrouebemagtiging en politieke onderhandelinge betrokke te raak. Die meerderheid van vroue wat by hierdie ondersoek betrek is, was egter onseker en het die negatiewe aspekte van hul belewenis hulle die ondervinding laat bevraagteken. Daar was selfs vroue wat slegs die vyandigheid onthou het. Uiteindelik het Afrikanervrou nie heeltmal aangepas by die WNC nie en was ook nie werklik betrokke nie.
- ItemGone and almost forgotten the dynamics of professional white football in SA 1959-1990(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2016-03) Venter, Gustav Barend; Grundlingh, Albert M.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of History.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study has been positioned as a contribution to the emerging literature relating to issues of transformation in South African sport by exploring historical change in the demographics of professional football in South Africa at an institutional level. Through the use of archival documentation, contemporary media material and oral sources, it considers the political, economic and social factors that influenced white professional football during the period 1959–90, with a focus on the disappearance of the whites-only National Football League (NFL) and the subsequent struggles by its constituent clubs within integrated professional football prior to unity. The original contribution of this study to the scholarship pertaining to South African football spans multiple dimensions. In addition to arguing that new elements need to be considered in the debate regarding the NFL’s demise in the late 1970s, it also contains the first in-depth analysis of the relationship between the National Party’s multinational sports policy and South African football historically. Consequently it contributes to the broader literature exploring the nexus between sport, politics and race in South African sport generally. It further analyses the trajectory of former NFL clubs – and their disappearance over time – in the period subsequent to the white league’s disbandment. This constitutes a new axis of analysis within the historiography of South African football. By the time football unity arrived in 1991 only two former (white) NFL clubs remained within the top tier of South African professional football – this after the NFL had experienced notable popularity during the 1960s and early 1970s. The analysis of this drastic historical shift relating to institutional white football represents an important marker regarding the complex and multifaceted range of historical variables that impacted the game locally during the period 1959–90. As a result this study offers historical perspective to current debates on sporting transformation. It is argued that despite the fact that football itself has largely been positioned outside these debates, the study thereof still serves as a crucial lens through which to consider the demographic fluidity that has been present within South African sport historically.
- ItemSir William Milton : a leading figure in public school games, colonial politics and imperial expansion 1877-1914(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013-03) Winch, Jonathan R. T.; Grundlingh, Albert M.; Nasson, W. R.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of History.This investigation is aimed at providing a better understanding of William Milton’s influence on society in southern Africa over a period of more than thirty years. In the absence of any previous detailed work, it will serve to demonstrate Milton’s importance in restructuring the administration, formulating policy and imposing social barriers in early Rhodesia – factors that will contribute to the research undertaken by revisionist writers. It will also go some way towards answering Lord Blake’s call to discover exactly what the Administrator did and how he did it. Milton’s experiences at the Cape are seen as being essential to an understanding of the administration he established in Rhodesia. Through examining this link – referred to by historians but not as yet explored in detail – new knowledge will be provided on Rhodesia’s government in the pre-First World War period. The Cape years will offer insight into Milton’s working relationship with Rhodes and his involvement in the latter’s vision of the region’s social form and future. They will also shed light on Milton’s attitude towards people of colour. Cricket and rugby are key themes running through Milton’s life. The study will illuminate much about the creation of South African sport at a time when the public school games ethic was important in the nature of empire. Milton made an enormous but controversial contribution to the playing of the games, club culture, facilities, administration, international competition and who was eligible to represent South Africa.
- Item"Stinky and smelly - but profitable" : the Cape guano trade, c.1843 - 1910(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2011-12) Snyders, Hendrik; Swart, Sandra S.; Grundlingh, Albert M.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of History.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Soil infertility and concomitant low levels of food security under conditions of population pressure and land scarcity have been, and still remain, one of society’s most daunting challenges. Over time, societies have tried to maximize the yield from the available land through the use of various fertilisers. In the 19th century in the midst of an environment infertility crisis, guano (bird dung) from the Peruvian coastal islands became, through a combination of factors, the international fertilizer of choice for most commercial farmers. As a result, a combination of natural factors, monopoly control and price manipulation contributed to the relative scarcity of the product. Nevertheless, strategic manoeuvring between the major players prevented any significant change in the supply regime. News of discoveries along the African coasts in the 1840s, some inside the territorial waters of the Cape Colony, introduced a new dimension to the trade. Both established merchant houses and new contenders strategised in an attempt to gain monopoly control. These events created new policy crises for the Cape Colony, the closest legal authority, and led to new policy and other initiatives in the absence of imperial precedents. The trade in guano also impacted on constitutional, political and scientific developments in the colony. Key amongst these was the struggle for monopoly control over both the Cape- and Ichaboe-based supply, which pitted individuals, family members and businesses against each other. The process became intertwined with political developments such as the transfer of political control from the Imperial authorities to the colonies. In addition, a coercive labour system developed under the colonial administration and colonial farmers struggled for fair access to the fertiliser, which added another dimension to the trade.
- ItemSurfing, gender and politics : identity and society in the history of South African surfing culture in the twentieth-century.(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015-03) Thompson, Glen; Grundlingh, Albert M.; Swart, Sandra S.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of History.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study is a socio-cultural history of the sport of surfing from 1959 to the 2000s in South Africa. It critically engages with the “South African Surfing History Archive”, collected in the course of research, by focusing on two inter-related themes in contributing to a critical sports historiography in southern Africa. The first is how surfing in South Africa has come to be considered a white, male sport. The second is whether surfing is political. In addressing these topics the study considers the double whiteness of the Californian influences that shaped local surfing culture at “whites only” beaches during apartheid. The racialised nature of the sport can be found in the emergence of an amateur national surfing association in the mid-1960s and consolidated during the professionalisation of the sport in the mid-1970s. Within these trends, the making and maintenance of an exemplar white surfing masculinity within competitive surfing was linked to national identity. There are three counter narratives to this white, male surfing history that have been hidden by that same past. Firstly, the history women’s surfing in South Africa provides examples of girl localisms evident within the masculine domination of the surf. Herein submerged women surfer voices can be heard in the cultural texts and the construction of surfing femininities can be seen within competitive surfing. Secondly, surfing’s whiteness was not outside of the political. The effects of the international sports boycott against apartheid for South African surfing were two-fold: international pressure on surfing as a racialised sport led to sanctions in the late 1970s against the amateur national surfing teams competing internationally or maintaining international sporting contacts; and, as of 1985, the boycott by professional surfers of events on the South African leg of the world surfing tour further deepened South African surfing’s sports isolation. By the end of the 1980s, white organised surfing was in crisis and the status of South African as a surfing nation in question. Lastly, the third counter-narrative is the silenced histories of black surfing under apartheid. Alongside individual black surfer histories, the non-racial surfing movement in the mid-to-late 1980s is considered as a political and cultural protest against white organised surfing. The rationale for non-racial sport was challenged in 1990 as South Africa began its political transition to democracy. Nevertheless, the South African Surfing Union, the national non-racial surfing body, played a pivotal role in surfing’s unification in 1991 which led to South African amateur surfing’s return to international competition in 1992. However, it was an uneasy unity within organised surfing that set the scene for surfing development as a strategy for sports transformation in the post-apartheid years. The emergence of black surfing localisms after 1994 is located within that history, with attention given to the promotion of young, male Zulu surfers within competitive surfing, which point to emergent trends in the Africanisation of surfing in the 2000s. It is concluded is that while cultural change in South African surfing is evident in the post-apartheid present, that change is complicated by surfing’s gendered and apartheid sporting pasts.